PERSPECTIVES

hence suggested recruitment through March for Backwardness open competition rather than reserva- tion. This would compel us to raise the The Marathas’ Transition from question, what are the factors that led the Competition to Concession Marathas to transition from the mode of competition to concession? Second, what are the background conditions that can explain the Rajagopal Devara demand for reservation? Why has the demand become so acute today than Overviewing the historical ssertion, agitation and protest for ever before? What are its constitutive trajectory of the demand for the and against reservation policy in conditions that can explain the acute- reservations for Marathas, the A India have a long history which ness that has led to the intensifi cation of began in the closing years of colonial agitation lasting almost for three years background conditions for such rule1 but continue in a much more inten- and continuing even today? This would demand are sought be explained. sifi ed form even after the independence make it necessary to elaborate on the The nature of the agitation for (Bose 1981). In the most recent times, socio-economic and educational condi- reservations and the political there have been many interconnected tions of the Marathas in . developments that occurred across the Third, what has been the nature of the response to the agitation states in India as well as in Maharashtra. expression of the agitation for the reser- are analysed. Across the states, several middle order vation for the Maratha ? This ques- social/caste groups like the Jats, Gujjars, tion becomes important in the contex Patel and Kapus have been agitating for where it was observed that the agitation, reservation and demanding that they be by and large, remained silent and rela- included in the quota system that has tively peaceful. Thus, it would be quite been implemented in the country right interesting to explain the uniqueness of from its independence. In such agitational the expression and assertion for reserva- politics, the Marathas2 from Maharashtra tion. Fourth, what has been the response have been another intermediate, but domi- of the political class to the agitation? nant caste3 group to assert demand for This question becomes crucial once again reservation in public employment and in the context where the established educational institutions. political leadership from the state was However, the recent Maratha asser- almost totally kept out of the agitation. tion for reservation has been signifi cant Was the agitation, therefore, apolitical in historical sense and quite unique in its in nature? It would be important to articulation and expression of the de- throw some light on the state govern- mand for reservation. It is unique on ac- ment’s response to the Maratha demand counts of the silent mode that the lead- for reservation. And fi nally, how did the ers of the agitation adopted in order to judiciary respond to the concessions push their demands. It has historical sig- granted by the state in response to the nifi cance since at one point in time Mar- agitation for reservation? What is the athas were against the very idea of reser- way forward? These questions become vation (Omvedt 1981). Now, in the most important in the context of the Supreme contemporary times, they have shifted Court’s verdict which has struck down their stance and are agitating for reser- the Maharashtra State Reservation for vation for themselves. This shift in the Socially and Educationally Backward Maratha position on reservation compels Classes (SEBC) Act, 2018. Let us then see us to address the following questions. in brief the historical trajectory of the First, are the Marathas demanding Maratha demand for reservation. reservation for the fi rst time or were they ever the benefi ciary of reservation policy Historical Trajectory Rajagopal Devara ([email protected]) is in its historical evolution? As a corollary Several committees and commissions4 Principal Secretary (Reforms), Department of to this question, at one point in time, the that were instituted from time to time by Finance, Government of Maharashtra. Marathas were against reservation, and the union government and also the state

Economic & Political Weekly EPW july 10, 2021 vol lVi no 28 45 PERSPECTIVES government to study socio-economic and the reservation for the Marathas, reser- from economically underdeveloped region educational backwardness of the vation is based not only on the economic of Marathwada are more disadvantaged other than the Scheduled Caste (SC) and and education criterion but on caste as compared to the Marathas from western Scheduled Tribe (ST), did not include criteria, meaning thereby, that within and southern Maharashtra (Devara 2020). Marathas in the policy framework of res- the quota, there is no distinction between These Marathas are disadvantaged in ervation (Devara 2020). In this regard, it the lower- and the upper-class Marathas; terms of retaining control over the land is interesting to note that in 1902, Shahu everyone within the caste are placed on as a source of income. Due to adverse Maharaj, the prince of princely an equal footing and are thus identical. climatic conditions and the lack of sus- state, reserved 50% seats in public em- The policy presupposes the Marathas as tainable sources of income, Marathas ployment for the Marathas and other a socially homogeneous group. Although, from the villages studied by the author lower castes.5 Later, in 1919, the South- one cannot deny the fact that in social are more prone to sell their piece of borough Commission also reserved few terms the caste is divided into 96 clans land. The internal economic disparities seats for Marathas in the legislative bodies and 92 clans where the former are con- within Marathas can further be deline- that were created in the fi rst half of the sidered as pure. One has to accept that ated from the following account of the 20th century.6 Maratha caste is not a homogeneous economic status of Marathas. However, after independence, the Mara- social entity. Like other communities in Capitalist development mediated thro- thas along with other non-untouchable India, apart from the stratifi cation based ugh the process of urbanisation, com- castes like Brahmins, Rajputs and Bhumi- on the social structure and inherent hier- bined with the rise of new Maratha lead- hars, did not form the part of reservation archy, there is an economic stratifi ca- ership through the green revolution and policy that was continued only for the tion, which is visible within the Maratha the cooperative sugar factories in the SC/ST and Anglo Indian community.7 community. state, has thrown up new patterns of in- Thus, till the recommendation of the For instance, one does not require ternal stratifi cation among the Maratha– Gaikwad Committee constituted by the statistics to prove the economic division cluster. According to a study con- Government of Maharashtra, Marathas among the Marathas of Marathwada and ducted by Dehspande and Palshikar in were unsuccessful in their attempt to seek western Maharashtra. The landholdings 2008, “Around 20 per cent of sampled recommendation from the commissions8 of the Marathas of western Maharashtra, Maratha respondents were landless la- and the committees that were constituted are endowed with perennial irrigation bourers and 15 per cent had less than by the state government to assess the and resultant cash crops and agri-pro- three acres each.” The survey found only socio-economic and educational back- cessing industry and dairy produce. 3% of rich Marathas among the sampled wardness that served the basis for recom- Poor irrigation resources in Marathwada families in 2014. The same scholars con- mendation for reservation. Failure to get do have an adverse impact on the agri- ducted another survey in 2013 among institutional backup led the Marathas to cultural productivity and related agro- 800 households in two villages, one in demand for a separate committee so industrial products. According to a rough western Maharashtra and the other in that their demand for reservation could estimate, an average Maratha farmer Marathwada, and concluded that “land be justifi ed. Though it was a procedural with a landholding of 2 acre cultivating ownership patterns suggest nearly 65 reason to understand the Maratha agita- sugar cane from rich western Maharashtra per cent of Marathas are poor, whereas tion for reservation, there were struc- earns a minimum of `2.40 lakh per annum hardly four per cent own more than 20 tural reasons too that led the Marathas besides supplemental income of `60,000 acres of land and thus may be classifi ed as to demand reservation. from dairy/allied activities.9,10 Whereas rich farmers” (Kushal and Mishra 2015). their counterpart from Marathwada earn The disadvantage and the resultant From Competition to Concession an average income of around `70,000 to sense of deprivation emanated on the As mentioned above, the demand for `75,000 per hectare from cotton and one hand from declining income from reservation for Marathas suggests that soya bean together under kharif and agriculture, and on the other, their inabil- they are making a move from competition rabi season.11,12 Besides assured irrigation, ity to fi nd alternative opportunities and to concession or more protective entry sugar cane cultivation gives steady in- employment in the techno-innovation into the employment market and higher come to Maratha farmers from western driven new job market (Kumar 2009). education avenues. This would make it Maharashtra, as the Marathwada farmers In post-independence India, Marathas necessary for us to examine the factors are exposed to market price fl uctuations, have enjoyed uninterrupted political other than the institutional rejection that monsoon failures with no/little supple- hegemony in Maharashtra. Being numeri- the Marathas have had to face at many mental income from dairy and allied cally preponderant community, electoral committees and commissions. These fac- agricultural activities. Thus, the landed democracy based on the principle of tors are socio-economic and educational assets, cropping pattern, nature of crop, simple majority and working of vote bank backwardness among the Marathas. irrigational facilities, market prices and politics, helped them to capture political Interestingly, one has to keep in mind its fl uctuations determine the difference power in the state. The Maratha domi- that while there is economic criterion in economic condition of farmers in dif- nance in the state politics can also be that is considered as the basis to justify ferent regions of Maharashtra. Marathas understood in terms of their hold over

46 july 10, 2021 vol lVi no 28 EPW Economic & Political Weekly PERSPECTIVES the land, agro-processing industries like, their bet on the government employment. agitators to the misuse and manipula- sugar, milk and other by-products of sugar These are, probably, some of the basic tion that normally happens when the and milk. In this regard, it has also to be factors that can explain the Maratha agitation is taken over by politicians. In kept in mind that with the process of demand for reservation in education the context of the unique nature of the land transfer and subsequent govern- and employment in government sector. morchas, it is necessary to explain the ment policies that promoted green revo- nature of uniqueness of the agitation. lution impacting agricultural growth, Nature and Scope of the Morcha Maratha Mook Morchas or silent they emerged as an economically domi- The agitation is now known as the agitation involved a series of agitations nant community too, which helped them “Maratha Mook Morcha”13 (the Silent witnessed over three years, on different to consolidate power, particularly in Maratha Agitation). The agitation that dates and different parts of Maharashtra western Maharashtra (Kumar 2009). looked overtly silent, in consequences, between 2016 and 2018. Altogether 52 However, turbulent 1990s witnessed was inwardly vocal, if not volcanic. The demonstrations, equal in size, were or- major setback, both economically and silent mode can be explained in terms of ganised in a span of three years across politically, to the Maratha community. the leaders who led the agitation used Maharashtra. These have come to be The setback and erosion of economic and both the rhetorical as well as constitu- recognised with the expressive manifes- political power can be attributed to three tional language more powerfully and tation of the Maratha dissent in many most important events in the history of effectively. The Maratha Morcha followed ways. These demonstrations for reserva- the state. These events are the structural such a mode almost throughout the agi- tion for the Marathas were unique in adjustment programmes, the Other Back- tation period that, in the fi rst phase, more than one way. First, in the history of ward Classes (OBC) reservation and the lasted for the longer duration of three Maratha mobilisation on various issues, implementation of 73rd and 74th Constitu- years from 2018 to 2020. the agitation for reservation has been tional Amendment Acts, which opened The Maratha demand for reservation spectacular both in terms of intensity the domains of political representation was primarily and rightly aimed at the and magnitude. Several lakhs of Marathas to women and backward communities. central government as well as the judici- from all over the state participated in such These interventions have disrupted the ary. It, however, was mediated through demonstration. Second, the Maratha dominant position of the Maratha com- the state government. The agitation was mobilisation over the issue of reservation munity as well as increased the social/ unique for its silent mode that it chose to took place independent of the formal economic visibility of other communi- put the demands across the relevant insti- association with political parties in the ties. Thus, having sensed the trend the tutions of redressal, such as government state. The character of the morchas was Marathas have attempted to usurp the and most importantly the judiciary. Look- autonomous in the sense that it was led demographic imagination through “Mook ing at the actual mobilisation of Marathas, by a new young leadership that came Morchas,” clearly articulating the de- one could also add here that the asser- from outside the formal political parties. mand for reservation in education and tion was rather dynamic if not dramatic. Political parties and their leaders were public employment. It was dynamic in terms of the energy visibly absent or given a back seat, thus Agrarian distress and unemployment that was demonstrated in mobilising the making the agitation apolitical (Malik are the two important factors that can agitators who were mostly young. 2017; Hindu 2016). Undeniably, collec- explain the large-scale participation of the The morchas were unique in another tive community leadership of multiple Marathas in the agitation. As Marathas important sense that they managed to organisations led the movement till the are primarily an agrarian community, maintain self-restraint in the street end (India Today 2017). they are directly affected by the three demonstration that by its very logic of main factors that are constitutive of physical density tends to acquire violent agrarian distress. These are, unpredict- expression. But Maratha morchas, where able natural conditions, such as uneven several lakhs of people demonstrated on rain pattern, faulty implementation of the streets, managed to stay peaceful in minimum support price and market- pressing for reservation. This arguably determined agricultural inputs. Most im- was different from the history of violence Through EPW Engage, portantly, the growing fragmentation of that is associated with the agitation for our new digital initiative, we seek to land and the inability of agriculture to reservation that took place both in Maha- explore new and exciting possibilities provide adequate work opportunity to rashtra and other parts of India.14 Final- of communicating research in a Maratha youth propels them to seek ly, the morchas were also unique for two creative and accessible manner alternative work options outside agri- added reasons. First, women were in the to a wider audience. culture. Since, the private sector does not forefront of the agitation. Second, the offer much scope for employment that agitation was led without the formal and www.epw.in/engage seeks to be based on reservation criteri- open support of established political on, the Marathas, like other castes such parties from the state (Devara 2020). as the OBCs and the , are putting Most importantly, this did not lend the

Economic & Political Weekly EPW july 10, 2021 vol lVi no 28 47 PERSPECTIVES Third, the planning of the morchas apolitical character was thought to be an more than 32% of the state population, was quite meticulous and systematically effective strategy to enlist their support. ignoring their demand would mean politi- orga nised in total silence, carried out Non-Maratha communities too supported cal sidelining. Even though political class without any violence and/or forceful dis- and participated in the Maratha agita- was not allowed public participation in ruption of public activities. Their slogans tion as the reports around the time sug- demonstrations by agitators, their subtle were not explosive in nature as it did gested (Times of India 2016). The support involvement was obviously seen, felt not connate any violent meaning and of other castes was not voluntary but out and discussed throughout the state. Each message. The slogans were liberal and of intuition. In fact, there is structural state has a capacity to absorb the demands inclusive of socially diverse symbols logic that can explain the other castes’ and aspirations generated due to chang- like Shivaji Maharaj, B R Ambedkar and support to Maratha protest for reserva- ing socio-economic developments. The Jotirao Phule. Finally, the demographic tion. The asymmetry in land–labour state responded politically in terms of dis- character of the morchas suggested that, relations can explain this visible sup- cussion and negotiation on the demands by and large, they were composed of port. The study undertaken by the author through positive engagements with the youth and led by both male and female in Marathwada region corroborated that community and its leadership. In order youth, who were in the forefront of these the backward castes and Dalits who to appease such agitations, the state morchas. Finally, the language that was labour on the Maratha land also volun- agencies, especially the police, under the used to communicate their demand was tarily supported the agitation. As our pretext of security, law and order, engaged seemingly moderate, constitutional and study shows (Devara 2020), even the in collection of local intelligence for the devoid of any violent expression. Although agricultural labourers also extended purpose of further negotiation and fore- there was an occasional emotional their support to Maratha agitation. This cast the extent to which the agitation outburst that could be heard during support could be understood in terms the may go. The community representatives the morachs, these overtures could be labour’s dependence on the landowners in the law and order machinery partici- explained in the background of the from the villages that were studied. The pated “positively” in the agitation. The Kopardi case.15 subordination of labourers working for friendly approach of the state towards the Moreover, one could also notice the wages on the farm/at home tending to agitators and the series of demonstra- symbolic expression of valour that is land and household work of the master tions ensured its peaceful conduct, with associated with the heroic history of morally obliges them to participate in no or mild cases fi led against agitators, the great Maratha king, Shivaji Maharaj. the master-promoted agitation. which were later withdrawn. Although brandishing “bhagva” (saffron) It could be argued that the agitation in Second, the agitation also demands fl ag, a typical headgear connoting the a way reinforced the classical feudal administrative response in terms of cultural power of the Marathas, and the landlord–labour relationship. The unity (i) initiation of reservation policy, and sword with a trumpet (tutari in Marathi) and solidarity of the Marathas was sus- (ii) various other policy interventions to reinforced the emotionally charged cul- tained till the fi nal culmination of the strengthen the claims made during the tural identity underlying the historical morchas in August 2018. Also, slogans agitation. These affi rmative interventions pride, brought in cohesion as an ethnic such as “Shivaji Maharaj ki jai” “Jai may benefi t the community, even if the unit of the Marathas. Interestingly, new Bhavani, jai Shivaji” which reverberated implementation of the Maharashtra State age communication tools were extensively through the agitation for reservation for Reservation for Socially and Educationally used during the agitation by the Maratha three long years, ended in generating a Backward Classes (SEBC) Act, 2018 is youth to connect, organise and mobilise new slogan “Ek Maratha, lakh Maratha” delayed on the grounds of constitution- the community. The leaders used, rather (one Maratha person is equal to a lakh ality of the reservation. It also acts as an effi ciently, the electronic media in order Marathas) that was made popular during immediate response to satisfy the demand to mobilise the Maratha youth. Electronic the course of the agitation. of agitation. For instance, the state re- and social media did help the agitation sponded by setting up SARTHI (Chhatrapati to acquire an extensive coverage of the State Response Shahu Maharaj Research, Training and morchas throughout the duration of the While the agitations did continue in the Human Development Institute) in 2018. demonstration. The morcha was effec- state, it was but natural that the state The main objectives being educational tively aided by an extensive use of digital would react to the street agitations and attainment, skill development, training media and technology to establish its sig- respond to the claims and assertions of and employment enhancement, including nifi cance without being formally associ- the protesting community. self-employment among the Marathas. ated with political parties. First and foremost, the ruling political However, the debate on reservation There was a kind of politics of project- class and opposition openly welcomed centres around the internal inequalities ing apolitical character so as to appeal the agitation and sympathised with its amongst Marathas, although the gov- to all sections within as well as outside demand for reservation. In fact, all politi- ernment and Gaikwad committee have the large Maratha–Kunbi cluster. A large cal parties strived in competition to sup- taken Marathas as one unit for the con- section of Maratha youth exists outside the port the cause of the Marathas. Obviously, sideration of reservation. One could also party framework and hence maintaining Maratha being majority community, with argue that, since agriculture has become

48 july 10, 2021 vol lVi no 28 EPW Economic & Political Weekly PERSPECTIVES less promising, in terms of providing sus- landholdings along with the cattle and skill sets to compete for jobs in the new tained source of survival, the Marathas livestock rearing are economically satis- digital economy driven by neo-liberalism. have taken to higher education. But they fying to these communities. Thus the anxieties manifested in un- fi nd a mismatch between the degree precedented three-year protest move- obtained and the corresponding job op- Conclusions ment for reservation. The signifi cance of portunity available. Few Marathas were In the Maratha collective consciousness, the fi rst phase of the Maratha agitation well-educated but showed discontent there seems to be a cognitive element for reservation, which ended in August with the state and other competing that was at work during the agitation for 2018, by and large remained silent. This communities as they could not afford reservation. It is this element that had was evident in the methods of agitation providing higher education to their bearing on the silent nature of the agita- that was driven along the constitutional community members. On the contrary, tion. The protesters were aware that the and legal routes to press for their de- the SC community, though moderately question of reservation is not political but mands. The collective mind of Marathas educated, on account of reservation, could legal and constitutional but needed to be is refl ected in the Maratha Mook Morchas capture jobs mostly of schoolteachers, pursued through the state government. although it looked silent in terms of the bus drivers/conductors, linemen and The silent nature succeeded because there absence of the ruling elites who were other Class III positions in public sector, was a positive response from the state kept outside the purview of agitation. which ensured a fi xed monthly income government and the entire political class for them. The other communities were of the state. The agitation did emanate Notes found to be less educated than the Mar- from the agricultural distress, which 1 Initial opposition to the political reservation of untouchables is a prime example, which athas due to their “social status.” The was intensifi ed due to the loss of employ- subsequently culminated in the communities still carry out traditional ment opportunities in the agricultural of 1932. occupation to a great extent and attain sector and on the other hand reduced 2 Marathas are demographically dominant peas- ant caste and are located in the middle of the maximum high school education. There agricultural incomes and inability to caste hierarchy in Maharashtra. is reluctance to study more due to less support higher education. The Maratha 3 Srinivas (1987) fi rst defi ned the term “dominant caste” to refer to the caste in the villages which availability of schools and colleges youth neither fi nd job opportunities in is numerically strong and also wields the greatest within the nearby area. Moreover, the the agriculture, nor are they equipped with economic and social power.

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Economic & Political Weekly EPW july 10, 2021 vol lVi no 28 49 PERSPECTIVES

4 For detailed information, refer to Galanter (1984). References Standard, 29 October, https://www.business- 5 Rajashree Shahu Maharaj of Karveer State Bose, P K (1981): “Social Mobility and Caste Vio- standard.com/article/economy-policy/why- (Kolhapur) through two notifi cations on lence: A Study of the Gujarat Riots,” Economic dominant-castes-want-other-backward-class- 26 July 1902 and 2 August 1902 that provided & Political Weekly, Vol 16, No 16, April. es-status-115102801691_1.html. reservation of seats in public employment to Deshpande, A and R Ramachandran (2017): “Domi- Maletz, D (2015): “Tocqueville’s Tangents to Demo- the backward classes, wherein Maratha com- nant or Backward? Political Economy of Demand cracy,” American Political Thought, Vol 4, No 4 munity was also included. for Quotas by Jats,” Economic & Political Weekly, (Fall 2015), pp 612–31. 6 On 31 January 1919, Southborough Committee Patels and Marathas (eds), May. Malik, Faisal (2017): “ Maratha Kranti Mor- on franchise decided to give representation to Devara, Rajagopal (2020): “Dissent among Dominant cha: Last Rally a Success, Community Leaders non-Brahmins, Bhaskar Rao Jadhav and the Communities: Demand for Backward Status; Unsure of Next Step,” Hindustan Times, 10 August, Maratha League demanded separate represen- A Case Study of Maratha Silent Morchas in viewed on 2 May 2021, https://www.hindusta- tation for the Marathas. Maharashtra,” unpublished PhD Thesis sub- ntimes.com/mumbai-news/mumbai-maratha- 7 Anglo Indians had two seats reserved in the mitted to TISS, Mumbai kranti-morcha-last-rally-a-success-communi- lower House of Indian Parliament. See Omvedt Galanter, M (1984): Competing Equality, Oxford ty-leaders-unsure-of-next-step/story-nZHJkf- (1976). University Press, 6c0OiIZgiPeLGNLP.html. 8 Union government-appointed Backward Classes Hindu (2016): “Sharad Pawar Denies Role in Agita- New Indian Express (2017): “Marathas Take Out commissions headed by Kaka Kalelkar and tion as Marathas Stage Another Rally in Hingoli,” Massive March in Mumbai to Press for Quota,” B N Mandal did not include Maratha caste in 19 September, viewed on 2 May 2021, https:// 9 August, viewed on 2 May 2021, https://www. the list of “Backwards.” Maharashtra govern- www.thehindu.com/news/cities/mumbai/ newindianexpress.com/cities/mumbai/2017/ ment had appointed commissions headed by Sharad-Pawar-denies-role-in-agitation-as- aug/09/marathas-take-out-massive-march-in- S N Khatri, R M Bapat and B P Saraf to study Marathas-stage-another-rally-in-Hingoli/arti- mumbai-to-press-for-quota-1640612.html. and recommend socially and educationally cle14987792.ece. Omvedt, G (1976): “Cultural Revolt in Colonial backward classes as defi ned under Article India Today (2017): “Maratha Kranti Morcha Shows Society: The Non-brahmin Movement in 15(4) of the Indian Constitution. However, Its Might in Mumbai March, Government Gives Western India, 1873-1930,” Bombay Scientifi c Marathas failed to meet the assessment criteria In,” 9 August, viewed on 2 May 2021, https:// Socialist Education Trust, Bombay. and thus were not recommended to be included www.indiatoday.in/india/story/maratha- — (1981): “Maratha Melava,” Economic & Political in “Other Backward Classes” by all the three kranti-morcha-protest-mumbai-devendra-fad- Weekly, Vol 17, No 6, pp 185–86. commissions. navis-1028788-2017-08-09. Mint (2018): “OBCs, Dalits Consolidate in the Face 9 Western Maharashtra is one of the most pros- Iqbal, Mohammed (2020): “Gujjar Agitation Hits of Maratha Movement,” 12 October, viewed on perous regions and being predominantly irri- Rail, Road Traffi c in Rajasthan,” Hindu, 20 No- 2 May 2021, https://www.livemint.com/Politics/ gated area, contributes on an average about vember, viewed on 2 May 2021, https://www. IgaXJjRvWFaoCEWMgUFUxI/OBCs-Dalits- 50% of sugar cane produced in the state. For thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/gu- consolidate-in-face-of-Maratha-movement.html. the purpose of calculating average income, one jjar-agitation-hits-rail-road-traffi c-in-ra- Palshikar, S and R Deshpande (1999): “Electoral hectare of land is used as a base landholding. jasthan/article33004772.ece. Competition and Structures of Domination in As per the state agriculture department, it is Jaisinghani, Bella (2018): “Vegetable Markets, Maharashtra,” Economic & Political Weekly, estimated that 80 tonnes of sugar cane is Dabbawallah Services Down to a Trickle as Vol 34, Nos 34 and 35, pp 2409–22. harvested in one hectare of land. Fair and Maratha Morcha Gets Violent,” Times of India, Srinivas, M N (1979): “Future of Indian Caste,” Remunerative Price (FRP) are declared by 25 July, viewed on 21 May 2021, http://timesofi n- Economic & Political Weekly, Vol 14, Nos 7 and the union government every year before the dia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/65137050. 8, pp 237–42. harvesting season begins. FRP is calculated cms?utm_source=contentofi nterest&utm_ — (1987): The Dominant Caste and Other Essays, as per the sugar recovery rate, which is taken medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst. Oxford University Press. as basis. To calculate current years FRP, pervi- Kumar, M (2009): “Reservations for Marathas in ous years sugar recovery rate is considered. Times of India (2016): “Ambedkarites Call for Maharashtra,” Economic & Political Weekly, Maharashtra state average sugar recovery rate Supporting Maratha Morcha,” 23 September, Vol 44, No 14, pp 10–12. is in the range of 11.50%. However, western http://timesofi ndia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/ Maharashtra sugar mills average is more than Kushal, Akshat and Mayank Mishra (2015): “Why 54472026.cms?utm_source=contentofi nterest& Dominant Caste Want OBC Status,” 12.25%, but for income calculation state aver- Business utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst. age recovery of 11.50% is considered. Similarly, annual income from dairy is calculated based Appendix on average milk yield per cattle (cow/buffalo) Table A1: Major Crops, Area and Productivity in Marathwada Area (2015 to 2019) and the average selling price and presumed Sr District Cotton Soyabean Tur Dal Corn Total two animals per farmer. No Area Avg Area Avg Area Avg Area Avg Area in 10 This has been the general impression of those (Hectare) Productivity (Hectare) Productivity (Hectare) Productivity (Hectare) Productivity Hectare Maratha farmers who produce cash crop. in Kg in Kg in Kg in Kg 11 See the Appendix. 1 4,01,311 685 11,323 999 29,422 839 1,90,883 1,122 6,32,939 12 This general impression of the farmers emerged 2 Jalna 2,58,014 1,373 1,38,064 1,723 50,697 1,478 52,146 2,578 3,74,721 in the group discussion with the latter. 3 3,72,169 493 2,50,327 745 53,172 749 9,815 267 6,85,483 13 Mandal agitation, or the agitation for reserva- tion in Gujarat or Rajasthan are few examples 4 Osmanabad 16,800 178 2,87,700 860 84,800 594 18,300 726 4,07,600 that can prove this point. See Bose (1981). 5 Hingoli 68,173 294 1,92,495 1,211 59,583 698 1,264 464 3,21,515 14 The Rape of Minor in Kopardi, 6 Parabhani 1,86,528 281 2,24,288 859 38,814 896 0 0 4,49,630 was considered as an immediate trigger to the Maratha Morchas. 7 Nanded 2,60,505 218 3,09,375 902 60,788 838 0 0 6,30,668 15 The Maharashtra State Reservation for Socially 8 Latur 5,37,215 253 14,03,465 948 3,55,184 877 26,143 335 23,22,007 and Educationally Backward Classes (SEBC) Act, 2018 provided for 16% reservation of seats Table A2: Average Market Rate (per quintal) for admission in educational institutions and posts in public services to Marathas who Crop 2018–19 2019–20 2020–21 have been declared as SEBC of citizens in Corn 1,489 1,550 1,112 Maharashtra. Amended in 2019 following Tur dal 4,495 4,250 5,150 Bombay High Court verdict stipulating 12% and 13% quota respectively instead of 16%. Soya bean 3,083 3,250 3,950 to 6,500 However, it was struck down by the highest Cotton – – 5,000 court in May 2021 saying that “Maratha com- • The data has been collected from various government sources and compiled by the author of this article. munity does not make out exceptional circum- For calculating the annual income of a farmer in Marathwada, average yield per hectares for the entire region (eight districts) stances to exceed the ceiling limit of 50% was arrived by/and multiplied with 2020–21 average prevailing prices as shown in Table A2. The average annual income is reservation.” calculated based on the harvesting of two seasons of kharif (soya) and rabi (cotton) crops.

50 july 10, 2021 vol lVi no 28 EPW Economic & Political Weekly