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'Jgcsirv1 Min Or Processor AGRARIAN REFORM AND THE NEGRO FARMER IN TEXAS 1886-18S6 APPROVED: rotessor X 'jgcsirv1 Min or Processor irector 01 the Department of History Deanvof the Graduate School Fine, Bernic.e R. , Agrarian Reform and the Tex_a_s Negro Farmer, 1386-1896, Master of Arts (History), August, 1971, 209 pp., bibliography. The history of the agrarian reform movement in Texas, its origin and its activities, reveals a minimal participation of the Negro. The relationship of the white farmer and the Negro in Texas with regard to agrarian reform demonstrates what they had in common and why the black did not choose to embrace agrarian reform. Since it is generally conceded that depressed economic circumstances led to the agrarian reform movement, the post civil war farm economy in Texas is briefly surveyed. The Negro, as the white in Texas, was primarily a farmer and differed in his poverty from the white only in degree. The continued decline in the price of cotton, while cotton acreage and production increased, provided the major economic d i1emm a. Significant insights into the reasons for the blacks' rejection of the agrarian reform movement came from an examination of the social environment of the rural inhabitants in Texas. While farmers, regardless of race, suffered fears, anxieties, and discrimination, social separatism prevented communication and class unity between the races. Among the Negroes, separatism led to the development of conservative • leadership dedicated to maintaining the status quo. Thus the Negro developed an innefc-directed concept of reform seeking an elevation from slave to citizen by adoption of middle class virtues. The poor white farmer, on the other hand, satisfied with, and conscious of, his class identity had an outer-directed concept of reform, seeking to relieve his distress by changing the law and redistributing political power. Examination of the development of agrarian reform organizations in Texas: the Grange, and Greenback Party and, in more detail, the Farmers' Alliance and the People's Party establishes an identifiable pattern in the relationship of the black and the white agrarian reformer. While the agrarian movement manifested itself in organizations like the Grange and the Alliancejwhich primarily served as educational tools, the white exhibited no desire for Negro participation. The Colored Alliance failed to exert influence- in either the white or black agrarian community. When the white reformers, however, sought to implement their program with their support of political parties, then the white reformer demonstrated a strong interest in the Negro, more specifically in his vote. Although the People's Party wanted the Negro vote, they made only meager concessions to get it, ignoring Negro demands for equal enforcement of laws and generally supporting status quo in race relations. Only in 1896,when the Republican Party agreed to support the Populist state ticket, did the reformers gain major Negro support, and then, not because of principle but because of political expediency. Philosophically, little distinction existed between the dissident black Republicans and the black populists. In conclusion, the speculations of historians regarding the black and populism are carefully examined. The widely held supposition that populism inaugurated a new policy in black and white relations is completely without foundation in Texas. The white reformers like the white conservatives remained loyal to "white supremacy" and racial separatism. Research in primary source material, newspapers, public documents and books provided the basis of most of this history. Particular attention was given to contemporary Negro news- papers in order that a balanced interpretation of events and attitudes could be presented, revealing a large number of articulate and often eloquent black spokesmen in Texas. Material introduced not as yet examined in the historical literature was a narrative of the cotton pickers' strike in 1891, a discussion of Negro farmers organizations in Texas and the role of the black populist leader, Melvin Wade. AGRARIAN REFORM AND THE NEGRO FARMER IX TEXAS 18 86-1896 THESIS Presented to the G'roduate Council of the North Texas State University in Partial Fulfillment, of the Requi r cine At 5 For the Decree of MASTER OF ARTS Bv B e r ri i e e R, E i ne , B . A , Jiontou, To Au;.;as !: , '! 0 71 PREFACE In America, prior to the twentieth century, having a black skin never became fashionable or achieved popularity among the whites or blacks, north or south.. Yet, the agrarian reform movement of the late nineteenth century seemed to present a unique and intriguing instance in American history, where the Negro and white farmers, equally oppressed, attempted to overcome their prejudices and social customs in order to jointly seek a better life. Unfortunately a close'study of the major agrarian reform movement in Texas in their relation to the Negro community, expecially among Negro farmers, failed to substantiate these expectations. The white agrarian reformer and the black, each preoccupied vith his own problems, ignored one another, and although they eventually arrived at a political entente, they never achieved a mutual understanding of either the heart or the mind. While research in southern Negro history during the later decades of the nineteenth century presents some problems. they are, by no means, as overwhelming as in antebellum Negro history, since by that time a number of articulate Negro spokesmen had emerged in Texas. Although none of the in numerous contemporary Negro newspapers published in Texas could be examined, several out-of-state Negru newspapers of the times provided valuable information on the Negro in Texas. Con tempo rax y 'white Texas newspapers, both reform, and conservative, contributed significant and relevant material. Federal and state documents on education and agriculture as well as the census and state charters gave the researcher detailed information on Texas not to be found elsewhere. Secondary sources on Texas Negro history as well as Texas history daring the years under survey proved to be extremely limited, making the research necessary more extensive., Given the complex political, social, and economic developments in lex a s.» a study of the Negro and o g r a r i a n retorm provided a stimulating area for historical research. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page PREFACE ........ iii ap ter I. "MUSCLE . STOCK IN TRADE" , . 1 II. "I'D RATHER BE A NIGGER THAN A PO< WHITE MAN" . 24 III. TWO ALLIANCES: 1885-1891 . 63 IV. "ALL WHITE MEN LOOK ALIKE". ......... 121 V. "THE STONE THE BUILDERS REJECTED" 188 BIBLIOGRAPHY. ' 199 CHAPTER I "MUSCLE . STOCK IN TRADE" Years of bondage provided the black nan with little that would sustain, nourish, and develop him after his emancipation. A preacher from.Corsicana, Texas, wrote in a Negro newspaper that "the mass of slaves were turned loose in ignorance and superstition, [and] thousands of them live today in the same st3ge."1 A generation after the Civil War, two thirds of the Negro males and one ha]£ of the Negro females earned their livelihood cultivating the roil. Over one quarter of the iNiegro females ten years and older worked, compared to only six per cent of the white females*while three quarters of the men of each race had jobs. White and Negro men in Texas closely paralleled one another in occupations,-with a substantial majority being faimers. ^ Detroit Plaindealer (Negro)', December 2, 1892. "U. S. Department of the Interior, Eleventh Census: i£vO_, Report on the Population o_f United""sfaVesj Part TI (Washington, 1397) , 61 2. (Hereinafter" cited as USD!) More Negroe s than whites , ho\ievs r , wcr 1ced as poorly paid farm laborers. An ordinary farm laborer in Texas received $.S5 per day without board and $;71 per day with board. During harvest time in Texas a 'man earned on the average $1.23 a day without board and $.9fc per day with board. Wages per Month by annual employment were $19,20 without board and $12.60 with board.^ In the Texas "black belt" county of Walker, wages were reported as low as $5,85 4 per nonth. The Negro in most instances earned twenty to thirty per cent less than the white for the same work. ''Since the Negro lives in comfort on much less than the white laborer," one planter observed, "the lower wage inflicts 5 no hardship.,"* R. M. Humphrey, superintendent of the Colored Farmers' Alliance, thought otherwise, and before a Senate Committee on Agriculture he told of seeing Negroes "dread- fully pinched with hunger" eating food "the coarsest commonest . , . upon which you cannot subsist other laborers" while 3 U. S. Uenartrno :it of Agri ulture, Report of the Commissioner of Agriculture, 18«7 (Washington, 1888), pp 580-581~ " , (Hereinaftefrj r cited US DA) 4 iexas, Department of Agriculture Tsurance, Statistics, and History, K»uctb Annual Report of the Agricultural Bureau 1.890-1891 (Austin, 1892). p. 285. '"Frederick Hoffman, "Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro," Pub!Leation of the American Economic Association, XI (Xugust, 1896), 1 -"329. Negro women 'worked "in the cotton fields with a single thin garmen t, withou t shoes."^ According tc Samuel Barrows, a man who traveled extensively throughout the south in the 1890's, sixty cents a week sustained a Negro with the staples of his diet: pork, meal, and syrup. In Georgia, a Negro testified that "a man could live mighty good on thirty five cents a week.u/ The poor white farmer fared not. much better with a diet consisting of pork fat, whose occasional streak of rceat earned it the sobriquet of "white meat" or "sow bosom"; corn pone made with vitamin-deficient white corn meal; a.nd molasses the sugar content of which provided energy of short duration. Labor nourished by such inadequate diets O could not have functioned at an efficient level.
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