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The Origin, Development, and History of the Norwegian Seventh-Day Adventist Church from the 1840S to 1889" (2010)
Andrews University Digital Commons @ Andrews University Dissertations Graduate Research 2010 The Origin, Development, and History of the Norwegian Seventh- day Adventist Church from the 1840s to 1889 Bjorgvin Martin Hjelvik Snorrason Andrews University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.andrews.edu/dissertations Part of the Christian Denominations and Sects Commons, Christianity Commons, and the History of Christianity Commons Recommended Citation Snorrason, Bjorgvin Martin Hjelvik, "The Origin, Development, and History of the Norwegian Seventh-day Adventist Church from the 1840s to 1889" (2010). Dissertations. 144. https://digitalcommons.andrews.edu/dissertations/144 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Research at Digital Commons @ Andrews University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Andrews University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Thank you for your interest in the Andrews University Digital Library of Dissertations and Theses. Please honor the copyright of this document by not duplicating or distributing additional copies in any form without the author’s express written permission. Thanks for your cooperation. ABSTRACT THE ORIGIN, DEVELOPMENT, AND HISTORY OF THE NORWEGIAN SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST CHURCH FROM THE 1840s TO 1887 by Bjorgvin Martin Hjelvik Snorrason Adviser: Jerry Moon ABSTRACT OF GRADUATE STUDENT RESEARCH Dissertation Andrews University Seventh-day Adventist Theological Seminary Title: THE ORIGIN, DEVELOPMENT, AND HISTORY OF THE NORWEGIAN SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST CHURCH FROM THE 1840s TO 1887 Name of researcher: Bjorgvin Martin Hjelvik Snorrason Name and degree of faculty adviser: Jerry Moon, Ph.D. Date completed: July 2010 This dissertation reconstructs chronologically the history of the Seventh-day Adventist Church in Norway from the Haugian Pietist revival in the early 1800s to the establishment of the first Seventh-day Adventist Conference in Norway in 1887. -
Beowulf and Typological Symbolism
~1F AND TYPOLOGICAL SYMBOLISM BEO~LF AND TYPOLOGICAL SY~rnOLISM By WILLEM HELDER A Thesis· Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Ar.ts McMaster University November 1971. MASTER OF ARTS (1971) McMASTER UNIVERSITY (English) - Hamilton~ Ontario ~ and Typological Symbolism AUTHOR, Willem Helder~ BoAe (McMaster University) SUPERVISORt" Dro AQ Ao Lee NUMBER OF PAGESg v~ 100 ii PREFACE In view of the prevalence of Christianity in England throughout what we can consider the age of the f3e.o~ poet, an exploration of the influence o·f typological symbolism would seem to be especially useful in the study of ~f. In the Old English period any Christian influence on a poem would perforce be of a patristic and typological nature. I propose to give evidence that this statement applies also to 13Eio'!llJ..J,=:(, and to bring this information to bear particularly on the inter pretation of the two dominant symbols r Reorot and the dragon's hoardo To date, no attempt has been made to look at the poem as a whole in a purely typological perspectivec. According to the typological exegesis of Scripture, the realities of the Old Testament prefigure those of the new dis~ pensation. The Hebrew prophets and also the New Testament apostles consciously made reference to "types" or II figures II , but it was left for the Fathers of the Church to develop typology as a science. They did so to prove to such h.eretics as the lYIani~ chean8 that both Testaments form a unity, and to convince the J"ews that the Old was fulfilled in the New. -
Introduction the Waste-Ern Literary Canon in the Waste-Ern Tradition
Notes Introduction The Waste-ern Literary Canon in the Waste-ern Tradition 1 . Zygmunt Bauman, Wasted Lives: Modernity and Its Outcasts (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2004), 26. 2 . M a r y D o u g las, Purity and Danger: An Analysis of the Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (London: Routledge, 1966/2002), 2, 44. 3 . S usan Signe Morrison, E xcrement in the Late Middle Ages: Sacred Filth and Chaucer’s Fecopoeticss (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 153–158. The book enacts what Dana Phillips labels “excremental ecocriticism.” “Excremental Ecocriticism and the Global Sanitation Crisis,” in M aterial Ecocriticism , ed. Serenella Iovino and Serpil Oppermann (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2014), 184. 4 . M o r r i s o n , Excrementt , 123. 5 . Dana Phillips and Heather I. Sullivan, “Material Ecocriticism: Dirt, Waste, Bodies, Food, and Other Matter,” Interdisci plinary Studies in Literature and Environment 19.3 (Summer 2012): 447. “Our trash is not ‘away’ in landfills but generating lively streams of chemicals and volatile winds of methane as we speak.” Jane Bennett, Vibrant Matter: A Political Ecology of Things (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010), vii. 6 . B e n n e t t , Vibrant Matterr , viii. 7 . I b i d . , vii. 8 . S e e F i gures 1 and 2 in Vincent B. Leitch, Literary Criticism in the 21st Century: Theory Renaissancee (London: Bloomsbury, 2014). 9 . Pippa Marland and John Parham, “Remaindering: The Material Ecology of Junk and Composting,” Green Letters: Studies in Ecocriticism 18.1 (2014): 1. 1 0 . S c o t t S lovic, “Editor’s Note,” Interdisciplinary Studies in Literature and Environment 20.3 (2013): 456. -
Battle of Stiklestad: Supporting Virtual Heritage with 3D Collaborative Virtual Environments and Mobile Devices in Educational Settings
Archived at the Flinders Academic Commons http://dspace.flinders.edu.au/dspace/ Originally published at: Proceedings of Mobile and Ubiquitous Technologies for Learning (UBICOMM 07), Papeete, Tahiti, 04-09 November 2007, pp. 197-203 Copyright © 2007 IEEE. Published version of the paper reproduced here in accordance with the copyright policy of the publisher. Personal use of this material is permitted. However, permission to reprint/republish this material for advertising or promotional purposes or for creating new collective works for resale or redistribution to servers or lists, or to reuse any copyrighted component of this work in other works must be obtained from the IEEE. International Conference on Mobile Ubiquitous Computing, Systems, Services and Technologies Battle of Stiklestad: Supporting Virtual Heritage with 3D Collaborative Virtual Environments and Mobile Devices in Educational Settings Ekaterina Prasolova-Førland Theodor G. Wyeld Monica Divitini, Anders Lindås Norwegian University of Adelaide University Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Adelaide, Australia Science and Technology, Trondheim, Norway [email protected] Trondheim, Norway [email protected] [email protected], [email protected] Abstract sociological significance. From reconstructions recording historical information about these sites a 3D Collaborative Virtual Environments (CVEs) realistic image of how these places might have looked in the past can be created. This also allows inhabiting have been widely used for preservation of cultural of these reconstructed spaces with people and artifacts heritage, also in an educational context. This paper for users to interact with. All these features can act as a presents a project where 3D CVE is augmented with valuable addition to a ‘traditional’ educational process mobile devices in order to support a collaborative in history and related subjects. -
Church of Norway Pre
You are welcome in the Church of Norway! Contact Church of Norway General Synod Church of Norway National Council Church of Norway Council on Ecumenical and International Relations Church of Norway Sami Council Church of Norway Bishops’ Conference Address: Rådhusgata 1-3, Oslo P.O. Box 799 Sentrum, N-0106 Oslo, Norway Telephone: +47 23 08 12 00 E: [email protected] W: kirken.no/english Issued by the Church of Norway National Council, Communication dept. P.O. Box 799 Sentrum, N-0106 Oslo, Norway. (2016) The Church of Norway has been a folk church comprising the majority of the popu- lation for a thousand years. It has belonged to the Evangelical Lutheran branch of the Christian church since the sixteenth century. 73% of Norway`s population holds member- ship in the Church of Norway. Inclusive Church inclusive, open, confessing, an important part in the 1537. At that time, Norway Church of Norway wel- missional and serving folk country’s Christianiza- and Denmark were united, comes all people in the church – bringing the good tion, and political interests and the Lutheran confes- country to join the church news from Jesus Christ to were an undeniable part sion was introduced by the and attend its services. In all people. of their endeavor, along Danish king, Christian III. order to become a member with the spiritual. King Olav In a certain sense, the you need to be baptized (if 1000 years of Haraldsson, and his death Church of Norway has you have not been bap- Christianity in Norway at the Battle of Stiklestad been a “state church” tized previously) and hold The Christian faith came (north of Nidaros, now since that time, although a permanent residence to Norway in the ninth Trondheim) in 1030, played this designation fits best permit. -
The Old-Norse Narrative Auðunar Þáttr Vestfirzkaas
Studia Litteraria Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis 5 (2010) MARTA REY-RADLIŃSKA Instytut Filologii Germańskiej Zakład Filologii Szwedzkiej Uniwersytet Jagielloński THE OLD-NORSE NARRATIVE AUÐUNAR ÞÁTTR VESTFIRZKA AS A PARABOLIC FICTION Introduction Auðunar þáttr vestfi rzka (literally: The þáttr of Auðun from the West Fjords) is doubtless one of the prose masterpieces of the European Middle Ages. The story of a poor Icelander who travels to the old country to gain wealth and recognition is well known and has been translated to many languages. It has been considered as one of most classical examples of the Old-Norse short narratives, so-called þættir. The number of short narratives called today þættir varies depending on the criteria applied. As Elizabeth Ashman Rowe and Joseph Harris concluded in A Companion to Old-Norse Icelandic Literature and Culture: Because such short narratives are not always clearly labelled, whether with ‘þáttr’ or another term, and because other criteria for their recognition can be subjective, their exact number will always be a matter of controversy. We feel, however, that a conservative esti- mate would recognize between 75 and 100 short narratives as þættir.1 The research on this kind of narratives has a long history but is not yet exhaus- tive.2 The modern lexical defi nition of a þáttr points out the two modern meanings of the term: Þáttr m., (eig. “Taustrang, Kardeel”, Pl. Þættir) ist ein literar. Begriff mit zwei versch. Bedeutungen: 1. ein Abschnitt einer längeren Saga (z.B. den Kristni þáttr der Laxdæla 1 E.A. Rowe, J. Harris, “Short Prose Narrative (þáttr)”. -
Affective Criticism, Oral Poetics, and Beowulf's Fight with the Dragon
Oral Tradition, 10/1 (1995): 54-90 Affective Criticism, Oral Poetics, and Beowulf’s Fight with the Dragon Mark C. Amodio I Affective criticism, as it has been practiced over the last few years, has come to focus upon the reader’s (or audience’s) subjective experience of a given literary work.1 Rather than examining the text qua object, affective criticism (like all subjective criticism) has abandoned the objectivism and textual reification which lay at the heart of the New Critical enterprise, striving instead to lead “one away from the ‘thing itself’ in all its solidity to the inchoate impressions of a variable and various reader” (Fish 1980:42).2 Shifting the critical focus away from the text to the reader has engendered 1 Iser, one of the leading proponents of reader-based inquiry, offers the following succinct statement of the logic underlying his and related approaches: “[a]s a literary text can only produce a response when it is read, it is virtually impossible to describe this response without also analyzing the reading process” (1978:ix). Iser’s emphasis on the reader’s role and on the constitutive and enabling functions inherent in the act of reading are shared by many other modern theorists despite their radical differences in methodologies, aims, and conclusions. See especially Culler (1982:17-83), and the collections edited by Tompkins (1980) and Suleiman and Crosman (1980). 2 The New Criticism has generally warned against inscribing an idiosyncratic, historically and culturally determined reader into a literary text because doing so would lead to subjectivism and ultimately to interpretative chaos. -
The Hostages of the Northmen: from the Viking Age to the Middle Ages
Part IV: Legal Rights It has previously been mentioned how hostages as rituals during peace processes – which in the sources may be described with an ambivalence, or ambiguity – and how people could be used as social capital in different conflicts. It is therefore important to understand how the persons who became hostages were vauled and how their new collective – the new household – responded to its new members and what was crucial for his or her status and participation in the new setting. All this may be related to the legal rights and special privileges, such as the right to wear coat of arms, weapons, or other status symbols. Personal rights could be regu- lated by agreements: oral, written, or even implied. Rights could also be related to the nature of the agreement itself, what kind of peace process the hostage occurred in and the type of hostage. But being a hostage also meant that a person was subjected to restric- tions on freedom and mobility. What did such situations meant for the hostage-taking party? What were their privileges and obli- gations? To answer these questions, a point of departure will be Kosto’s definition of hostages in continental and Mediterranean cultures around during the period 400–1400, when hostages were a form of security for the behaviour of other people. Hostages and law The hostage had its special role in legal contexts that could be related to the discussion in the introduction of the relationship between religion and law. The views on this subject are divided How to cite this book chapter: Olsson, S. -
Pagan to Christian
FROM ODIN TO CHRIST Pagan to Christian o the Vikings living and travel- ling in a Europe that was almost entirely Christian, con- version did not come äs a single explosive event. If we think of the earlier Situation in England, where Christianity obliterated virtually all recorded knowledge of pagan thought and practice, the way in which some Norsemen remained coolly balanced between two re- ligions, examining the merits of both, and in some cases trying to get the protective benefits of both, is a fascinating study. It is presum- ably one of the results of this detachment, that even after conversion there is still this willingness among the converted to re- member and write about paganism rather than discarding it simply äs error, idolatry and devil-worship. The transition period between paganism and Christianity leaves traces in carving, literature and metalwork. Whether Vikings first started to wear a Thor's hammer round their necks because Christians wore pendant crosses and crucifixes, or whether the tradi- tion is independent of Christian influence, cannot now be determined. But certainly there was enough of a market for both for one enterprising smith to leave behind him in Denmark a single soapstone mould for the production of both cross and hammer amu- lets. Most of the surviving pendants are clearly identifiable äs either hammer or cross, but there are examples where the design of the one seems to have influenced the other, even one example where we are not sure which it was meant to be. Whether the canny Viking who wore it intended the ambiguity is not certain. -
Across the North Sea and Back Again
Across the North Sea and Back Again A Comparative Study between the Cults of St. Olav and St. Edmund Samuel Patrick Bidwell Master Thesis in Nordic Viking and Medieval Studies 60 Credits Department of Linguistics and Scandinavian Studies Faculty of Humanities University of Oslo May 2017 i Across the North Sea and Back Again: A Comparative Study between the Cults of St. Olav and St. Edmund (Pictured together, from left to right, is St. Olav, identifiable by his battle-axe and St. Edmund, King of East Anglia, with the arrow of his martyrdom. This is a fourteenth century depiction of the royal martyr saints on a rood screen in Catfield Church, Norfolk) ii © Samuel Patrick Bidwell 2017 Across the North Sea and Back Again: A Comparative Study between the Cults of St. Olav and St. Edmund Samuel Patrick Bidwell http://www.duo.uio.no/ Trykk: Reprosentralen, Universitetet i Oslo iii Abstract The medieval cult of saints community was a dense, pervasive network that spread across the vast expanse of Latin Christendom. Saints were international in nature and as such could be easily transported to other geographical regions and integrated into the local culture. This thesis comparatively analyses the cults of St. Olav and St. Edmund and their respective primary hagiographical texts. The aim of this study is to determine to what extent Archbishop Eystein Erlendsson constructed his twelfth century text, Passio et miracula Beati Olavi, with reference to the hagiographical motifs surrounding the cult of St. Edmund and its central manuscript, Passio Sancti Edmundi. The interconnectedness of the cults of these royal martyr saints will be discussed in relation to dynastic promotion and royal patronage, their portrayal as both saints and warriors, shared miracles and exile. -
Download a Pdf File of This Issue for Free
Issue 63: How the Vikings Took up the Faith Conversion of the Vikings: Did You Know? Fascinating and little-known facts about the Vikings and their times. What's a Viking? To the Franks, they were Northmen or Danes (no matter if they were from Denmark or not). The English called them Danes and heathens. To the Irish, they were pagans. Eastern Europe called them the Rus. But the Norse term is the one that stuck: Vikings. The name probably came from the Norse word vik, meaning "bay" or "creek," or from the Vik area, the body of water now called Skagerrak, which sits between Denmark, Norway, and Sweden. In any case, it probably first referred only to the raiders (víkingr means pirate) and was later applied to Scandinavians as a whole between the time of the Lindesfarne raid (793) and the Battle of Hastings (1066). Thank the gods it's Frigg's day. Though Vikings have a reputation for hit-and-run raiding, Vikings actually settled down and influenced European culture long after the fires of invasion burned out. For example, many English words have roots in Scandinavian speech: take, window, husband, sky, anger, low, scant, loose, ugly, wrong, happy, thrive, ill, die, beer, anchor. … The most acute example is our days of the week. Originally the Romans named days for the seven most important celestial bodies (sun, moon, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, and Saturn). The Anglo-Saxons inserted the names of some Norse deities, by which we now name Tuesday through Friday: the war god Tiw (Old English for Tyr), Wodin (Odin), Thor, and fertility goddess Frigg. -
The Anglo-Saxon Coins of Harthacnut
THE ANGLO-SAXON COINS OF HARTHACNUT. BY H. ALEXANDER PARSONS. O the student who consults the two chief works of reference relating to the English coins of Harthacnut, the striking feature which presents itself is that so many Anglian types have been attributed to a reign which was one of the shortest in this country's history. The first of these works is Hildebrand's comprehensive Catalogue of Anglo-Saxon Coins in the Royal Cabinet of Coins and Medals in Stockholm, 1881. The second is the Catalogue of Anglo-Saxon Coins in the British Museum, vol. ii, 1893. Both works give nine types to the reign with their varieties. It should be mentioned, however, that, from his remarks on the types, it seems that Hildebrand had some hesitation in ascribing the bulk of the different issues to England, and he clearly states that only his Types A and B are perfectly normal English types. On the other hand, in the introduction to the British Museum Catalogtie, p. xcii, it is stated that " we need not question that the types described by Hildebrand are English," although in the catalogue itself the authors indicate that one of their types, together with a variety of another, may be Danish copies of English coins, and they further exclude, altogether, one of Hildebrands types on the plea that it is Danish, p. 321. From these remarks it will readily be seen that the published English issues of Harthacnut are the subject of considerable confusion and uncertainty, and it may at once be stated that before it is possible to be constructive it is necessary to be destructive.