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Religio-Patriarchy and the Gendered Risk: the Regulation of Iranian Femininity in Public Spaces Through the Veil

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Religio-Patriarchy and the Gendered Risk: the Regulation of Iranian Femininity in Public Spaces Through the Veil Religio-patriarchy and the Gendered Risk: The Regulation of Iranian Femininity in Public Spaces Through the Veil by TONI EL-HAGE Certificate., University College of the Cariboo, 1994 Certificate., British Columbia Institute of technology, 1995 Diploma., Kwantlen University College, 1996 B.A., Simon Fraser University, 2000 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Anthropology and Sociology) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard . THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA July 2002 © Toni El-Hage, 2002 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. , Deparlmenl of Anthropology and Sodology The UniversiTy of British Columbia 6303 N.W. Marine Drivo Vancouver, B.C. V6T1Z1 Department of xmm^esmm^^£m^SiS^s^^m^^m& The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date J2o»J DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT This thesis addresses questions and dynamics of gender and power in Iran, after the Iranian revolution of 1978-1979. My research objective is to uncover the normative assumptions about heterosexual masculinity and femininity that have been formulated, shaped, and reinforced through the re-application and reinterpretation of hegemonic religious edicts. Specifically, I will argue that, since the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the regulation of femininity and female sexuality in public spaces has been attempted by the ruling Iranian religio-patriarchal theocracy through the construction of women's bodies both as socio-sexual risk and as at risk within the parameters of public spaces. I suggest that they have done so because women represent risk that potentially threatens not only the ruling theocracy's hegemony, but the very fabric of society. Foucauldian theories of the repressive hypothesis and the surveillance system are used to explore not only how the veil continues to be used in Iran as an instrument of control in the formation of female compliance but, conversely, how many women in Islam have used the veil to gain varying degrees of public mobility and freedom under strict fundament-Islamic scopic regimes. u TABLE Of CONTENTS ABSTRACT ii TABLE OF CONTENTS iii LIST OF DIAGRAMS AND ILLUSTRATIONS v ACKNOWLEDGMENT vi DEDICATION vii QUOTES viii INTRODUCTION 1 Research Questions 6 LITERATURE REVIEW 13 History: A Survey Of The Rise Of A Religio-Patriarchal Govern-mentality 16 The Revolution of 1979 And The Rise Of The Islamic Republic Of Iran 18 Women And The Iranian Religious Theocracy 24 Women And The Veil: History 25 Veil: Meanings And Applications 28 Veil: Western Contexts And Symbolism 35 Summary 37 FASHIONING NEW THEORETICAL DIRECTIONS IN STUDIES OF VEILING...40 "Half-Veiled Truths": Iranian Constructions Of Gender And Sexuality 44 Women at Risk: "Domesticities, Differences And Dangers" 47 Women as Risk 51 Veil: Discipline And Punish 54 RESISTANCE 59 Complementarity Rather Than Equality 63 iii Transformations 66 CONCLUSION 69 Questions And Directions For Further Research 73 NOTES 74 BIBLIOGRAPHY 81 iv LIST OF DIAGRAMS AND ILLUSTRATIONS DIAGRAM: 1: Patriarchal-Religious Relationships And Sexual Control 70 ILLUSTRATIONS: Figure 1: How Eastern Women Continue To Be Perceived 4 Figure 2: The Burka: Complicity and Resistance 5 Figure 3: The Veil As Outer Ma(r)ker Of The Body 7 Figure 4: Iranian Women In The Domain Of The Public Space 26 Figure 5: The Veil In Different Colors And Contexts (I) 30 Figure 6: The Veil In Different Colors And Contexts (II) 31 Figure 7: East /West; Pure/Impure; Male/Female; Hetero/Homo 35 Figure 8: The Veil As Symbol Of The Exotic And The Erotic 38 Figure 9: The Western Christian Marriage Veil 39 Figure 10: Consequences To Sexual Trespasses 58 Figure 11: "God" Is Called Upon But His Earthly Servants Carry Out His Duties 60 v ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I am grateful to Dr. Becki Ross for granting me a chance to prove myself academically. Her trust and continuous support were crucial to my personal and academic life. A mere thank you would be a gross understatement of my gratitude. I remain in her debt, and I shall strive to make her proud. I take from her a working knowledge of the theories and realities underlying gender-, race-, and sexuality-based discrimination. I will carry these tools, and the precedent set by her actions and ideas in my own quest for fairness and equality for all. My gratitude also goes to Dr. Dawn Currie (UBC) and Dr. Habiba Zaman (SFU), for their supervision. I shall remain true to the values they have embedded in me, particularly the central importance of fairness and respect, and the courage to ask and ask again, as the answer may lie in what has not yet been said. My sincere admiration and profound appreciation also goes to Dr. Michael Botnick (UBC) for his unwavering guidance, support, and leadership throughout my stay at UBC. This thesis has taken shape during countless hours spent in his office discussing and dissecting the complexities and paradigms that surround the subject of patriarchy, power, and God. I would also thank the administrative staff, faculty, and fellow graduate students in the Department of Anthropology and Sociology for putting up with me over the past two years. A heartfelt appreciation must also go the lovely Friday "beer drinking bunch" for reminding me of what a terrific experience being a graduate student can be. Thanks to Dr. Gerry Veenstra (UBC), Dr. Ken Stark (UBC), Dr. Gary Teeple (SFU), Dr. Michael Kenny (SFU), and Professor Percy Christon-Quao (Kwantlen University College) for their support and advice on many issues throughout my studies. Also, my recognition goes to Marian Smith, Deanna Okun, and Jill MacLachlan for the time spent refining my thoughts and ideas with periods and commas in the name of clarity. A word of gratitude and appreciation also goes to those whose names did not appear on this page: it does not mean that you were forgotten. I remain grateful to my parents and siblings for their unconditional love. And, last but not least, to the three beautiful cats (Bijou, Button, & —) whose faces, expressions, and love are forever imprinted in my heart. vi To Dr. Becki L. Ross, Mentor and Guide & To the women of this world who, continue to experience injustice at the hands of religio-patriarchal institutions committing oppression in the name of "God." Vll QUOTES For the last one hundred years, whenever women tried or wanted to discard the veil, some men, always upholding the sacred as a justification, screamed that it was unbearable, that the society's fabric would dissolve if the mask is dropped. What is it that Muslim society needs to mask so badly? Fatima Mernissi (1985) Vlll 1 INTRODUCTION On the evening of September 11th 2001,' I received a telephone call from a friend concerned about my well-being following the events of the day. "I know that you are not Moslem," he said, "but your family name has a Middle Eastern flavor!" He continued by asking, "Do you remember what happened to the Japanese during the Second World War?" My friend's concern was not unfounded. In the days and weeks that followed, the horror that was witnessed all over the world after the crumbling World Trade Center towers took with them thousands of innocent people, left those of the Moslem faith and those like myself who have "flavored" family names wondering what would happen next. Despite my Western place of birth and citizenship (Canada), at times I have found it difficult to escape subtle forms of doubt about that very membership. In other words, although my citizenship cannot be questioned, certainly, my cultural identity and my inclusion in Western society has. I began to wonder whether, in the days following the attacks, I might be forced to wear a yellow star because my name places me as a target for anti-terrorist legislation enacted by my government (Bramham, 2001; Geddes, 2001a, 2001b; Fife, 2002). Will my tears of dismay and anger toward those who committed such an atrocious crime be counted? And, like many others, do I need to justify the origin of my name ad infindum in order not to be looked at as a terrorist? Post-September lllh, the Moslem community in North America condemned the attacks, and supported punishing those who had committed such cruel, hateful, and calculated acts against innocent civilians (Deziel, 2001; Fennell et al., 2001). At the same time, some outspoken members of various Moslem communities asked that the United 2 States examine its own foreign policies as it prepared to retaliate against those who killed its citizens on its own soil and with its own technology (Deacon 2001; Deziel, 2001; Kent, 2001a, 2001b). As noted by Fennel (2001), Fennel et al., (2001), Geddes (2001a), and Lee (2001), terrorists networks and individuals (such as Ahmed Rassam ) worked and flourished in Canada by exploiting the hospitality of Canadians and of their fellow believers to carry out their own version of Islam and to plan attacks against the United States and Jewish quarters in Montreal. Those who were arrested were reported to have had a direct link to bin-Ladin's terrorist sponsored network (Fennell, 2001). Also, it was reported that these networks were financed by money channeled from Saudi Arabia and other Arab nations dominated by the Wahabbi version of Islam.
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