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A Case Study of Óenach Clochair, Co. Limerick. Journal of Irish Archaeology 2014, 23, 171-187

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A Case Study of Óenach Clochair, Co. Limerick. Journal of Irish Archaeology 2014, 23, 171-187 Gleeson P. Assembly and élite culture in Iron Age and late Antique Europe: a case study of Óenach Clochair, Co. Limerick. Journal of Irish Archaeology 2014, 23, 171-187. Copyright: © The author, 2014. This is an authenticated version of an article that has been published in the Journal of Irish Archaeology. Gleeson P. Assembly and élite culture in Iron Age and late Antique Europe: a case study of Óenach Clochair, Co. Limerick. Journal of Irish Archaeology 2014, 23, 171-187. Date deposited: 05/02/2016 Embargo release date: 01 December 2018 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 3.0 Unported License Newcastle University ePrints - eprint.ncl.ac.uk Assembly and élite culture in Iron Age and late Antique Europe: a case-study of Óenach Clochair, Co. Limerick Patrick Gleeson Winner of the 2014 JIA Postgraduate Prize School of History, Classics and Archaeology, Newcastle University, UK ([email protected]) This paper explores Óenach Clochair, an assembly landscape surrounding Knocklong, Co. Limerick, within its wider context. It examines its character, composition, extent and historical significance, suggesting that it was a place of regional assembly for Munster from the seventh–eighth century AD. Analysis focuses on assessing evidence for late Iron Age and early medieval activity, concentrating specifically on late Antiquity (fourth–seventh centuries AD). Through this prism it frames discussion of the broader phenomenon of assembly in Ireland within the context of developments else - where in post-Roman western Europe. Concurrently, it offers a brief analysis of one of the more important hoards of Roman material thus far found in Ireland: the Balline hoard, suggesting a socio-political context for its origins and location. More generally, eastern County Limerick boasts a modest yet important group of high-status artefacts inti - mating an élite culture heavily influenced by late and sub-Roman society. The role of such cultural contexts in shaping the development of assembly practice and perception of civic culture in Ireland during the fourth–seventh centuries AD is explored. INTRODUCTION relate to the fact that historical sources describing the functions of such gatherings, and which actually name The historical sources for early medieval Ireland (from assembly places, invariably date from the latter half of the seventh century AD onwards) suggest a myriad of the first millennium AD, if not later. As Sanmark notes different types of assembly. Yet by far the most (in Brink et al . 2011, 99), however, assembly is not a common, and likely the most important, was the phenomenon limited to literate societies. In Ireland, óenach . This would appear to have been the principal most recent discussions necessarily thread a careful path political assembly of each type/scale of kingdom or between late and post-medieval documentary/ people. As such, it may justifiably be regarded as an Irish toponymic evidence and discussions of earlier medieval equivalent of pan-European practices of civil assembly, practice (e.g. FitzPatrick 2001; 2004). There is namely the moot or thing of Scandinavian and nevertheless rich evidence, even by international ‘Germanic’ societies in north-western Europe. As a standards, from within the early medieval period for the universal facet of civil communities and their nature and evolution of the óenach (e.g. Bhreathnach functioning through many periods of human 2011; Gleeson 2014, 51–89). Accordingly, one question history/prehistory, the centrality of practices of appropriate to such material is that of what, if any, assembly to both the coalescence and the functioning relationship existed between later prehistoric assembly of political communities during the late Antique and practices/places and those of the historic, early early medieval periods is well documented (e.g. medieval period. This paper explores such issues by Barnwell and Mostert 2003; Pantos and Semple 2004). focusing on one important assembly landscape: Óenach Importantly, recent decades have witnessed a growing Clochair, Co. Limerick. recognition that assembly represents not only a discrete Broadly defined, ‘assembly’ is a topic that features category of practice but also an activity fundamentally prominently in discussions of Irish prehistoric society, bound to places. Consequently, scholarship has particularly in relation to the major ‘royal’ and explored the existence of particular landscapes integral ‘provincial’ centres (e.g. Emain Macha, Rathcroghan, to, and specifically set aside for, assemblies. Nuanced Tara or Dún Ailinne). This work expertly highlights the analysis of such locales provides insights into the nature extensive and polyfocal nature of these major ritual of assembly practices and the material apparatus of arenas, including some later documented as óenaig (e.g. rulership, governance and civic culture (e.g. FitzPatrick Waddell et al. 2009; Schot et al. 2011). While we should 2001; Sanmark and Semple 2013). Amongst the issues not doubt the existence of assembly places in later emerging from such studies, those of how to identify prehistoric Ireland, projecting the assembly function of an assembly place archaeologically and how to assess landscapes like Dún Ailinne or Emain Macha the functions vested in same during particular historical backwards from early medieval sources into the Iron contexts are the most vexing. In part, these difficulties Age (e.g. Grabowski 1990; Johnston and Wailes 2007) The Journal of Irish Archaeology Volume XXIII, 2014 171–187 172 Patrick Gleeson would negate evidence for dramatic change across a horse- and chariot-racing particularly (Byrne 1973, longevity of use (cf. FitzPatrick 2004). Moreover, the 30–1; Charles-Edwards 2000, 556–9; Etchingham historiographical primacy of such sites in studies of 2010, 38–52; Gleeson 2014, 62–75). So paramount was royal landscapes has engendered a problematic equation this latter association that c. AD 900 Sanas Cormaic of practices of inauguration and assembly as stated that óenach derived from áine ech : literally ‘to drive synonymous. The act of gathering people for an horses’. More correctly, óenach incorporates the root inauguration may accurately be termed an ‘assembly’, word * óen , meaning ‘one’ (eDIL), thereby articulating a but this must nonetheless be clearly distinguished from concept of unification commensurate with its status as more formal, institutionalised assemblies expressly for each kingdom’s principal assembly. While the purposes of regulated civic discourse. Such formalised dominance of this image is implicitly responsible for assemblies, of course, take many overlapping forms (e.g. the popular perception of óenaig as ‘fairs’ lacking any dála , airecht etc.), notwithstanding the primacy of óenaig . governmental functions (Doherty 1985; cf. Yet there is growing evidence that these were convened Etchingham 2010, who convincingly deconstructs this within landscapes specifically set aside as assembly assessment), this association with horse- and chariot- places. Accordingly, assembly and inauguration are in racing was as integral to the construction of authority fact functions more commonly found to be distinct and as the óenach ’s legal imperative (see below). vested in discrete landscapes (see Gleeson 2014, 56–62). Perhaps the aspect of such assemblies most likely For example, both Tara and Cashel were associated with to leave material trace is feasting, a point well inauguration, but both early medieval kingships were elucidated by recent British and Scandinavian also associated with discrete assembly landscapes: scholarship (Ødegaard, forthcoming; Sanmark and Óenach Tailten in Tara’s case (Swift 2000), and probably Semple 2013). Likewise, in terms of their Óenach Clochair in Cashel’s (see below). archaeological expression, recent scholarship highlights With few exceptions (e.g. FitzPatrick 2004), the common use of cemeteries as a locus of local assessments of óenaig often fail to take cognisance of the community assembly across the post-Roman west (e.g. wider context of civil society in late Antique and early Brookes and Reynolds 2011; Semple 2004; Williams medieval Europe. There has been little attempt to 2004). In an Irish context, I have argued that the bridge the gap between the historical institution of phenomenon of ‘cemetery settlements’/‘settlement óenach described in early medieval sources and the cemeteries’ (see Ó Carragáin 2010; O’Sullivan et al. necessarily hypothetical analysis of such practices in 2013), alongside ferta or ancestral burial places, which later prehistory, particularly in the early first Elizabeth O’Brien’s (2009; Bhreathnach and O’Brien millennium AD (FitzPatrick 2004; Schot et al. 2011; 2011) work has expertly highlighted, are best Waddell et al. 2009). Through greater consideration of understood as local, túath -level assembly places that context, alongside focused analysis of such (Gleeson 2014, 110–47; in press; forthcoming b; on landscapes, a greater understanding of the character and túath see MacCotter 2008). Many such sites originate evolution of assembly culture can be achieved, while, in the fifth–sixth century AD and cluster together likewise, posing questions about the nature and extent within documented assembly landscapes. This argues of continuities of use from later prehistory. This paper for these landscapes being both extensive and polyfocal hopes to show that the uniquely rich, varied and early (cf. Waddell et al. 2009), while the documented evidence
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