DOCSLIB.ORG

FAIRE L'europe SANS DÉFAIRE LA FRANCE Gérard Possuat

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
FAIRE L'europe SANS DÉFAIRE LA FRANCE Gérard Possuat A 393106 FAIRE L'EUROPE SANS DÉFAIRE LA FRANCE 60 ANS DE POLITIQUE D'UNITÉ EUROPÉENNE DES GOUVERNEMENTS ET DES PRÉSIDENTS DE LA RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE (1943-2003) Gérard pOSSUAT Euroclion°30 Table des matières Liste des abréviations 13 PARTIE I L'ENGAGEMENT DE LA FRANCE Introduction Le désir d'unité 19 Chapitre 1 1944, la Libération, tout est possible 29 Chapitre 2 L'engagement de la IVe République (1955-1958) dans les traités de Rome 57 Chapitre 3 L'Europe européenne du général de Gaulle 83 Chapitre 4 L'Europe pragmatique de Georges Pompidou 119 Chapitre 5 L'Europe confédérée des gouvernements avec Valéry Giscard d'Estaing : 141 Chapitre 6 François Mitterrand ou l'Europe-modèle 159 Chapitre 7 La Fédération européenne des États-nations de Jacques Chirac (1995-2003) 185 Conclusion Les Communautés européennes ont besoin de la France 213 PARTIE II TEXTES : LA PAROLE DES ACTEURS ET DES TÉMOINS Table des textes 223 1 - Entretien Spaak-Dejean (6 mars 1942) 227 2 - Monnet et l'entité européenne (août 1943) 230 8 Faire l'Europe sans défaire la France 3 - Un ensemble fédéral occidental : note de René Mayer (septembre 1943) 233 4 - Le CFLN prépare une réponse (octobre 1943) 238 5 - Projets d'organisation économique européenne (mars 1944) 241 6 - Entretien du général de Gaulle au Times (septembre 1945) 243 7 - Churchill à Zurich (septembre 1946) 247 8- Un dictateur du charbon de la Ruhr en 1945 251 9 - Coordonner la production de charbon allemand 253 10 - Production du charbon de la Sarre et de la Ruhr 255 . 11 - Une autre politique allemande de la France en 1946 ? 257 12 - Les États-Unis encouragent l'union de l'Europe occidentale 261 13 - L'union de l'Europe : une des conditions de l'aide américaine 263 14 - Lettre d'Henri Bonnet à Vincent Auriol président de la République française (mai 1948) 266 15 -La France n'inspire pas confiance à l'Angleterre 269 16 - M. Petsche à l'OECE : libération et harmonisation des économies, 29 octobre 1949 271 17 - Paul Hoffman et les lenteurs des constructions européennes (octobre 1949) 277 18-Vers le rapprochement franco-allemand 282 19-Résoudre définitivement le problème allemand 285 20 - Réflexion de Jean Monnet, 3 mai 1950 287 21 - La déclaration Schuman du 9 mai 1950 291 22 - Pflimlin lance le pool vert 294 23 - Financement des investissements européens par une Banque européenne d'investissement 297 24 - Plan Schuman : tenir compte des Britanniques 300 25 - Massigli inquiet du retrait britannique 303 26 - Schuman défend la Haute Autorité auprès de Massigli 305 27 - Les États-Unis soutiendront-ils le pool vert ? 307 28 - Proposer de nouvelles actions pour sauver le monde libre, Monnet (3 septembre 1950) 309 29-Pierre Mendès France s'explique sur la CED 312 30- Le vote de la question préalable, 30 août 1954 315 Table des matières 9 31 -« La bête est morte » 319 32 - Investiture du président Guy Mollet (31 janvier 1956) 323 33 - Préserver la capacité atomique militaire française 326 34 - Projet de marché commun européen (avril 1956) 328 35 - La négociation du traité de Rome, ' les obstacles présentés par l'administration française 334 36 - Les hauts fonctionnaires du Secrétariat d'État aux Affaires économiques et le projet de marché commun 338 37 - L'Eurafrique selon Gaston Defferre 341 38 - Ramadier pour le protectionnisme ? 348 39-Le patronat français et le marché commun 352 40-Georges Boris contre l'Eurafrique 354 41 - Les négociations du marché commun dans la phase décisive 358 42-L'intérêt français pour Euratom (janvier 1957) ..361 43 - Guy Mollet, un Européen convaincu 364 44 - La prudence mendèsiste sur l'unité européenne 367 45 - Le débat Mendès France-Uri, sur les traités de Rome (juillet 1957) 368 46 - Pierre Uri et les opposants aux traités de Rome 374 47 - L'Europe et le Commonwealth 377 48 - Ramadier et la zone de libre-échange 380 49 - L'échec de la zone de libre-échange 382 50 - Maurice Faure et la zone de libre-échange 385 51 - La politique économique extérieure de la France après l'échec de la zone de libre-échange (novembre 1958) 388 52 - Après l'échec de la zone de libre-échange, la France rassure ses partenaires des Communautés (novembre 1958) 392 53 - « Où en est l'Europe ? » par V. Giscard d'Estaing 394 54 - La confédération européenne proposée par Monnet en 1960 397 55 - Le « Conseil suprême » : l'approbation d'Emile Noël, secrétaire exécutif de la Commission du marché commun 402 56- Les négociations du projet d'Union politique (1961-1962) 405 57 - Entretien d'Etienne Hirsch, président de la Commission de l'Euratom avec le général de Gaulle (juin 1961) 407 10 Faire l'Europe sans défaire la France 58 - « Ne pleurez pas, milord », décembre 1962 411 59 - La politique agricole commune et la chaise vide (décembre 1964, juillet 1965) 413 60 - La crise de la chaise vide vue par le représentant permanent de la France à Bruxelles, l'ambassadeur Jean-Marc Boegner 417 61 - Conférence de presse du général de Gaulle, 9 septembre 1965 420 62 - Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi, un renfort pour le général de Gaulle (octobre 1965) 424 63 - L'arrangement de Luxembourg (30 janvier 1966), l'analyse de Robert Marjolin 426 64 - L'Europe européenne, de Gaulle, 23 juillet 1964 428 65 -Jean Monnet, l'inspirateur, et de Gaulle (1964) 430 66-Michel Debré contre la monnaie européenne (1970) 432 67 - Crise monétaire internationale et relance européenne de 1972 par Pompidou 434 68 - Les conversations préparatoires du sommet de Paris d'octobre 1972 avec le chancelier Willy Brandt 436 69 - Arrimer la Grande-Bretagne aux Communautés (novembre 1972) 438 70 - Le référendum français du 23 avril 1972 concernant l'élargissement de l'Europe des Six 441 71 - Giscard d'Estaing, Monnet et les Conseils européens (1974) 443 72 -« Le marché commun, un pari audacieux » 445 73 - Le commissaire européen Claude Cheysson et les pays d'Afrique, Caraïbes et Pacifique (ACP) (1973-1981) 447 74 - Entretien donné par M. Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, président de la République au journal allemand Der Spiegel sur la situation européenne (1978) 451 75 - Mitterrand et l'Europe en 1981, d'après André Chandernagor 459 76 - Discours prononcé par M. François Mitterrand, président de la République française, devant le Bundestag à l'occasion du 20e anniversaire du traité franco-allemand de coopération, Bonn, jeudi 20 janvier 1983 461 77 - Mémorandum français du 12 juin 1985 473 Table des matières 11 78 - Audience du président de la République accordée à Emile Noël, secrétaire général des Communautés européennes Paris, 13 février 1986 480 79 - Débat à l'Assemblée nationale pour la ratification de l'Acte unique européen (1986) 483 80 - L'avenir des Communautés européennes en 1988, par Raymond Barre 486 81 - « Pour pouvoir redresser l'Europe » Jean-Pierre Chevènement 488 82 - Pierre Bérégovoy, ministre d'État, ministre de l'Économie, des Finances et du Budget face au grand marché européen en 1991 493 83 - « Une crise vaut mieux qu'un mauvais compromis », par Jacques Delors, 24 mars 1994 496 84 - Le testament européen de François Mitterrand, novembre 1994 502 85 - L'appel de Jacques Delors (février 1996) 506 86 - Les orientations de la France pour la Conférence intergouvernementale de 1996 510 87 -« Notre Europe », d'après Jacques Chirac, juin 2000 513 88 - Discours d'Hubert Védrine, ministre des Affaires étrangères devant le Conseil de l'Europe (2000) 521 89 - Les priorités de la présidence française pour l'Union européenne (second semestre 2000) 524 90 - Entretien du président de la République, M. Jacques Chirac avec le quotidien Les Dernières Nouvelles d'Alsace (février 2001) 529 91 - Nice-CIG : conférence de presse finale de la présidence, 11 décembre 2000 535 92 - Alain Lipietz - Le vrai fiasco de la présidence française 540 93 - La Fédération d'États-nations de Lionel Jospin, 28 mai 2001 543 94 - Le face-à-face Chevènement-Fischer (21 juin 2000) 554 95 - Conférence débat sur l'Europe avec Pierre Moscovici, ministre délégué chargé des Affaires européennes (juin 2001) 563 96 - Lettre de Jacques Chirac et de Helmut Kohi au président de l'Union européenne (6 décembre 1995) 567 97 - Une Union d'États gérant des compétences fédérales 570 12 Faire l'Europe sans défaire la France 98 -« Bonjour monsieur Monnet » 571 99 - Allocution prononcée par monsieur François Mitterrand, président de la République française lors du transfert des cendres de Jean Monnet au Panthéon 573 100 - Victor Hugo, discours sur les États-Unis d'Europe 579 Chronologie 585 Bibliographie 623 Du même auteur 631.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Uva-DARE (Digital Academic Repository)
    UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) Europeanising spaces in Paris, ca. 1947-1962 McDonnell, H.M. Publication date 2014 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): McDonnell, H. M. (2014). Europeanising spaces in Paris, ca. 1947-1962. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:26 Sep 2021 Conclusion ‘Notre héritage européen’, suggested Jorge Semprún in 2005, ‘n’a de signification vitale que si nous sommes capable d’en déduire un avenir.’1 Looking perpetually backwards and forwards was central to processes of making sense of Europe in Paris in the post-war period. Yet, for all the validity of Semprún’s maxim, it needs to be reconciled with Frederick Cooper’s critique of ‘doing history backwards’.
    [Show full text]
  • A Powerful Political Platform: Françoise Giroud and L'express in a Cold War Climate Imogen Long Abstract Founded in 1953 by J
    1 This is a pre-copyedited, author-produced version of an article accepted for publication in French History following peer review. The version of record, Imogen Long; A powerful political platform: Françoise Giroud and L’Express in a Cold War climate, French History, Volume 30, Issue 2, 1 June 2016, Pages 241–258, is available online at: https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/crw001. A powerful political platform: françoise giroud and l’express in a cold war climate Imogen Long Abstract Founded in 1953 by Jean-Jacques Servan-Schreiber and Françoise Giroud, L’Express was a politically committed outlet predominantly led by Giroud’s strong editorial direction until its rebranding in 1964 along the lines of Time magazine. Its goals were clear: to encourage modernization in French cultural and economic life, to support Pierre Mendès France and to oppose the war in Indochina. This article investigates Giroud’s vision of the press, her politics and her journalistic dialogue with other significant actors at a complex and pivotal juncture in French Cold War history. Giroud opened up the columns of L’Express to a diverse range of leading writers and intellectuals, even to those in disagreement with the publication, as the case study of Jean-Paul Sartre highlighted here shows. In so doing, Giroud’s L’Express constituted a singularly powerful press platform in Cold War France. I 2 For Kristin Ross, the “ideal couple”’ of Giroud and Servan-Schreiber at the helm of L’Express echoed the pairing of Sartre and Beauvoir; 1 yet Giroud and Servan-Schreiber were a duo with a different outlook, focused on economic development and the modernization of French society along American lines.
    [Show full text]
  • The 1958 Good Offices Mission and Its Implications for French-American Relations Under the Fourth Republic
    Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 1970 The 1958 Good Offices Mission and Its Implications for French-American Relations Under the Fourth Republic Lorin James Anderson Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the Diplomatic History Commons, European History Commons, and the United States History Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Anderson, Lorin James, "The 1958 Good Offices Mission and Its Implications forr F ench-American Relations Under the Fourth Republic" (1970). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 1468. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.1467 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. AN ABSTRACT OF THE THBSIS Ol~ Lorin J'ames Anderson for the Master of Arts in History presented November 30, 1970. Title: The 1958 Good Offices Mission and its Implica­ tions for French-American Relations Under the Fourth Hepublic. APPROVED BY MEHllERS O~' THE THESIS CO.MNITTEE: Bernard Burke In both a general review of Franco-American re­ lations and in a more specific discussion of the Anglo­ American good offices mission to France in 1958, this thesis has attempted first, to analyze the foreign policies of France and the Uni.ted sta.tes which devel­ oped from the impact of the Second World Wa.r and, second, to describe Franco-American discord as primar­ ily a collision of foreign policy goals--or, even farther, as a basic collision in the national attitudes that shaped those goals--rather than as a result either of Communist harassment or of the clash of personalities.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Leadership in France: from Charles De Gaulle to Nicolas Sarkozy
    Political Leadership In France: From Charles De Gaulle To Nicolas Sarkozy John Gaffney Total number of pages (including bibliography): 440 To the memory of my mother and father ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements List of abbreviations Introduction Chapter 1: 1958: The Gaullist Settlement and French Politics The Elements of the New Republic in 1958 The Birth of the New Republic Understanding the New Republic The Characteristics of the New Republic Chapter 2: 1958-1968: The Consolidation and Evolution of the Fifth Republic The 1962 Referendum and Elections Gaullism and the Gaullists De Gaulle on the World Stage Left Opposition The New Conditions of the Republic Gaullism and Government De Gaulle The Left 1965-1967 Chapter 3: 1968 and its Aftermath Sous les Pavés, la Cinquième République ‘Opinion’ The unmediated relationship escapes to the streets Personal Leadership (and its rejection) iii Chapter 4: 1969-1974: Gaullism Without de Gaulle The 1969 Referendum The 1969 Presidential Election The Pompidou Presidency: 1969-1974 Pompidou and the Institutions Pompidou and Foreign Affairs Left Opposition, 1969-1974 Chapter 5: 1974-1981: The Giscard Years The 1974 Elections Slowing Down the ‘Marseillaise’ Then Speeding It Up Again Giscard and his Presidency Gaullism and Giscardianism The Left 1978-1981 Chapter 6: 1981-1988: From the République Sociale to the République Française The 1981 Elections The 1986 Election 1986-1988 Chapter 7: 1988-2002: The Long Decade of Vindictiveness, Miscalculations, Defeat, Farce, Good Luck, Good Government, and Catastrophe. The Presidency Right or Wrong. 1988-1993: System Dysfunction and Occasional Chaos Rocard Cresson Bérégovoy 1993-1995: Balladur. Almost President 1995-1997: Balladur out, Chirac in; Jospin up, Chirac down: Politics as Farce 1997-2002: The Eternal Cohabitation.
    [Show full text]
  • Socialists and Europe 19Th-20Th Centuries
    Political models to make Europe (since modern era) Socialists and Europe 19th-20th centuries Fabien CONORD ABSTRACT For socialists, Europe was both an area for political practices as well as an ideological horizon. The road of exile and international congresses made the continent into a lived space. This territory was later conceived of as a political place, however European integration deeply divided socialists, even if a number of their leaders were prominent figures in the construction of Europe. Parties from the north were especially reluctant to join the community, seen as being too neo-liberal. Members of the Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament protest austerity measures at the parc du Cinquantenaire in Brussels, Belgium on September 29, 2010. Like other political families, socialists had to take a position on the construction of a unified Europe beginning in the mid-twentieth century. The originality of this movement was the fact that beginning in the nineteenth century, the continent for socialists was an area of political practices as much as it was an ideological horizon. A Lived Space One of the characteristics of the socialist political family as it was structured in the nineteenth century was its transnational dimension, expressed in the slogan “Workers of the world, unite!” Socialists formed a number of successive Internationals that until the 1980s were essentially European clubs, despite their global ambitions. The International Socialist Bureau was for a long time headquartered in Brussels, serving as a kind of European capital of socialism at the beginning of the twentieth century. As well as the intellectual circulation generated through the organization of regular international congresses, the European experience of socialists involved militant paths often travelled while in exile.
    [Show full text]
  • Trading Places: America and Europe in the Middle East
    Trading Places: America and Europe in the Middle East Philip H. Gordon See if this story sounds familiar. A Western Great Power, long responsible for security in the Middle East, gets increasingly impatient with the hard- line position taken by nationalist leaders in Iran. Decades of historical baggage weigh heavily on both sides, and the Iranians deeply resent the way the Great Power had supported its corrupt former leaders and exer- cised influence over their internal affairs. In turn, the Great Power resents the challenge to its global leadership posed by the Tehran regime and begins to prepare plans for the use of military force. With the main protagonists refusing all direct diplomatic contact and heading toward a confrontation, the Great Power’s nervous allies dispatch negotiators to Tehran to try to defuse the dispute and offer a compromise. The Great Power denounces the compromise as appeasement and dusts off the military plans. The West is deeply split on how to handle yet another challenge in the Persian Gulf and a major showdown looms. The time and place? No, not America, Iran and Europe today, but the 1951 clash between the United Kingdom and the Mohammad Mosaddeq regime in Iran, with the United States in the role of mediator. In 1951, the issue at hand was not an incipient Iranian nuclear programme but Mosaddeq’s plan to nationalise the Iranian oil industry. The Truman administration, sympathetic to Iran’s claim that it deserved more control over its own resources, feared that Britain’s hard line would push Iran in an even more anti-Western direction and worried about an intra-Western crisis at a time when a common enemy required unity.
    [Show full text]
  • Entretien Avec Pierre Mauroy Par Thibault Tellier Fiche Chrono-Thématique
    Entretien avec Pierre Mauroy par Thibault Tellier Fiche chrono-thématique Dates Titre Thèmes Descripteurs/ Mots-clef Repères de recherche Correspondance entretien Les réflexions sur la À la SFIO : Jacobins/ girondins Michel ROCARD 00'00'00 - 00'09'35 décentralisation à la fin la place de Pierre Mauroy et diversité des Etatisme Jean-Pierre CHEVENEMENT des années 60 dans les positionnements Jeunesses socialistes PSU mouvements de gauche autogestion et décentralisation Gaston DEFERRE description des gauches Lille François MITTERRAND 1973 La décentralisation du Rapports avec les préfets: 00'09'35 - 00'12'15 point de vue de la mairie l'Equipement, bras armé des préfets de Lille Position de Pierre Mauroy dans la SFIO CEDEP Guy MOLLET 00'12'15 - 00'17'57 Fédération Léo Lagrange M. SCHMIDT M. CAZELLES M. DARRAS Daniel MAYER Tensions avec l'Etat : Le congrès d'Epinay-sur- 00'17'57 - 00'22'42 la montée de François Mitterrand et le Seine rapprochement avec Pierre Mauroy Centralisme politique et décentralisation territoriale Le rôle de maire : Conseil de quartier 00'22'42 - 00'24'36 déconcentration et intercommunalité rénovation Exemple de la politique de rénovation Préfet Jacques CHABAN-DELMAS 00'24'36 - 00'29'12 urbaine de Lille : André CHADEAU relations avec les acteurs de l'aménagement du territoire DDE centralisatrice Décentralisation, Pierre Mauroy, 29 mai 2009, 02_03_05 1 Les opposants à la décentralisation : Force Ouvrière ATOS 00'29'12 - 00'34'39 DDE centralisatrice : la tutelle des communes CFDT syndicats CGT La procédure « Habitat et vie
    [Show full text]
  • AJC Memorandum on the Current Situation in Algeria
    THE AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE Paris> France June 6, 1958 * ^ Mr. Eugene Hevesi Cf** American Jewish Committee New York 16, N. Y. Dear Eugenes To date the situation of Jews in France and Algeria, as Jews, has remained virtually unaffected by the recent political crisis in France and the formation of the de Gaulle government. Jews were among the people violently for de Gaullej there were Jews violently against de Gaullej and Jews held every shade of position in between — in short, their position vis-a-vis the General was no different from that of any other Frenchman* One indication of this is the fact that neither the United HIAS nor the Jewish Agency has met with the slightest increased demand for emigration} whereas previous political events of importance — e.g., the outbreak of the Korean War — when Jews felt that they might eventually be threatened, resulted in a sharply increased desire to leave Europe. This does not mean, of course, that the changes in France, and the changes that may come in Algeria, will not have their effects in the months to come. Here we enter the realm of speculation, speculation involving not only the policies and personality of General de Gaulle but also of the potential development of the political forces in France during the next five or six crucial months. "Unknown" is the word for the views of France's new Premier, Charles de Gaulle, on most issues. He has — summarily enough — outlined his demand for French con- stitutional reform. He has begun to spell out his terms for settlement of the Algerian crisis.
    [Show full text]
  • North Africa Cfg-1-15? American Universities
    NORTH AFRICA CFG-1-15? AMERICAN UNIVERSITIES 522 FIFTH AVENUE NEW YORK 36.NY NORTH AFRICA: 1956 A Summary of the Year's Events in North Africa A Report from Charles F. Gallagher New Pork January 10, 1957 The year 1956 was a turning point in the history of North Africa, and future historians may look upon it as the most important year since the French landings in Algiers in 1830. In a year studded with such momentous events as the Suez and Hungarian crises, the events in North Africa, with the beginnings of the end of a 125-year- long French colonial domination, rank perhaps in third place among the vital happenings of the year in foreign affairs. The year began with only Libya, among the four states of the area, an independent nation; it closed with three of the four self-governing. More concisely, it started with one person in 25 self-ruled; it ended with 15 of every 25 free. It saw the creation of two new nations: Morocco a arch 2), and Tunisia a arch 20), and witnessed their admission to the United Nations and many of its specialized agencies as full-fledged and respected members of the international community. It was a year in which the promises for a better future augured in 1955 were fulfilled in many ways, but one in which the economic and social difficulties attending a coming- of-age were brought into relief toward the close. More than anything it was a year in the fields of social and educational reforms and justice where heartening steps forward were taken.
    [Show full text]
  • De Gaulle and Europe
    De Gaulle and Europe: Historical Revision and Social Science Theory by Andrew Moravcsik• Harvard University Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series 8.5 Abstract The thousands of books and articles on Charles de Gaulle's policy toward European integration, wheth­ er written by historians, social scientists, or commentators, universally accord primary explanatory importance to the General's distinctive geopolitical ideology. In explaining his motivations, only sec­ ondary significance, if any at all, is attached to commercial considerations. This paper seeks to re· verse this historiographical consensus by examining the four major decisions toward European integra­ tion during de Gaulle's presidency: the decisions to remain in the Common Market in 1958, to propose the Foucher Plan in the early 1960s, to veto British accession to the EC, and to provoke the "empty chair" crisis in 1965-1966, resulting in the "Luxembourg Compromise." In each case, the overwhelm­ ing bulk of the primary evidence-speeches, memoirs, or government documents-suggests that de Gaulle's primary motivation was economic, not geopolitical or ideological. Like his predecessors and successors, de Gaulle sought to promote French industry and agriculture by establishing protected mar­ kets for their export products. This empirical finding has three broader implications: (1) For those in· teresred in the European Union, it suggests that regional integration has been driven primarily by economic, not geopolitical considerations--even in the "least likely" case. (2) For those interested in the role of ideas in foreign policy, it suggests that strong interest groups in a democracy limit the im· pact of a leader's geopolitical ideology--even where the executive has very broad institutional autono­ my.
    [Show full text]
  • June 17, 1993 Interview with André Finkelstein by Avner Cohen
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified June 17, 1993 Interview with André Finkelstein by Avner Cohen Citation: “Interview with André Finkelstein by Avner Cohen,” June 17, 1993, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, From the personal collection of Avner Cohen. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/113997 Summary: Transcript of Avner Cohen's 1993 interview with André Finkelstein. Finkelstein, deputy director of the IAEA and a ranking official within the French Atomic Energy Commission (CEA), discusses Franco- Israeli nuclear technology exchange and collaboration in this 1993 interview. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation and Carnegie Corporation of New York (CCNY). Original Language: English Contents: English Transcription Interview with Dr. André Finkelstein [1] This interview was conducted on 17 June 1993 in Paris, France. Interviewer: Dr. Avner Cohen Dr. André Finkelstein: I was trained as a physical chemist, I spent two years in Rochester University in New York and then I came back and joined the French Commission.[2],[3] Dr. Avner Cohen: When was that? Finkelstein: ’53. And I was involved in isotope tritium production and then quickly the Commission was expanding very quickly, so many people had no chance to stay in the lab very long and I was called to headquarters and I was in international affairs. I float[ed] for many years in [International Atomic Energy Agency] IAEA[4] in Vienna and I was for four years as deputy director general in Vienna and then I came back . Cohen: For Hans Blix?[5] Finkelstein: Before Hans Blix, with [Sigvard] Eklund [6] in the Department of Research and Isotopes.
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom Fries: the French-American Rift Over Iraq
    Freedom Fries: The French-American Rift Over Iraq May 22, 2003 Columbia University Conference Transcript Robert Paxton, moderator: I would like to welcome you to Columbia University and to “Freedom Fries: A Conference on the French-American Rift over Iraq.” On February 14, 2003, the French foreign minister, Dominique de Villepin, made a speech to the United Nations Security Council, following a report from the UN inspectors in Iraq, in which he said that considerable progress was being made in the disarmament of Iraq through the UN inspection process. Believing progress was being made, Villepin said that more time was needed for this process to work itself out—it was too early to begin military action. But France was ready to consider it if the Iraqi government drew back and progress under the inspection process stopped. Villepin later explained, and other French government spokesmen ultimately confirmed, that France at that time was unwilling to support the second UN resolution, proposed by the United States and Great Britain, enabling military action to start in Iraq. A few days later, in Beaufort, North Carolina, Cubbie’s restaurant changed its menu, and “French fries" became “freedom fries.” A Republican congressman from the region, Walter Jones, brought this to the attention of the U.S. House of Representatives. Bob Ney, a Republican congressman from Ohio and Chair of the Committee on House Administration, ordered that the restaurant in the House of Representatives should henceforth change its menus in the same direction. “French fries” thereby became “freedom fries” on Capitol Hill. This action was not met with unanimous approval or disapproval: sentiments were mixed.
    [Show full text]