International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial
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Executive Summary Macau Became a Special Administrative Region
Executive Summary Macau became a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People's Republic of China (PRC) on December 20, 1999. Macau's status, since reverting to Chinese sovereignty, is defined in the Sino-Portuguese Joint Declaration (1987) and the Basic Law, Macau's constitution. Under the concept of “One Country, Two Systems” articulated in these documents, Macau enjoys a high degree of autonomy in economic matters, and its economic system is to remain unchanged for fifty years. The Government of Macau (GOM) maintains a transparent, non-discriminatory, and free-market economy. The GOM is committed to maintaining an investor-friendly environment. In 2002, the GOM ended a long-standing gaming monopoly, awarding two gaming concessions to consortia with U.S. interests. This opening has encouraged substantial U.S. investment in casinos and hotels, and has spurred exceptionally rapid economic growth over the last few years. Macau is today the undisputed gaming capital of the world, having surpassed Las Vegas in terms of gambling revenue in 2006. U.S. investment over the past decade is estimated to exceed US$10 billion. In addition to gaming, Macau is positioning itself to be a regional center for incentive travel, conventions, and tourism. The American business community in Macau has continued to grow. In 2007, business leaders founded the American Chamber of Commerce of Macau. 1. Openness to, and Restrictions Upon, Foreign Investment Macau became a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People's Republic of China (PRC) on December 20, 1999. Macau's status, since reverting to Chinese sovereignty, is defined in the Sino-Portuguese Joint Declaration (1987) and the Basic Law, Macau's constitution. -
China (Includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau) 2018 Human Rights Report
CHINA (INCLUDES TIBET, HONG KONG, AND MACAU) 2018 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is an authoritarian state in which the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is the paramount authority. CCP members hold almost all top government and security apparatus positions. Ultimate authority rests with the CCP Central Committee’s 25-member Political Bureau (Politburo) and its seven-member Standing Committee. Xi Jinping continued to hold the three most powerful positions as CCP general secretary, state president, and chairman of the Central Military Commission. Civilian authorities maintained control of security forces. During the year the government significantly intensified its campaign of mass detention of members of Muslim minority groups in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (Xinjiang). Authorities were reported to have arbitrarily detained 800,000 to possibly more than two million Uighurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other Muslims in internment camps designed to erase religious and ethnic identities. Government officials claimed the camps were needed to combat terrorism, separatism, and extremism. International media, human rights organizations, and former detainees reported security officials in the camps abused, tortured, and killed some detainees. Human rights issues included arbitrary or unlawful killings by the government; forced disappearances by the government; torture by the government; arbitrary detention by the government; harsh and life-threatening prison and detention conditions; political prisoners; -
How Can We Make the Government to Be Accountable? a Case Study of Macao Special Administrative Region
How can we make the government to be accountable? A Case Study of Macao Special Administrative Region Eilo YU Wing-yat and Ada LEI Hio-leng Department of Government and Public Administration University of Macau Introduction Accountability, which refers to the answerability and responsibility of government officials, is generally considered essential to the achievement of good governance (Moncrieff, 1998). However, the operationalization of accountability is an unresolved issue. In other words, the question of how we make officials truly answerable and responsible to the people is still under debate. Rodan and Hughes (2014) summarize four approaches to understanding the constitution of accountable government: namely, liberal accountability, democratic accountability, moral accountability, and social accountability. Accordingly, accountability is the interplay between government officials and the people through these four approaches, which can help us to understand the extent to which officials are answerable to and sanctioned for their acts. Thereby, accountability may not have a real operational definition because, by nature, it is contextual and shaped through government-mass interactions. This paper aims to understand accountability by examining the case of the Macao Special Administrative Region (MSAR) through an application of Rodan and Hughes’ four approaches to accountability. Its main purpose is to study the political interplay between the Macao people and government for the purpose of making a more accountable government. Its argument is that liberal and democratic accountabilities are not well institutionalized in Macau and that, instead, the MSAR government relies mainly on moral accountability to socialize the public. Leaning toward the liberal approach, the MSAR government has been trying to socialize the moral standards of the Macao masses in order to guide the public’s demand for accountability. -
Data: 07 De Abril De 2000. Início: 15H00. Fim Da Reunião: 12H25 Do Dia 08 De Abril De 2000. Local: Sala Do Plenário No Edifí
Data: 07 de Abril de 2000. Ordem do Dia: O debate sobre o relatório das Linhas de Acção Governativa na área dos Assuntos Sociais e Cultura para o ano de Início: 15h00. 2001. Fim da reunião: 12h25 do dia 08 de Abril de 2000. Sumário: No Plenário, os Srs. Deputados debateram e apresentaram opiniões ao Sr. Secretário para os Assuntos Sociais e Cultura sobre o Local: Sala do Plenário no Edifício da Assembleia Legislativa, Praça conteúdo das LAG para o ano de 2000, da sua área de tutela. da AL, Aterros da Baía da Praia Grande de Macau. Acta: Presidente: Susana Chou. Presidente: Srs. Deputados, façam o favor de se sentarem. Os Srs. Vice-Presidente: Lau CheokVa. jornalistas que queiram tirar fotografias, façam o favor de aproveitar estes 3 minutos. Antes que me esqueça, espero que todos aqui Primeiro-Secretário: Leonel Alberto Alves. presentes desliguem os vossos telemóveis e "pagers". Segundo-Secretário: Kou Hoi In. Obrigada. Deputados presentes: Susana Chou, Lau Cheok Va, Leonel Alberto Vamos dar início à nossa reunião. Alves, Kou Hoi In, Ng Kuok Cheong, Vitor Ng, Chow Kam Fai David aliás David Chow, Anabela Sales Ritchie, Tong Chi Kin, Iong Agradeço, desde já, a presença do Sr. Secretário para os Assuntos Weng Ian, Chui Sai Cheong, Cheong Vai Kei, João Baptista Manuel Sociais e Cultura, Fernando Chui, e dos seus membros do Governo. Leão, Leong Heng Teng, Hoi Sai Iun, Philip Xavier, Ho Teng Iat, Nós conhecemos muito bem o Sr. Secretário Chui, e acho que está Fong Chi Keong, Vong Hin Fai, Liu Yuk Lun aliás David Liu, José especialmente familiarizado, porque fomos colegas, por isso, julgo Manuel de Oliveira Rodrigues e Kwan Tsui Hang. -
CHINA COUNTRY of ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service
CHINA COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service 12 October 2012 CHINA 12 OCTOBER 2012 Contents Preface REPORTS ON CHINA PUBLISHED OR ACCESSED BETWEEN 24 SEPTEMBER 10 OCTOBER 2012 Paragraphs Background Information 1. GEOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 1.01 Map ........................................................................................................................ 1.05 Infrastructure ........................................................................................................ 1.06 Languages ........................................................................................................... 1.07 Population ............................................................................................................. 1.08 Naming conventions ........................................................................................... 1.10 Public holidays ................................................................................................... 1.12 2. ECONOMY ................................................................................................................ 2.01 Poverty .................................................................................................................. 2.03 Currency ................................................................................................................ 2.05 3. HISTORY ................................................................................................................. -
Congressional-Executive Commission on China Annual Report 2012
CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ANNUAL REPORT 2012 ONE HUNDRED TWELFTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION OCTOBER 10, 2012 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.cecc.gov 2012 ANNUAL REPORT CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ANNUAL REPORT 2012 ONE HUNDRED TWELFTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION OCTOBER 10, 2012 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.cecc.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 76–190 PDF WASHINGTON : 2012 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS House Senate CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey, SHERROD BROWN, Ohio, Cochairman Chairman MAX BAUCUS, Montana FRANK WOLF, Virginia CARL LEVIN, Michigan DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California EDWARD R. ROYCE, California JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon TIMOTHY J. WALZ, Minnesota SUSAN COLLINS, Maine MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio JAMES RISCH, Idaho MICHAEL M. HONDA, California EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS SETH D. HARRIS, Department of Labor MARIA OTERO, Department of State FRANCISCO J. SANCHEZ, Department of Commerce KURT M. CAMPBELL, Department of State NISHA DESAI BISWAL, U.S. Agency for International Development PAUL B. PROTIC, Staff Director LAWRENCE T. LIU, Deputy Staff -
Hong Kong and Macau: Power and Struggle from the Post-Colonial Period to Today
Hong Kong and Macau: power and struggle from the post-colonial period to today Federico Gori 071912 Thesis Supervisor: Professor Christian Blasberg 30 September 2015 1 Abstract La questione democratica messa in rilievo attraverso le manifestazioni studentesche di Hong Kong dell’autunno 2014, dimostra la volontà di un popolo di uscire dal sistema verticistico ed accentrato diretto da Pechino. Hong Kong essendo una Regione Amministrativa Speciale (RAS), gode sotto il profilo costituzionale, di un alto grado di autonomia negli ambiti delle politiche economiche, sociali ed amministrative. Non le sono al contrario riconosciute prerogative nei settori della difesa e degli affari esteri, che permangono sotto il totale controllo dello Stato unitario. La regione dovrebbe dunque godere di un’ampia sfera di autonomia amministrativa e gestionale con un governo regionale distinto da quello della Repubblica Popolare Cinese (RPC) almeno per quanto riguarda i settori cui sopra: dicotomia da cui deriva il principio “Un-Paese-Due-Sistemi”. Utile in questo contesto di analisi del sistema esecutivo, nonché legislativo del centro finanziario cinese per eccellenza, è sicuramente il manuale Hong Kong in Transition. One Country, Two Systems scritto da Ash e Ferdinand nel 2003 nel quale vengono sottolineate le peculiarità del sistema e delineata la nozione di “accountability” nei confronti del potere centralizzato di Pechino. L’influenza che esercita il Partito ed il governo centrali sulla struttura politica di Hong Kong viene egualmente ed esplicitamente descritta nel Codice Civile della regione, secondo il quale il governo pechinese gode di un alto livello di discrezionalità nella scelta dei candidati che andranno poi a ricoprire incarichi di governo della regione. -
288 Final REPORT from the COMMISSION to the EUROPEAN
EUROPEAN COMMISSION Brussels, 3.6.2010 COM(2010)288 final REPORT FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND THE COUNCIL Macao Special Administrative Region: Annual Report 2009 EN EN REPORT FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND THE COUNCIL Macao Special Administrative Region: Annual Report 2009 Introduction Since the handover of Macao to mainland China ten years ago, the European Commission has been closely monitoring economic and political developments in the Macao Special Administrative Region (SAR), in order to fulfil its 1999 commitment to the European Parliament to issue an annual report on developments. This report covers the year 2009. 2009 was an important year for the Macao SAR. It marked the 10th anniversary of its return to mainland China. A new Chief Executive replaced Edmund Ho. Elections for the Legislative Assembly took place in September 2009, ushering in a new legislature for a four-year term. Earlier in the year, Macao also witnessed the passage of national security legislation. The European Commission acknowledges the satisfactory implementation of the "one country, two systems" policy since the handover in accordance with the Basic Law of Macao SAR. The Basic Law guarantees that Macao's way of life, rule of law and protection of fundamental rights and freedoms will remain unchanged. All in all, the implementation of the Basic Law has worked, in general, well for Macao since its return to mainland China and the fundamental rights and freedoms of Macao's people have been respected. Political developments 2009 marked the first change of leadership since the colony was returned to China in 1999. -
2016 Country Review
China 2016 Country Review http://www.countrywatch.com Table of Contents Chapter 1 1 Country Overview 1 Country Overview 2 Key Data 3 China 4 Asia 5 Chapter 2 7 Political Overview 7 History 8 Political Conditions 13 Political Risk Index 54 Political Stability 68 Freedom Rankings 84 Human Rights 95 Government Functions 99 Government Structure 100 Principal Government Officials 104 Leader Biography 105 Leader Biography 105 Foreign Relations 118 National Security 145 Defense Forces 148 Appendix: Hong Kong 150 Appendix: Taiwan 173 Appendix: Macau 208 Chapter 3 220 Economic Overview 220 Economic Overview 221 Nominal GDP and Components 224 Population and GDP Per Capita 226 Real GDP and Inflation 227 Government Spending and Taxation 228 Money Supply, Interest Rates and Unemployment 229 Foreign Trade and the Exchange Rate 230 Data in US Dollars 231 Energy Consumption and Production Standard Units 232 Energy Consumption and Production QUADS 234 World Energy Price Summary 236 CO2 Emissions 237 Agriculture Consumption and Production 238 World Agriculture Pricing Summary 241 Metals Consumption and Production 242 World Metals Pricing Summary 245 Economic Performance Index 246 Chapter 4 258 Investment Overview 258 Foreign Investment Climate 259 Foreign Investment Index 261 Corruption Perceptions Index 274 Competitiveness Ranking 285 Taxation 294 Stock Market 296 Partner Links 297 Chapter 5 298 Social Overview 298 People 299 Human Development Index 305 Life Satisfaction Index 309 Happy Planet Index 320 Status of Women 329 Global Gender Gap Index 333 Culture -
China (Includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau) 2014 Human Rights Report
CHINA (INCLUDES TIBET, HONG KONG, AND MACAU) 2014 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is an authoritarian state in which the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is the paramount authority. CCP members hold almost all top government and security apparatus positions. Ultimate authority rests with the 25-member Political Bureau (Politburo) of the CCP and its seven- member Standing Committee. China completed its once-in-a-decade leadership transition in March 2013, and Xi Jinping held the three most powerful positions as CCP general secretary, state president, and chairman of the Central Military Commission. Civilian authorities maintained control of the military and internal security forces. Repression and coercion were routine, particularly against organizations and individuals involved in civil and political rights advocacy and public interest issues, ethnic minorities, and law firms that took on sensitive cases. Officials continued to employ harassment, intimidation, and prosecution of family members and associates to retaliate against rights advocates and defenders. Individuals and groups regarded as politically sensitive by authorities continued to face tight restrictions on their freedom to assemble, practice religion, and travel. Authorities resorted to extralegal measures such as enforced disappearance and strict house arrest, including house arrest of family members, to prevent public expression of independent opinions. Authorities continued to censor and tightly control public discourse on the internet. Public-interest law firms continued to face harassment, disbarment of legal staff, and closure. There was severe official repression of the freedoms of speech, religion, association, and assembly of Uighurs in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR) and of Tibetans in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) and other Tibetan areas. -
Why the Political System of the Macao SAR Is Not One of “Separation Of
Why the Political System of the Macao SAR is not One of “Separation of Power”? – Speech at the Graduation Ceremony of the Advanced Seminar for Macao Basic Law Studies ZHANG Xiaoming* I. Introduction I feel deeply honored to have been invited to attend the Graduation Ceremony of the Advanced Seminar for Macao Basic Law Studies and inauguration of the Phase IV of the program, co-sponsored by the Public Administration and Civil Service Bureau of the Government of Macao Special Administrative Region (SAR), the One Country Two Systems Research Center of the Macao Polytechnic Institute, and the Associação de Divulgação da Lei Básica de Macau. I would like to pay tribute to the program organizers, extend congratulations to all program participants on the successful completion of their studies, and wish participants of the new program rewarding outcome of their studies. The achievements and progress of Macao over the past 12 years after its return to the motherland are evident to all. One important accomplishment is the in-depth implementation and promotion of the Basic Law of the Macao Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China (hereinafter as “the Macao Basic Law”). As President Hu Jintao commented in his speech at the Ceremony Celebrating 10th Anniversary of Macao’s Return to the Motherland and the Inauguration of the Third-term Government the Macao SAR, “the government and various non-governmental organizations in the Macao SAR have made unremitting efforts to promote the Macao Basic Law and apply it to the exercise of executive, legislative and independent judicial power and handling of major issues such as political institutional development.” The “One Country, Two Systems” concept and awareness of the Macao Basic Law have been gaining increasing public support. -
Consultative Governance, Legitimacy Problem and Democracy Deficit in Macau
Consultative Governance, Legitimacy Problem and Democracy Deficit in Macau Sonny Shiu-Hing LO∗ 1. Introduction 2. The Modes and Problems of Consultative Governance in Macau Since the establishment of the Macau Special Administrative Region (MSAR) of the People’s Republic Consultation with the public is arguably a significant of China (PRC) on 20th December 1999, the MSAR way of reinventing the government and making it more governance has been characterized by a consultative style. approachable or accessible to the ordinary citizens, thus This feature was prominent during the Edmund Ho Hau narrowing the gap between the rulers and the ruled Wah administration from 1999 to 2009, whereas the (Osborne and Plastrik, 1997; OECD, 2001; Davis and current Fernando Chui Sai On government is elevating Weller, 2001). From a comparative perspective, consultative governance as a “sunshine policy.” Indeed, consultative governance can be seen in many city-states, from a comparative perspective, consultative governance especially Macau’s neighbour the Hong Kong Special is aimed at legitimizing any regime; nevertheless, in the Administrative Region (HKSAR). Consultative govern- case of the MSAR, consultative governance has arguably ance in the HKSAR has taken the form of establishing been marked by not only a persistent effort by various various grassroots level institutions, such as District government agencies to collect public opinion qualita- Councils, District Management Committees, Mutual Aid tively but also a democracy deficit. This democracy Committees and Owners Corporations, to improve the deficit is defined here as the absence of sufficient way in which local administration is governed (Lo, 2001). governmental efforts at institutionalizing and stimulating This consultative style is not new because the British citizen participation in the processes of public policy- colonial authorities had long injected various consultative making and formulation (Bovard, 2005; Institute on committees to tap the views of interest groups and Governance, 2005; Bekkers, 2007).