The Chronicle of the First World War and Its Impact on the Balkans Birinci Dünya Savaşı’Nın Tarihi Ve Balkanlar’A Etkisi
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Unity in Diversity, Volume 2
Unity in Diversity, Volume 2 Unity in Diversity, Volume 2: Cultural and Linguistic Markers of the Concept Edited by Sabine Asmus and Barbara Braid Unity in Diversity, Volume 2: Cultural and Linguistic Markers of the Concept Edited by Sabine Asmus and Barbara Braid This book first published 2014 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2014 by Sabine Asmus, Barbara Braid and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-5700-9, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-5700-0 CONTENTS Introduction .............................................................................................. vii Cultural and Linguistic Markers of the Concept of Unity in Diversity Sabine Asmus Part I: Cultural Markers Chapter One ................................................................................................ 3 Questions of Identity in Contemporary Ireland and Spain Cormac Anderson Chapter Two ............................................................................................. 27 Scottish Whisky Revisited Uwe Zagratzki Chapter Three ........................................................................................... 39 Welsh -
The Diary of Bogdan Filov Bogdan Dimitrov Filov
DOCUMENTS FREDERICK B. CHARY, translator and editor (Gary, Ind., U.S.A.) The Diary of Bogdan Filov Bogdan Dimitrov Filov (1883-1945) was prime minister of Bulgaria from 1940 to 1943 and a member of the regency couiicil from September, 1943 to September 9, 1944. One of the most important political leaders of the Kingdom of Bulgaria during the critical years of World War II, he wrote a diary of day-to-day events of that time which has great value for the historian. In it are revealed both the stresses of Balkan politics and the views of Axis leaders and their allies on the war. Before entering upon his political career, Filov was an art historian and an archaeologist. He was at one time a rector of Sofia University and president of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences. His scholarly works were so numerous and impressive that even today they form a major contribution to the study of Bulgarian antiquities and medieval art. Filov first entered the Bulgarian government in November, 1938, as minister of education. Although he was a Germanophile (he had attended German universities and belonged to several German scholarly societies), his minor post and academic background kept him from the center of political controversy in 1939. At that time a power struggle between Georgi K'oseivanov, the prime minister, and Ivan Bagrianov, the minister of agriculture in the 1938-1939 cabinet, occupied Bulgarian politics. King Boris III had hand-picked K'oseivanov for the premiership in 1935, after the struggles following the Military League's coup d'etat of the previous year had brought the state under the domination of the throne. -
World War I Concept Learning Outline Objectives
AP European History: Period 4.1 Teacher’s Edition World War I Concept Learning Outline Objectives I. Long-term causes of World War I 4.1.I.A INT-9 A. Rival alliances: Triple Alliance vs. Triple Entente SP-6/17/18 1. 1871: The balance of power of Europe was upset by the decisive Prussian victory in the Franco-Prussian War and the creation of the German Empire. a. Bismarck thereafter feared French revenge and negotiated treaties to isolate France. b. Bismarck also feared Russia, especially after the Congress of Berlin in 1878 when Russia blamed Germany for not gaining territory in the Balkans. 2. In 1879, the Dual Alliance emerged: Germany and Austria a. Bismarck sought to thwart Russian expansion. b. The Dual Alliance was based on German support for Austria in its struggle with Russia over expansion in the Balkans. c. This became a major feature of European diplomacy until the end of World War I. 3. Triple Alliance, 1881: Italy joined Germany and Austria Italy sought support for its imperialistic ambitions in the Mediterranean and Africa. 4. Russian-German Reinsurance Treaty, 1887 a. It promised the neutrality of both Germany and Russia if either country went to war with another country. b. Kaiser Wilhelm II refused to renew the reinsurance treaty after removing Bismarck in 1890. This can be seen as a huge diplomatic blunder; Russia wanted to renew it but now had no assurances it was safe from a German invasion. France courted Russia; the two became allies. Germany, now out of necessity, developed closer ties to Austria. -
Violence Against Kosovar Albanians, Nato's
VIOLENCE AGAINST KOSOVAR ALBANIANS, NATO’S INTERVENTION 1998-1999 MSF SPEAKS OUT MSF Speaks Out In the same collection, “MSF Speaking Out”: - “Salvadoran refugee camps in Honduras 1988” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2003 - April 2004 - December 2013] - “Genocide of Rwandan Tutsis 1994” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2003 - April 2004 - April 2014] - “Rwandan refugee camps Zaire and Tanzania 1994-1995” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2003 - April 2004 - April 2014] - “The violence of the new Rwandan regime 1994-1995” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2003 - April 2004 - April 2014] - “Hunting and killings of Rwandan Refugee in Zaire-Congo 1996-1997” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [August 2004 - April 2014] - ‘’Famine and forced relocations in Ethiopia 1984-1986” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [January 2005 - November 2013] - “MSF and North Korea 1995-1998” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [January 2008 - 2014] - “War Crimes and Politics of Terror in Chechnya 1994-2004” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [June 2010 -2014] -”Somalia 1991-1993: Civil war, famine alert and UN ‘military-humanitarian’ intervention” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2013] Editorial Committee: Laurence Binet, Françoise Bouchet-Saulnier, Marine Buissonnière, Katharine Derderian, Rebecca Golden, Michiel Hofman, Theo Kreuzen, Jacqui Tong - Director of Studies (project coordination-research-interviews-editing): Laurence Binet - Assistant: Berengere Cescau - Transcription of interviews: Laurence Binet, Christelle Cabioch, Bérengère Cescau, Jonathan Hull, Mary Sexton - Typing: Cristelle Cabioch - Translation into English: Aaron Bull, Leah Brummer, Nina Friedman, Imogen Forst, Malcom Leader, Caroline Lopez-Serraf, Roger Leverdier, Jan Todd, Karen Tucker - Proof reading: Rebecca Golden, Jacqui Tong - Design/lay out: - Video edit- ing: Sara Mac Leod - Video research: Céline Zigo - Website designer and webmaster: Sean Brokenshire. -
Will Bulgaria Become Monarchy Again?
Southeast European Politics Vol. IV, No. 2-3 November 2003 pp. 157-174 Will Bulgaria Become Monarchy Again? ROSSEN VASSILEV The Ohio State University ABSTRACT This article deals with the much debated question of whether post-Communist Bulgaria should restore the monarchy abolished by the 1946 referendum. The prospects for bringing back the monarchy are believed to be negligible, given the existing constitutional hurdles and the population’s pro-republican sentiments. But ex-King Simeon’s triumph in the June 2001 parliamentary election has dramatically changed his standing at home. Any restoration of the monarchy will depend on the perceived success of his coalition government, especially in rebuilding the ailing national economy. It is questionable whether Simeon II will be able to live up to the overoptimistic expectations of Bulgarians who believe that like a Messiah he will save their country from the economic, social, political and institutional turmoil into which it has descended. But with a population distrustful of the politically bankrupt old parties and politicians and despondent enough to grasp at straws, a revival of the monarchy cannot be ruled out. Introduction Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan consider the issue of constitutions and constitutional formulas to be a significant, if neglected, aspect of democratic transitions (Linz and Stepan 1996: 81-83). They offer a classification of six different possible constitution-making environments, ranging from those that present the most confining conditions for democratization to those -
Chapter 8 – the First World War
Chapter 8 – The First World War Section Notes Video A World Crisis The First World War The United States in World War I Maps The Home Front Alliances, 1914 Peace without Victory World War I, 1914 – 1917 World War I, 1917 – 1918 History Close-up Europe and the Middle East, 1915 Fighting in the Trenches Europe and the Middle East, 1919 Quick Facts Images Major Battles Wilson Campaign Truck Wilson’s Fourteen Points and Harlem Hell Fighters the Treaty of Versailles War Bonds Visual Summary: The First Infantry Troops in France World War A World Crisis The Main Idea Rivalries among European nations led to the outbreak of war in 1914. Reading Focus • What were the causes of World War I? • How did the war break out? • Why did the war quickly reach a stalemate? Sparks of World War I • In 1912 a Bosnian teenager named Gavrilo Pincip joined the Black Hand terrorist organization, which wanted to free Bosnia-Herzegovina from Austro-Hungarian rule. • This group plotted to assassinate Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria on his visit to Sarajevo, Bosnia. • On June 28, 1914, Princip fatally shot the archduke and his wife. • 3,000 miles away, most Americans cared little about the murder. • Still, most of Europe plunged into war within five weeks. • Long before Princip even fired a shot, political changes in Europe made war almost unavoidable. • By 1914 Europe was ripe for war. Conditions in Europe in 1914 Nationalism Imperialism Militarism • Extreme pride people • The policy of • Other nations were feel for their country military also trying to preparedness • Struggle for power expand, and this • Germany built a was visible in the quest for colonial strong navy to rival Balkans, a European empires is known Britain’s region with many as imperialism. -
In Galicia, Spain (1860-1936)
Finisterra, XXXIII, 65, 1998, pp. 117-128 SUBSTATE NATION-BUILDING AND GEOGRAPHICAL REPRESENTATIONS OF ‘THE OTHER’ IN GALICIA, SPAIN (1860-1936) JACOBO GARCÍA -ÁLVAREZ 1 Abstract: The ‘social construction’ of otherness and, broadly speaking, the ideological-political use of ‘external’ socio-spatial referents have become important topics in contemporary studies on territorial identities, nationalisms and nation-building processes, geography included. After some brief, introductory theoretical reflections, this paper examines the contribution of geographical discourses, arguments and images, sensu lato , in the definition of the external socio-spatial identity referents of Galician nationalism in Spain, during the period 1860-1936. In this discourse Castile was typically represented as ‘the other’ (the negative, opposition referent), against which Galician identity was mobilised, whereas Portugal, on the one hand, together with Ireland and the so-called ‘Atlantic-Celtic nationalities’, on the other hand, were positively constructed as integrative and emulation referents. Key-words : Nationalism, nation-building, socio-spatial identities, external territorial referents, otherness, Spain, Galicia, Risco, Otero Pedrayo, Portugal, Atlantism, pan-Celtism. Résumé: LA CONSTRUCTION D ’UN NATIONALISME SOUS -ETATIQUE ET LES REPRESENTATIONS GEOGRAPHIQUES DE “L’A UTRE ” EN GALICE , E SPAGNE (1860-1936) – La formation de toute identité est un processus dialectique et dualiste, en tant qu’il implique la manipulation et la mobilisation de la “différence” -
Vladimir Paounovsky
THE B ULGARIAN POLICY TTHE BB ULGARIAN PP OLICY ON THE BB ALKAN CCOUNTRIESAND NN ATIONAL MM INORITIES,, 1878-19121878-1912 Vladimir Paounovsky 1.IN THE NAME OF THE NATIONAL IDEAL The period in the history of the Balkan nations known as the “Eastern Crisis of 1875-1879” determined the international political development in the region during the period between the end of 19th century and the end of World War I (1918). That period was both a time of the consolidation of and opposition to Balkan nationalism with the aim of realizing, to a greater or lesser degree, separate national doctrines and ideals. Forced to maneuver in the labyrinth of contradictory interests of the Great Powers on the Balkan Peninsula, the battles among the Balkan countries for superiority of one over the others, led them either to Pyrrhic victories or defeats. This was particularly evident during the 1912-1913 Balkan Wars (The Balkan War and The Interallied War) and World War I, which was ignited by a spark from the Balkans. The San Stefano Peace Treaty of 3 March, 1878 put an end to the Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878). According to the treaty, an independent Bulgarian state was to be founded within the ethnographic borders defined during the Istanbul Conference of December 1876; that is, within the framework of the Bulgarian Exarchate. According to the treaty the only loss for Bulgaria was the ceding of North Dobroujda to Romania as compensa- tion for the return of Bessarabia to Russia. The Congress of Berlin (June 1878), however, re-consid- ered the Peace Treaty and replaced it with a new one in which San Stefano Bulgaria was parceled out; its greater part was put under Ottoman control again while Serbia was given the regions around Pirot and Vranya as a compensation for the occupation of Novi Pazar sancak (administrative district) by Austro-Hun- - 331 - VLADIMIR P AOUNOVSKY gary. -
Bill Clinton, the Bosnian War, and American Foreign Relations in the Post-Cold War Era, 1992-1995
VISIONARY POLICY: BILL CLINTON, THE BOSNIAN WAR, AND AMERICAN FOREIGN RELATIONS IN THE POST-COLD WAR ERA, 1992-1995 James E. CovinGton III A thesis submitted to the faculty at the UniveRsity of NoRth CaRolina at Chapel Hill in paRtial fulfillment of the RequiRements foR the deGRee of MasteR of Arts in the Military History program in the DepaRtment of HistoRy. Chapel Hill 2015 AppRoved by: Michael C. MoRgan Wayne E. Lee Joseph W. Caddell © 2015 James E. CovinGton III ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT James E. CovinGton III: VisionaRy Policy: Bill Clinton, the Bosnian WaR, and AmeRican Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era, 1992-1995 (Under the direction of Michael C. MoRGan) Bill Clinton assumed office duRinG a particularly challenging peRiod of AmeRican histoRy. AfteR the fall of the Soviet Union, the United States enjoyed a period of unprecedented power and authority. Clinton was elected to office laRGely for his domestic policies, howeveR, his vision foR AmeRica’s position in the post-Cold War woRld steeRed his foReign policy, particularly with respect to Europe. Clinton’s vision was moRe inclusive and encompassinG than that of his predecessor, George H. W. Bush. During the post-Cold WaR yeaRs, Bush was moRe inclined to let EuRope soRt out theiR own pRoblems, particularly in the case of Bosnia. Clinton, however, was moRe willing to see post-Cold WaR EuRopean pRoblems as AmeRican issues. The Bosnian WaR RepResents a point wheRe these two ideals collided. Guided by this vision, Clinton oveRcame challenGes fRom the EuRopean Community, political adveRsaRies, and even his own public en Route to inteRveninG in Bosnia. -
Print This Article
The Historical Review/La Revue Historique Vol. 5, 2008 Andrej Mitrovic, Serbia's Great War, 1914-1918 Pavlowitch Stevan University of Southampton https://doi.org/10.12681/hr.233 Copyright © 2008 To cite this article: Pavlowitch, S. (2009). Andrej Mitrovic, Serbia's Great War, 1914-1918. The Historical Review/La Revue Historique, 5, 261-267. doi:https://doi.org/10.12681/hr.233 http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 02/10/2021 08:23:40 | Andrej Mitrovi≠, SERBIA’S GREAT WAR, 1914-1918, Introduction by Professor Mark Cornwall, London: Hurst & Company, 2007, xvi + 386 pages. Serbia’s “Great War” was indeed la Grande Guerre, that of 1914-1918. Too often, history books now remember only that Serbia was the (unwilling) cause of that war, and public perception then fast-forwards to the 1990s, when Serbia was generally cast as the villain of the “wars of the Yugoslav succession”. Even to students of World War I, it seems to disappear from the screen between December 1915 – when it collapsed under the onslaught of German, Austro- Hungarian and Bulgarian armies – and September 1918 – when an Allied offensive, with a resurrected Serbian army, broke through the Thessaloniki Front. Yet at the time, Serbia’s resistance, the winter retreat of its aged monarch, with officialdom, parliament, army and countless refugees, was the stuff of legend. A wave of Serbophilia swept through public opinion in Allied countries – notably in France and Great Britain. V. Eski¶evi≠’s painting, reproduced as a well-known picture postcard and used as the cover illustration of the volume here reviewed, symbolises it. -
Blood Ties: Religion, Violence, and the Politics of Nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878
BLOOD TIES BLOOD TIES Religion, Violence, and the Politics of Nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878–1908 I˙pek Yosmaog˘lu Cornell University Press Ithaca & London Copyright © 2014 by Cornell University All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or parts thereof, must not be reproduced in any form without permission in writing from the publisher. For information, address Cornell University Press, Sage House, 512 East State Street, Ithaca, New York 14850. First published 2014 by Cornell University Press First printing, Cornell Paperbacks, 2014 Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Yosmaog˘lu, I˙pek, author. Blood ties : religion, violence,. and the politics of nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878–1908 / Ipek K. Yosmaog˘lu. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8014-5226-0 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 978-0-8014-7924-3 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Macedonia—History—1878–1912. 2. Nationalism—Macedonia—History. 3. Macedonian question. 4. Macedonia—Ethnic relations. 5. Ethnic conflict— Macedonia—History. 6. Political violence—Macedonia—History. I. Title. DR2215.Y67 2013 949.76′01—dc23 2013021661 Cornell University Press strives to use environmentally responsible suppliers and materials to the fullest extent possible in the publishing of its books. Such materials include vegetable-based, low-VOC inks and acid-free papers that are recycled, totally chlorine-free, or partly composed of nonwood fibers. For further information, visit our website at www.cornellpress.cornell.edu. Cloth printing 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Paperback printing 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 To Josh Contents Acknowledgments ix Note on Transliteration xiii Introduction 1 1. -
Nations and Citizens in Yugoslavia and the Post-Yugoslav States: One Hundred Years of Citizenship
Štiks, Igor. "Brothers United: The Making of Yugoslavs." Nations and Citizens in Yugoslavia and the Post-Yugoslav States: One Hundred Years of Citizenship. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2015. 25–36. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 26 Sep. 2021. <http:// dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781474221559.ch-002>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 26 September 2021, 07:06 UTC. Copyright © Igor Štiks 2015. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 1 Brothers United: The Making of Yugoslavs The revolver came from Serbia, but the finger that pulled the trigger that would kill Franz Ferdinand and thus announce the end of one world and the birth of another acted upon two strong beliefs. If one can judge from his statement, underage Gavrilo Princip, like so many of his peers, was foremost convinced that South Slavs should be liberated from a foreign yoke and unite in their own state; this belief was strongly though not articulately mixed with another conviction that the world about to come must be the world of profound social transformation. Two motives with which our story of ‘one hundred years of citizenship’ begins will be repeated in many different forms during this century: should South Slavs have their own common state? Or form separate ones? And, regardless of the answer, should political transformations entail more social equality or only a change of the rulers at the top of the existing hierarchy? Every idea often has deep roots and various historic materializations.