The New Anarchists
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Program Pocc.Nais.Org | #Naispocc | #Naissdlc
PROGRAM POCC.NAIS.ORG | #NAISPOCC | #NAISSDLC 32ND NAIS PEOPLE OF COLOR CONFERENCE 26TH NAIS STUDENT DIVERSITY LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE DECEMBER 4 – 7 | SEATTLE POCC AT A GLANCE 4 Overview 6 Conference Speakers WED Dec 4 THU Dec 5 FRI Dec 6 SAT Dec 7 10 Special Events 12 Important Notes 7:00 AM – 8:00 PM 6:00 – 7:00 AM 6:00 – 7:00 AM 7:00 – 8:00 AM 13 PoCC Hub Registration Open Wellness Activities Wellness Activities Choir Rehearsal 16 Pre-Conference 8:00 AM – 5:00 PM 7:00 AM – 6:00 PM 7:00 AM – 1:00 PM 7:30 – 8:45 AM Equity Seminars Equity Seminars — Full day Registration Open Registration Open Affinity Group Session 3 25 School Visits 8:00 AM – NOON 8:15 – 9:30 AM 8:00 – 9:15 AM 9:00 – 9:45 AM 27 SDLC Welcome and Equity Seminars — Half day PoCC | SDLC Opening General Workshop Block C State and Regional Meetings Schedule at a Glance (morning) Session with Joy DeGruy 30 Wednesday, December 4 9:15 – 9:30 AM 10:00 – 11:15 AM 32 Thursday, December 5 8:30 AM – 5:00 PM 9:30 AM – 5:00 PM Break, Relax, Refresh Student-Led Adult/Student PoCC Affinity Group Training PoCC Hub Open Dialogues (by State/Region) 50 Friday, December 6 9:30 – 10:45 AM The PoCC Leadership Institute Workshop Block F 78 Saturday, December 7 9:45 – 11:45 AM for Educators of Color General Session with Valarie Kaur 86 Appreciation Affinity Group Session 1 11:30 AM – 12:45 PM 10:45 – 11:15 AM 89 Sponsors 8:30 AM – 12:30 PM PoCC | SDLC Closing Ceremonies School Visits NOON – 1:30 PM Break and Choir Rehearsal with Pedro Noguera 90 Conference History PoCC Welcome Luncheon 92 Advertisements -
SEWER SYNDICALISM: WORKER SELF- MANAGEMENT in PUBLIC SERVICES Eric M
\\jciprod01\productn\N\NVJ\14-2\NVJ208.txt unknown Seq: 1 30-APR-14 10:47 SEWER SYNDICALISM: WORKER SELF- MANAGEMENT IN PUBLIC SERVICES Eric M. Fink* Staat ist ein Verh¨altnis, ist eine Beziehung zwischen den Menschen, ist eine Art, wie die Menschen sich zu einander verhalten; und man zerst¨ort ihn, indem man andere Beziehungen eingeht, indem man sich anders zu einander verh¨alt.1 I. INTRODUCTION In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, municipal govern- ments in various US cities assumed responsibility for utilities and other ser- vices that previously had been privately operated. In the late twentieth century, prompted by fiscal crisis and encouraged by neo-liberal ideology, governments embraced the concept of “privatization,” shifting management and control over public services2 to private entities. Despite disagreements over the merits of privatization, both proponents and opponents accept the premise of a fundamental distinction between the “public” and “private” sectors, and between “state” and “market” institutions. A more skeptical view questions the analytical soundness and practical signifi- cance of these dichotomies. In this view, “privatization” is best understood as a rhetorical strategy, part of a broader neo-liberal ideology that relies on putative antinomies of “public” v. “private” and “state” v. “market” to obscure and rein- force social and economic power relations. While “privatization” may be an ideological definition of the situation, for public service workers the difference between employment in the “public” and “private” sectors can be real in its consequences3 for job security, compensa- * Associate Professor of Law, Elon University School of Law, Greensboro, North Carolina. -
Stable Democracy and Good Governance in Divided Societies
Faculty Research Working Papers Series Stable Democracy and Good Governance in Divided Societies: Do Powersharing Institutions Work? Pippa Norris February 2005 RWP05-014 The views expressed in the KSG Faculty Research Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or Harvard University. Copyright belongs to the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. POWER-SHARING INSTITUTIONS – NORRIS 2/7/2005 6:20 PM Draft @ 2/7/2005 6:20 PM Words 16,687 Stable democracy and good governance in divided societies: Do power-sharing institutions work? Pippa Norris McGuire Lecturer in Comparative Politics John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University Cambridge, MA 02138 [email protected] www.pippanorris.com Synopsis: Consociational theory suggests that power-sharing institutions have many important consequences, not least that they are most likely to facilitate accommodation and cooperation among leadership elites, making them most suitable for states struggling to achieve stable democracy and good governance in divided societies. This study compares a broad cross-section of countries worldwide, including many multiethnic states, to investigate the impact of formal power-sharing institutions (PR electoral systems and federalism) on several indicators of democratic stability and good governance. The research demonstrates three main findings: (i) worldwide, power-sharing constitutions combining PR and federalism remain relatively rare (only 13 out of 191 states); (ii) federalism was found to be unrelated to any of the indicators of good governance under comparison; and (iii) PR electoral systems, however, were positively related to some indicators of good governance, both worldwide and in multiethnic states. -
Employee Network and Affinity Groups Employee Network and Affinity Groups
Chapter 10 Employee Network and Affinity Groups Employee Network and Affinity Groups n corporate America, a common mission, vision, and purpose in thought and action across Iall levels of an organization is of the utmost importance to bottom line success; however, so is the celebration, validation, and respect of each individual. Combining these two fundamental areas effectively requires diligence, understanding, and trust from all parties— and one way organizations are attempting to bridge the gap is through employee network and affinity groups. Network and affinity groups began as small, informal, self-started employee groups for people with common interests and issues. Also referred to as employee or business resource groups, among other names, these impactful groups have now evolved into highly valued company mainstays. Today, network and affinity groups exist not only to benefit their own group members; but rather, they strategically work both inwardly and outwardly to edify group members as well as their companies as a whole. Today there is a strong need to portray value throughout all workplace initiatives. Employee network groups are no exception. To gain access to corporate funding, benefits and positive impact on return on investment needs to be demonstrated. As network membership levels continue to grow and the need for funding increases, network leaders will seek ways to quantify value and return on investment. In its ideal state, network groups should support the company’s efforts to attract and retain the best talent, promote leadership and development at all ranks, build an internal support system for workers within the company, and encourage diversity and inclusion among employees at all levels. -
Possibilities: Essays on Hierarchy, Rebellion, and Desire by David Graeber
POSSIBILITIES Essays on Hierarchy, Rebellion, and Desire POSSIBILITIES Essays on Hierarchy, Rebellion, and Desire David Graeber Possibilities: Essays on Hierarchy, Rebellion, and Desire by David Graeber ISBN 978-1904859-66-6 Library of Congress Number: 2007928387 ©2007 David Graeber This edition © 2007 AK Press Cover Design: John Yates Layout: C. Weigl & Z. Blue Proofreader: David Brazil AK Press 674-A 23rd Street Oakland, CA 94612 www.akpress.org akpress @akpress.org 510.208.1700 AK Press U.K. PO Box 12766 Edinburgh EH8 9YE www.akuk.com [email protected] 0131.555.5165 Printed in Canada on 100% recycled, acid-free paper by union labor. TABLE OF CONTENTS In tro d u c tio n ....................................................................................................................... 1 PART I: SOME THOUGHTS ON THE ORIGINS OF OUR CURRENT PREDICAMENT 1 Manners, Deference, and Private Property: Or, Elements for a General Theory of Hierarchy................................................................................................... 13 2 The Very Idea of Consumption: Desire, Phantasms, and the Aesthetics of Destruction from Medieval Times to the Present...............................................57 3 Turning Modes of Production Inside-Out: Or, Why Capitalism Is a Transformation of Slavery (short version).......................................................... 85 4 Fetishism as Social Creativity: Or, Fetishes Are Gods in the Process of C onstruction.................................................................................................................113 -
The Struggle Against the State & Other Essays by Nestor Makhno
The Struggle Against the State & Other Essays by Nestor Makhno edited by Alexandre Skirda PRESS © Copyright: 1996 Alexandre Skirda Library of Congress Cataloguing-in-Publication Data Makhno, Nestor Ivanovich. 1889-1934. [Lutte contre l'Etat et autres ecrits. English] The struggle against the state and other essays / by Nestor Makhno ; edited by Alexandre Sirda. p. cm. Includesbiblographical references. ISBN 1-873176-78-3 (pbk.) 1. Ukraine--History--Revolution. 1917-1921. 2. Ukraine--History--1921-1944. 3. Anarchism. I. Skirda, Alexandre. II. Title. DK265.8.U4M27413 1995 947' 710841--dc20 95-40647 CIP British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library. First published in 1996 by AK Press AK Press P.O. Box 12766 P.O. Box 40682 Edinburgh, Scotland San Francisco, CA EH8 9YE 94140-0682 The publication of this volume was in part made possible by the generosity of Stefan Andreas Store, Chris Atton, Andy Hibbs, Stephen John Adams, Bruno Ruhland, and the Friends of AK Press. Typeset and design donated by Freddie Baer. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Great October in the Ukraine 1 2. On the 10th Anniversary of the Makhnovist Insurgent Movement in the Ukraine 6 3. On Defense of the Revolution 19 4. A Few Words on the National Question in the Ukraine 24 5. To the Jews of All Countries 28 6. The Makhovshchina and Anti-Semitism 32 7. In Memory of the Kronstadt Revolt 39 8. The Idea of Equality and the Bolsheviks 42 9. The Paths of "Proletarian" Power 46 10. "Soviet" Power - Its Present and Its Future 52 11. -
Critique of Anthropology
Critique of Anthropology http://coa.sagepub.com Turning Modes of Production Inside Out: Or, Why Capitalism is a Transformation of Slavery David Graeber Critique of Anthropology 2006; 26; 61 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X06061484 The online version of this article can be found at: http://coa.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/26/1/61 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com Additional services and information for Critique of Anthropology can be found at: Email Alerts: http://coa.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://coa.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Citations (this article cites 9 articles hosted on the SAGE Journals Online and HighWire Press platforms): http://coa.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/26/1/61#BIBL Downloaded from http://coa.sagepub.com at OREGON STATE UNIV LIBRARY on July 1, 2007 © 2006 SAGE Publications. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. Article Turning Modes of Production Inside Out Or, Why Capitalism is a Transformation of Slavery David Graeber Department of Anthropology, Yale University Abstract ■ Marxist theory has by now largely abandoned the (seriously flawed) notion of the ‘mode of production’, but doing so has only encouraged a trend to abandon much of what was radical about it and naturalize capitalist categories. This article argues a better conceived notion of a mode of production – one that recognizes the primacy of human production, and hence a more sophisticated notion of materialism – might still have something to show us: notably, that capi- talism, or at least industrial capitalism, has far more in common with, and is historically more closely linked with, chattel slavery than most of us had ever imagined. -
2.4 the Fourth World War: the EZLN Analysis of Neoliberalism
We Are from Before, Yes, but We Are New: Autonomy, Territory, and the Production of New Subjects of Self-government in Zapatismo by Mara Catherine Kaufman Department of Cultural Anthropology Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Orin Starn, Co-Supervisor ___________________________ Charles Piot, Co-Supervisor ___________________________ Anne Allison ___________________________ Kathi Weeks ___________________________ Michael Hardt Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Cultural Anthropology in the Graduate School of Duke University 2010 ABSTRACT We Are from Before, Yes, but We Are New: Autonomy, Territory, and the Production of New Subjects of Self-government in Zapatismo by Mara Catherine Kaufman Department of Cultural Anthropology Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Orin Starn, Co-Supervisor ___________________________ Charles Piot, Co-Supervisor ___________________________ Anne Allison ___________________________ Kathi Weeks ___________________________ Michael Hardt An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Cultural Anthropology in the Graduate School of Duke University 2010 Copyright by Mara Catherine Kaufman 2010 Abstract The 1994 Zapatista uprising in Chiapas, Mexico, created a rupture with a series of neoliberal policies implemented in Mexico and on a global scale over the last few decades of the 20th century. In a moment when alternatives to neoliberal global capitalism appeared to have disappeared from the world stage, the Zapatista Army for National Liberation (EZLN) initiated a movement and process that would have significance not only in Chiapas and for Mexico, but for many struggles and movements around the world that would come to identify with a kind of “alter-globalization” project. -
LA NUEVA ETAPA DEL NEOZAPATISMO MEXICANO1 the New Era of Mexican Neo-Zapatismo
LA NUEVA ETAPA DEL NEOZAPATISMO MEXICANO1 The new era of Mexican neo-Zapatismo Carlos Antonio Aguirre Rojas2 [email protected] Recibido: 10 de marzo de 2014 Aprobado: 21 de abril de 2014 Resumen: En este ensayo, y a partir de proponer una periodización general de la historia del Neozapatismo mexicano, se intentan caracterizar y analizar los perfiles principales que definen a su etapa más reciente de vida, la cuarta etapa, iniciada en diciembre de 2012. Se estudian entonces, tanto el espacio de acción que ahora propone este movimiento neozapatista con su iniciativa del movimiento de ‘La Sexta’, como los tiempos previstos para el logro de sus objetivos, pero también sus demandas esenciales, su deslinde radical frente a la clase política, sus nuevas formas de organización, su estrategia global actual y su neta definición de los grupos, clases y sectores sociales a los que va dirigida esta nueva convocatoria suya de acción. Palabras clave: Movimientos antisistémicos, neozapatismo mexicano, luchas y protestas sociales actuales, crisis terminal del capitalismo, rebeliones contemporáneas. Abstract: This essay, on the basis of proposing a general periodization of the history of Mexican ‘neo-Zapatismo’, aims to characterize and analyze the main profiles that define its latest stage, the fourth, which began in December 2012. Consideration is given, therefore, to both the action space now proposed by this ‘neo-Zapatista’ movement with its initiative of ‘The Sixth’ (part of its declaration) and the times scheduled for the achievement of its objectives, but also its essential demands, its radical demarcation in relation to the political class, its new forms of organization, its current global strategy and its clear definition of the groups, classes and social sectors that this new call to action is addressed to. -
Notes 335 Bibliography 387 Index 413
CONTENTS PREFACE IX ONE: THE AMBIGUOUS LEGACY 3 The Crisis of Classical Marxism 6 The Crisis in Italy 20 Italian Revolutionary Syndicalism 22 TWO: THE FIRST REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALIST HERESY 32 The Evolution of Syndicalism 32 Syndicalism and the Nature of Man 34 Syndicalism and Social Psychology 37 Syndicalism and the Social and Political Function of Myth 43 Elitism 50 Syndicalism and Industrial Development 58 THREE: THE FIRST NATIONAL SOCIALISM 64 Revolutionary Syndicalism: Marxism and the Problems of National Interests 64 Syndicalism and Proletarian Nationalism 71 Revolutionary Syndicalism, War, and Moral Philosophy 73 Syndicalism, Nationalism, and Economic Development 83 National Syndicalism and Lenin's Bolshevism 91 FOUR: THE PROGRAM OF FASCISM 96 The Fascism of San Sepolcro 101 Syndicalism, Nationalism, and Fascism 103 FascismandIdeology 112 Fascism and Bolshevism 121 FIVE: THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF FASCISM 127 Alfredo Rocco, Nationalism, and the Economic Policy of Fascism 133 Economic Policy from 1922 until the Great Depression 140 Fascist Economic Policy after the Great Depression 153 The Political Economy of Fascism and the Revolutionary Socialist Tradition 162 SIX: THE LABOR POLICY OF FASCISM 172 The Origins of Fascist Syndicalism 172 The Rise of Fascist Syndicalism 183 The Evolution of Fascist Syndicalism 190 The Functions of Fascist Syndicalism 196 The Labor Policy of Fascism and Revolutionary Marxism 206 SEVEN: THE ORCHESTRATION OF CONSENSUS 214 Syndicalism, Fascism, and the Psychology of the Masses 215 The Rationale of Orchestrated -
Reclaim the Streets, the Protestival and the Creative Transformation of the City
Finisterra, XLVii, 94, 2012, pp. 103-118103 RECLAIM THE STREETS, THE PROTESTIVAL aND THE CREaTiVE TRaNSFoRMaTioN oF THE CiTY anDré carMo1 abstract – the main goal of this article is to reflect upon the relationship between creativity and urban transformation. it stems from the assumption that creativity has a para- doxical nature as it is simultaneously used for the production of the neoliberal city and by those seeking to challenge it and build alternative urban realities. first, we put forth a criti- cal review of the creative city narrative, focused on richard florida’s work, as it progres- sively became fundamental for the neoliberal city. afterwards, and contrasting with that dominant narrative, we describe a trajectory of Reclaim the Streets that provides the basis for our discussion of the protestival (protest + carnival) as its main creative force of urban transformation. Keywords: Creativity, urban transformation, Reclaim the Streets, protestival. Resumo – reclaiM the streets, o protestival e a transForMação criativa Da ciDaDe. O principal objetivo deste artigo é refletir sobre a relação existente entre criativi- dade e transformação urbana. Parte-se do princípio de que a criatividade tem uma natureza paradoxal, na medida em que é simultaneamente usada para a produção da cidade neolibe- ral, mas também por aqueles que procuram desafiá-la e construir realidades urbanas alter- nativas. Primeiro, fazemos uma revisão crítica da narrativa da cidade criativa, focada no trabalho de richard florida, por esta se ter progressivamente tornado fundamental para a cidade neoliberal. Depois, e contrastando com essa narrativa dominante, descrevemos uma trajetória do Reclaim the Streets que providencia a base para a nossa discussão do protesti- val (protesto + carnaval) como a sua principal força criativa de transformação urbana. -
Thoughts on Libertarian Municipalism
Thoughts on Libertarian Municipalism Murray Bookchin Age, chronic illnesses, and the summer heat oblige me to remain at home—hence I am very sorry that I cannot participate in your conference on libertarian municipalism. I would like, however— thanks to Janet Biehl, who will read these remarks—to welcome you to Vermont and to wish you well during the course of your discussions over the next three days. Some issues have recently arisen in discussions of libertarian municipalism, and I would like to offer my views on them. One of the most important involves the distinction that should be drawn between libertarian municipalism and communitarianism, a distinction that is often lost in discussions of politics. Communitarianism By communitarianism, I refer to movements and ideologies that seek to transform society by creating so-called alternative economic and living situations such as food cooperatives, health centers, schools, printing workshops, community centers, neighborhood farms, “squats,” unconventional lifestyles, and the like. Allowing for the works of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, the notable spokespersons of communitarianism have been Martin Buber, Harry Boyte, and Colin Ward, among many others. The word communitarian is often interchangeable with the word cooperative, a form of production and exchange that is attractive because the work is not only amiably collective but worker-controlled or worker-managed. At most, communitarianism seeks to gently edge social development away from privately owned enterprises—banks, corporations, supermarkets, factories, and industrial systems of agriculture —and the lifeways to which they give rise, into collectively owned enterprises and values. It does not seek to create a power center that will overthrow capitalism; it seeks rather to outbid it, outprice it, or outlast it, often by presenting a moral obstacle to the greed and evil that many find in a bourgeois economy.