DOCSLIB.ORG

From a Political to a Politicised Commission? Steven Blockmans and Daniel Gros

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
From a Political to a Politicised Commission? Steven Blockmans and Daniel Gros No 2019-12 / September 2019 From a political to a politicised Commission? Steven Blockmans and Daniel Gros he Commission proposed by President-elect Ursula von der Leyen has been carefully calibrated to woo major parties in the European Parliament, member state governments Tand citizens alike.1 Announcing a “geopolitical Commission”, von der Leyen expects her restructured institution to be better equipped to tackle the global forces unleashed by a protectionist ‘America First’ policy and an increasingly assertive China. It remains to be seen, however, whether some of von der Leyen’s more controversial choices will balance themselves out in the first 100 days after the new Commission takes office on November 1st, or backfire further down the line. The latter, in particular, concerns the role of the Commission as an impartial guardian of the treaties. 1 The proposed Commission is geographically balanced at the level of the vice-presidents and spans three generations (the youngest is 28, the oldest 72). It also has more women than ever (13 out of 27). The UK has not nominated a candidate Commissioner. If, however, an extension of the Article 50 withdrawal procedure beyond October 31st is decided upon by the European Council, then a British empty-chair policy would be contrary to European Council Decision 272 of 2013. Adopted to accommodate Irish concerns ahead of a second referendum to ratify the Lisbon Treaty, this Decision states that the number of Commissioners will be equal to the number of member states. The European Council could of course amend that decision to limit the number of seats in the college to 27. Steven Blockmans is Head of the EU Foreign Policy unit at CEPS and Professor of EU External Relations Law and Governance at the University of Amsterdam. Daniel Gros is Director at CEPS. CEPS Policy Insights offer analyses of a wide range of key policy questions facing Europe. As an institution, CEPS takes no position on questions of European policy. Unless otherwise indicated, the views expressed are attributable only to the authors in a personal capacity and not to any institution with which he is associated. 978-94-6138-747-9 Available for free downloading from the CEPS website (www.ceps.eu) CEPS ▪ Place du Congrès 1 ▪ B-1000 Brussels ▪ Tel: (32.2) 229.39.11 ▪ www.ceps.eu 2 | BLOCKMANS & GROS Policy initiator The good news is that von der Leyen hits all the right notes in fitting the Commission out for future purpose.2 With an astute sense of the broader political landscape and keen strategic foresight, she has prioritised the big-ticket items of today and tomorrow: Brexit, climate change and the fourth industrial revolution. The nomination of Irishman Phil Hogan – a vocal opponent of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU, now to return to the College as Trade Commissioner – sends a powerful signal that the Irish border issue will remain at the heart of any future EU-UK free trade negotiation. The prospect that he will be assisted by the new Director-General Sabine Weyand, until recently the right hand of Michel Barnier in the Article 50 task force, suggests continuity in the Commission’s firm grip on the Brexit file, as well as a strong stance on a future trade partnership with the US. Von der Leyen recycled ‘first’ Vice-President Frans Timmermans in the role of Executive Vice- President responsible for implementing a ‘European Green Deal’ – her plan to turn Europe into “the world’s first climate-neutral continent” by 2050. As such, she is not only responding to a hot topic that has mobilised both young and old onto the streets. She is also signalling a leadership role for the European Union on a multilateral issue supported by France and abandoned by the Trump-led White House. On a par with ‘Spitzenfellow’ Timmermans, Margrethe Vestager finds herself back in the College in the bigger seat of Executive VP, responsible for preparing the EU for the digital age. Vestager is expected to pioneer an EU digital services act to regulate how the likes of Facebook and Twitter should police illegal content and combat hate speech. Combining this regulatory work with a strictly apolitical anti-trust attitude will be a tricky balancing act for the new Executive VP. Traditionally, the Commissioner for competition had no other responsibility that could interfere with the main task. Vestager might, however, face a conflict between her role as guardian of free and fair competition and her responsibility for the ‘digital age’. The mission letter from the president-elect states explicitly that she should “work on a new long-term strategy for Europe’s industrial future, working together with the Executive Vice-President for an Economy that Works for People” (Valdis Dombrovskis). At the same time, it is notable that von der Leyen has not caved in to pressure from big member states that EU competition rules be made subject to a political/security test. Instead, she opted for continuity by offering a second term to the “tax lady” (dixit Trump) to break up or prevent abusive dominance in big tech (cf. US), transport (cf. China) and other important markets. French concerns about the latter have nevertheless been somewhat mitigated by the appointment of Sylvie Goulard, a former MEP, briefly defence minister and staunch ally of President Macron, as Internal Market Commissioner. Entrusted with a heavy portfolio, Goulard will lead the work on industrial policy, promote the digital single market and be responsible for 2 See the contributions of CEPS staff to S. Blockmans (ed.), “What Comes After the Last Chance Commission?” Policy Priorities for 2019-2024. FROM A POLITICAL TO A POLITICISED COMMISSION? | 3 a new DG for ‘defence industry and space’. With a view to the creation of a European Defence Union by 2025, integration in this area is slow but nevertheless important to strengthen the strategic autonomy of the EU in an increasingly conflicted world. Guardian of the treaties? The promotion and the protection of the rule of law, a slow-burning crisis that goes to the heart of European solidarity and integration, falls to another pair: Didier Reynders (who unveiled the Belgian government’s plans in this area at the 2018 CEPS Ideas Lab) has been offered Vice- President Vera Jourová’s former job as Commissioner responsible for justice. Jourová has been promoted to vice-president on an adjacent file, i.e. values and transparency, a topic that has landed the leader of her political party at home, Czech Prime Minister Babis, in hot water due to allegations of fraud concerning EU subsidies and conflicts of interest. It remains an open question whether Jouravá, who, despite her promotion will have to do without a fully-fledged directorate-general, will tackle such cases head on, whether in Visegrád countries or elsewhere. European Commissioners are expected to solemnly declare at the European Court of Justice that they will act independently, in the general interest, and that they will not accept instructions from any national government or any other entity (Art. 245 TFEU). While it may be easier to deliver European messages to compatriots, Commissioners dealing with their own countries will always face the suspicion that they are doing favours for former allies. In the same vein, it may be harder for the Polish Commissioner-designate Janusz Wojciechowski, responsible for agriculture, to wean his country’s farmers off EU subsidies. Similar concerns exist with Von der Leyen’s choice for the economy portfolio-holder, whose core competence is the enforcement of the fiscal rules. The Commissioner-designate, Paolo Gentiloni, is a former Italian prime minister and well-respected politician but has limited experience in finance or economics. He might have to struggle with a conflict of interest as a prominent member of the governing party of Italy – the one country that represents a constant source of friction due to its large debt level. He will therefore have to demonstrate his impartiality vis a vis his home country on this point. Moreover, he must work with Executive Vice-President Valdis Dombrovskis. In the Juncker Commission the influence of Dombrovskis was limited as he did not have his own service and most decisions were made on political grounds by the president himself (or rather his cabinet). This time round, Dombrovskis will be able to rely on the support of DG FISMA, which gives him greater clout. Other choices are more controversial still. The suggestion that Viktor Orban’s former minister of justice would be the right person to persuade accession and other neighbouring countries to improve their track record on justice sector reform and the rule of law flies in the face of everything the Commission has said it stands for and sends a terrible message to genuine reformers in the Western Balkans, Eastern Partnership countries and the MENA region. Unless, of course, von der Leyen’s tactic is to neutralise Orban’s nomination in the European Parliament. While risky, there may indeed be no majority for this candidate who played a key role in dismantling democracy in Hungary. 4 | BLOCKMANS & GROS Equally absurd, but less harmful, is the promotion of former Commission spokesperson Margaritas Schinas to the position of VP (no less), responsible for “protecting our European way of life”. Covering, inter alia, migration and security, it is hard to tell whether the description of this portfolio is influenced by political tendencies espoused by the far right or is simply a clumsy title unworthy of a former spokesperson. The addition of employment and education to the mandate suggests the latter: a coordinating role supported by the Secretariat-General of the Commission. The onerous migration dossier has in fact been entrusted to Commissioner Ylva Johansson, who will lead DG HOME.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Poisoned Heritage for the New Commission: the Rule of Law Question György Fóris
    DISCUSSION PAPER EUROPEAN POLITICS AND INSTITUTIONS PROGRAMME 10 DECEMBER 2019 Poisoned heritage for the new Commission: The rule of law question György Fóris Credit: ARIS OIKONOMOU / POOL / AFP Table of contents Executive summary 3 The rule of law question in a politicised EU 3 An incomplete and overrated mechanism 4 Balancing between legal basis and political will 7 A narrow path to follow for the new Commission 8 Conclusion 10 Endnotes 11 ABOUT THE AUTHOR György Fóris has been monitoring, analysing, reporting and lecturing on EU affairs since 1992, when he started working as a news agency correspondent in Brussels, where he is still based. He is an independent EU policy analyst today, and also regularly teaches at Eötvös Loránd University in Budapest, Hungary. DISCLAIMER The support the European Policy Centre receives for its ongoing operations, or specifically for its publications, does not constitute endorsement of their contents, which reflect the views of the authors only. Supporters and partners cannot be held responsible for any use that may be made of the information contained therein. Executive summary The rule of law question will most likely become contribute to the debate. Neither of these two options a central EU issue during the mandate of the new can materialise alone. European Commission. Member states are increasingly beginning to question, attack and/or ignore previously The Commission should avoid pretending that the agreed common policies, political priorities or College is the key to solving national challenges to common principles. These challenges are usually the rule of law, given that it is not the decisive political more political – sometimes even ideological – than player.
    [Show full text]
  • Review of the Juncker Commission
    AT A GLANCE Plenary – October II 2019 Review of the Juncker Commission Prior to his election as President of the European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker set out the policy priorities that would serve as the political mandate for the Commission's 2014-2019 term of office. Although the new Commission will not take office on 1 November as scheduled, Juncker is due to make a statement during the October II plenary session on his term as President, and a debate will review the work of his Commission. Background In July 2014, President-elect Juncker published an Agenda for jobs, growth, fairness and democratic change to mark a 'new start for Europe'. The aim of those political guidelines was to make a difference and deliver concrete results for citizens on ten priorities, ranging from the digital single market and energy union, to justice and fundamental rights, migration and security. Changes and challenges Since the Juncker Commission took office in November 2014, every year has brought its share of changes and challenges. For example, 2015 started with a series of terrorist attacks, followed later that year by record-high numbers of migrants and asylum-seekers arriving in the European Union. In 2016, the UK's referendum vote to withdraw from the EU, and the election of a new administration in the United States, required the EU to adapt its priorities in several areas, from security and defence to trade. Furthermore, ensuring energy independence, guaranteeing the respect of the rule of law in Member States and strengthening economic and monetary union were additional challenges influencing the agenda and ultimately forcing the Commission to adapt, through its annual work programmes and State of the Union addresses, its response and initiatives to an ever-changing environment.
    [Show full text]
  • Factsheet: Delivering on the Capital Markets Union
    Delivering on the CAPITAL MARKETS UNION #CMU | #InvestEU WHAT IS THE CAPITAL MARKETS UNION? The Capital Markets Union aims to get money - investments and savings - flowing across the EU so that it can benefit consumers, investors and companies. It is part of the Juncker Commission’s ambition to sustain growth in Europe. The Capital Markets Union aims to break down barriers that block cross-border investments in the EU and make it easier for companies and infrastructure projects to get the finance they need, regardless of where they are located. It also sets out to foster sustainable finance by directing investment to environmentally friendly projects. WHY CAPITAL MARKETS UNION MATTERS? More integrated financial markets create a cushion to absorb sudden shocks, and allow risk to be shared by private actors across EU borders, making the Economic and Monetary Union stronger and more resilient. This, in turn, can create an incentive for market participants to use the euro, therefore reinforcing its international role. WHAT ARE THE CURRENT ISSUES? Start-ups and small and High fixed costs EU households Investors European businesses medium-sized enterprises of up to 15% of save heavily, face many highly depend on banks need more funding for the amount raised but do not barriers for their financing (50% innovation and growth makes access make the when inves- of total financing), with (market-based sources of to stockmarkets most of their ting in other few alternative funding finance are currently less especially costly for savings EU countries sources than 15%) small businesses “The Capital Markets Union has a key role to play in strengthening Europe's Economic and Monetary Union and the euro.
    [Show full text]
  • EU Election Results
    EU Election results 28 May 2019 EU Elections Timeline WC July 8 30 September - Election of 10 October Committee Chairs 28 May and Vice-Chairs Parliamentary hearings of Commissioners designate First meeting of 1 Conference of 20-21 June Presidents (political Nov group laders) European Council 15-18 Jul New Commision decides nominee takes office European Council for Commission top European Parliament dinner to take stock jobs (Presidents of elects the European of EP elections Commission, Council Commission President and ECB) WC 1 July June Election of EP vote of consent on June European the new Commission Parliament + European Council Elected candidates President and formally appoints the negotiate to form VPs Commission political groups for the upcoming Parliament’s 9th term July - September November - December Appointment of MEPs 2-4 July Member States Exchange of views on to EP Committees & propose members multinational priorities, Inaugural plenary Delegatiolns of the Commission Commission Work session of the newly- Programme elected Parliament Appointment of political group coordinators (lead) on Committees The European Parliament’s 9th term will begin on 2 July, when Members of the European Parliament will meet for its first session in Strasbourg, France. MEPs will elect the President, the 14 Vice-Presidents and the five Quaestors of the House and decide on the number and 2 Jul composition of Parliament’s standing and sub-committees - thereby launching the new legislative term. 2 Seats distribution for the new European Parliament (EU28) - Left–right political spectrum Source: https://election-results.eu/ The scramble for a new majority coalition For the first time since 1979, Europe’s centre-right and centre-left political groups will be too small to form a majority in the European Parliament between them.
    [Show full text]
  • Germany's European Imperative
    Chapter 21 | Germany’s European Imperative 139 Germany’s European Imperative Wolfgang Ischinger enry Kissinger once suggested that political decisions should be guided by two core questions: “What are we Htrying to achieve?” and “what are we trying to prevent?”1 For Germany, the answers to both questions are clear. What we need to prevent at all costs is Europe falling apart, paving the way for a return of nationalism, which has brought war twice in the past century. What we want to achieve is equally clear: we want Europe to be able to defend its political, economic, and societal model. This is why Germany must now embrace a “European imperative”2 as the basis for its decision-making. Whatever Berlin intends to do, it should first ask what its actions would mean for Europe’s ability to recover from the crisis and for Europe’s capacity to protect its values, interests, and sovereignty on the world stage. The pandemic has upended plans for the current German presidency of the Council of the EU. The primary task will be that of “maintaining EU integration as such.”3 The pandemic risks deepening rifts between Europe’s hard-hit south and the countries of the north, it threatens to widen fissures between eastern and western EU member states over migration and the rule of law, and it generally risks strengthening Euroskeptic forces across member states. And as if this were not enough, emboldened external actors—Russia and China in particular—are eager to exploit the pandemic in efforts “to undermine democratic debate and exacerbate social polarization”4 in Europe to advance their own agendas.
    [Show full text]
  • Snabbprotokoll 2014/15:97, Torsdagen Den 7 Maj-Kl. 12.00
    Riksdagens protokoll 2014/15:97 Torsdagen den 7 maj Kl. 12.00–19.03 § 1 Anmälan om fördröjda svar på interpellationer Följande skrivelser hade kommit in: Interpellation 2014/15:534 Till riksdagen Interpellation 2014/15:534 Fler stora event i Sverige av Rikard Larsson (S) Interpellationen kommer att besvaras fredagen den 5 juni 2015. Skälet till dröjsmålet är tidigare inbokade resor och arrangemang. Stockholm den 6 maj 2015 Näringsdepartementet Mikael Damberg (S) Enligt uppdrag Fredrik Ahlén Expeditionschef Interpellation 2014/15:536 Till riksdagen Interpellation 2014/15:536 Konsekvenser för landsbygden av höjd skatt på bensin och diesel av Helena Bouveng (M) Interpellationen kommer att besvaras fredagen den 5 juni 2015. Skälet till dröjsmålet är tjänsteresor och sedan tidigare inbokade engagemang. Stockholm den 5 maj 2015 Finansdepartementet Magdalena Andersson (S) Enligt uppdrag Rikard Jermsten Expeditions- och rättschef 1 Prot. 2014/15:97 Interpellation 2014/15:537 7 maj ¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯ Till riksdagen Svar på Interpellation 2014/15:537 Regeringens ekonomiska politik interpellationer av Niklas Wykman (M) Interpellationen kommer inte att kunna besvaras inom den föreskrivna tiden. Skälet till dröjsmålet är tjänsteresor och sedan tidigare inbokade engagemang. Stockholm den 5 maj 2015 Finansdepartementet Magdalena Andersson (S) Enligt uppdrag Rikard Jermsten Expeditions- och rättschef Interpellation 2014/15:542 Till riksdagen Interpellation 2014/15:542 Traineejobb av Lotta Finstorp (M) Interpellationen kommer att besvaras den 22 maj. Skälet till dröjsmålet är inbokade resor och engagemang som inte kan ändras. Stockholm den 6 maj 2015 Arbetsmarknadsdepartementet Ylva Johansson (S) Enligt uppdrag Catharina Nordlander Tf. expeditions- och rättschef Interpellation 2014/15:545 Till riksdagen Interpellation 2014/15:545 Diskriminering av äldre på arbetsmarknaden av Lotta Finstorp (M) Interpellationen kommer att besvaras den 22 maj.
    [Show full text]
  • Biden Says Iran Will 'Never' Get a Nuclear Weapon on His Watch
    WWW.THELEVANTNEWS.COM JULY 2021 | Issue 25 A Monthly Newspaper Issued by THE LEVANT NEWS MEDIA INTERNATIONAL - LONDON Founder & Director: Thaer Alhajji | Chief Editor: Shiyar Khaleal Ebrahim How will Communique Syria’s Kurds Raessi’s & Bennett differ Diplomacy in Biden-Putin Iran’s economic from Bibi? Summit problems Page: 3 Page: 8 Page: 10 Page: 12 Biden says Iran will ‘never’ get a nuclear During a meeting in the Oval Office weapon on his watch with outgoing Israeli president Reuven Rivlin on Monday, President Joe Biden reassured his counterpart about the concerns expressed by Israel as a result of the ongoing talks in Vienna with Iran, and promised him that the United States will prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear arsenal on his watch. “What I could say is that Iran will never get a nuclear weapon on my watch,” Biden affirmed. The US President confirmed that he had issued orders to carry out raids on Iranian- backed militias, on the Iraqi-Syrian border. Biden indicated that the strikes he ordered were to protect and defend the safety of American forces, weaken and disrupt the ongoing series of attacks against the United States and its allies, in addition to deterring Iran and its backed militias from launching or supporting further attacks on his country's personnel and facilities. American president Joe Biden and his Israeli counterpart Reuven Rivlin Brussels prepares to impose Rome Conference: U.S. announces more sanctions on Lebanon’s officials than $436 million for the People of Syria The European Unionlegal mechanism is ready,
    [Show full text]
  • THE JUNCKER COMMISSION: an Early Assessment
    THE JUNCKER COMMISSION: An Early Assessment John Peterson University of Edinburgh Paper prepared for the 14th Biennial Conference of the EU Studies Association, Boston, 5-7th February 2015 DRAFT: Not for citation without permission Comments welcome [email protected] Abstract This paper offers an early evaluation of the European Commission under the Presidency of Jean-Claude Juncker, following his contested appointment as the so-called Spitzencandidat of the centre-right after the 2014 European Parliament (EP) election. It confronts questions including: What will effect will the manner of Juncker’s appointment have on the perceived legitimacy of the Commission? Will Juncker claim that the strength his mandate gives him license to run a highly Presidential, centralised Commission along the lines of his predecessor, José Manuel Barroso? Will Juncker continue to seek a modest and supportive role for the Commission (as Barroso did), or will his Commission embrace more ambitious new projects or seek to re-energise old ones? What effect will British opposition to Juncker’s appointment have on the United Kingdom’s efforts to renegotiate its status in the EU? The paper draws on a round of interviews with senior Commission officials conducted in early 2015 to try to identify patterns of both continuity and change in the Commission. Its central aim is to assess the meaning of answers to the questions posed above both for the Commission and EU as a whole in the remainder of the decade. What follows is the proverbial ‘thought piece’: an analysis that seeks to provoke debate and pose the right questions about its subject, as opposed to one that offers many answers.
    [Show full text]
  • Building on the Spitzenkandidaten Model Bolstering Europe’S Democratic Dimension
    Road to Sibiu #EURoad2Sibiu Building on the Spitzenkandidaten Model Bolstering Europe’s Democratic Dimension February 2017 What started out as an experiment in 2014, has the potential to be reproduced and What is now widely referred innovation. Critics have questioned its impact on the strengthened, with clear to as the ‘Spitzenkandidaten’ institutional balance of the EU, expressing concerns democratic benefits for process was over a politicisation of the European Commission, the Union. born in unique circumstances. After six years and challenging the extent to which the process of financial and economic crisis that transformed the truly addresses contemporary challenges in the EU’s European landscape and left many Europeans deeply democratic dimension. concerned about their future and that of their children, faith in the European project and in its ability to foster In the run-up to the May 2019 elections, the debate a long-term return to growth and upwards convergence over the Spitzenkandidaten innovation has been among all Member States was severely dented. The reignited, garnering support across the European percentage of citizens with a positive view of the institutions and the Member States. Most recently the EU was on a downward slope, falling from 48% in Irish Prime Minister Leo Varadkar and Croatian Prime September 2006 to 35% in September 2014. Minister Andrej Plenković endorsed the innovation in separate speeches delivered to the European Parliament The need for reinvention was clear. Faced with on 17 January and 6 February 2018 respectively. unprecedented criticism, European leaders recognised that extracting the EU from the crisis would not be What started out as an experiment in 2014, has the enough to win back the hearts and minds of European potential to be reproduced and strengthened, with clear citizens, and that a renewed effort was needed to democratic benefits for the Union, confirming it asthe strengthen the democratic legitimacy of the European right choice for a Europe which is not afraid of House.
    [Show full text]
  • Anna Diamantopoulou
    ANNA DIAMANTOPOULOU Greece’s candidate for the position of Secretary-General of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development CURRICULUM VITAE AnnA DiAmAntOpOulOu is a Greek politician and public figure who has led a distinguished career in public service in Greece and in Europe. ms. Diamantopoulou was a European Commissioner for Employment, Social Affairs and Equal Opportunities, and has held several significant portfolios as a minister in the Greek government as well. She was minister of Development, Competitiveness and Shipping, and, prior to that, minister of Education, Research and technology, and lifelong learning. Her policy expertise and practice encompass a wide spectrum of areas: trade and industrial strategy, social insurance and social security systems, competitiveness and development, gender equality, education, and research-innovation and technology. more specifically, Anna Diamantopoulou has led work on the challenges and opportunities brought about by the Fourth industrial Revolution (it & Ai) at national and global levels. She also has considerable experience in the private and non-profit sectors. Z She is currently the President of DIKTIO – Network for Reform in Greece and Europe , a leading independent, non-partisan, Athens-based think tank, which she founded in 20 13. DiKtiO undertakes cutting-edge policy research, develops practical policy recommendations, and hosts high- level conferences, roundtables and lectures. DiKtiO’s research focuses on economic, social, and industrial policy reforms, while also producing important work on the impact of the Fourth industrial Revolution. As president and Founder of DiKtiO, Anna Diamantopoulou has overseen the organisation of more than 85 high-profile events as well as the publication of over a hundred policy and research papers.
    [Show full text]
  • Economic Actors in the Face of New European Decision-Makers: How to Take Advantage of the New Political Power Relations?
    for ECONOMIC ACTORS IN THE FACE OF NEW EUROPEAN DECISION-MAKERS: HOW TO TAKE ADVANTAGE OF THE NEW POLITICAL POWER RELATIONS? APCO—November 2019 STRATEGIC RECOMMENDATIONS FOR ECONOMIC ACTORS: . INCREASE monitoring and infl uence actions towards all EU decision-makers, whose power relations have never been so uncertain (see §-1, 2 and 3); . TARGET all political forces of government, from Greens to Eurosceptic right (see §-1); . INTENSIFY its attention to the MEPs and the Council, who are in a strong position in relation to the Von Der Leyen Commission (see §-2); . STRENGTHEN monitoring and infl uencing strategies vis-à-vis Member States, and thus act in key national capitals (see §-3). he entry into offi ce of the MEPs elected in May 2019 and the esta- T lishment of the European Commis- sion chaired by Ursula Von Der Leyen on the 1st of December have led to tough negotiations on the European Union’s political agenda for the 2019–2024 legisla- tive round. These negotiations make it possible to measure a substantial evolution of parti- san (§-1), inter-institutional (§-2) and dip- lomatic (§-3) power relations at EU level, which economic actors must best under- stand in order to effectively promote their interests, on the basis of the main ele- ments described below. Ursula von der Leyen © European Union 2019 Source: EP 1 PARTISAN POWER STRUGGLES PUSHING THE EU TOWARDS THE CENTRE AND TOWARDS UNCERTAINTY Ursula Von Der Leyen’s inauguration speech1, the mission letters she sent to the Commissioners designated by the Member States and her speech ahead of the vote backing her College2 seem to refl ect a refocusing of the Brussels College’s political orientations, to which economic actors must adapt.
    [Show full text]
  • New Perspectives Foreword
    The future of the EU: new perspectives Foreword Brexit has dominated the media and political landscape of the United Kingdom since the referendum of 2016. One interesting side effect of this has been the way the ropeanEu Union – still the UK’s nearest and largest trading partner – has been discussed solely in terms of its role in the Brexit negotiations. Yet whatever the outcome of these discussions, what the European Union is and does will continue to affect not only its own citizens but also the UK itself. This strikes me as an excellent moment to attempt to focus more directly on the EU itself and understand what is going on within it and how it might develop in the future. We find ourselves early in the EU’s new institutional cycle, with a new cast of EU leaders and a new set of policy priorities. Despite the much-vaunted unity that the 27 have displayed during the Brexit process, conflicts and tensions between member states, as well as between some of them and the EU institutions, persist. There remain fundamental disagreements between member states and institutions on issues like migration and the euro zone, not to mention more existential questions about future integration and the rule of law. Underlying everything are difficult to resolve differences on the balance of burden ring.sha I’m delighted we’ve been able to bring together some of the best young writers and thinkers on the EU to offer their take on the future of the EU’s institutions, its member tessta and its policies.
    [Show full text]