THE EFFTCACY OF SOLUTION-FOCUSED THERAPY

WITH YOUNG OFFENDERS

A dissertation submitted to the Facuity of Graduate Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

Graduate Programme in Psychology York University North York, Ontario

September 27,1997 National tibrary Bibliothèque nationale I+Iof Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographic Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. nie Wellington OttawaON K1A ON4 OetawaON K1AON4 Canada Canada

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with Young Off enders by Belinda Crawford Seagram a dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of York University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

OOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

O 1997 Permission has been granted to the LIBRARY OF YORK UNIVERSITY to lend or seIl copies of this dissertation. to the NATIONAL LIBRARY OF CANADA to microfilm this dissertation and to lend or seIl copies of the film, and to UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS to publish an abstract of this dissertation. The author resewes other publication rights, and neither the dissertation nor extensive extracts from it may be printed or otherwise reproduced without the author's written permission. ABSTRACT

Over the past ten years, there has been a marked increase in the number of young offenders (ages 12- 17) placed in custody. Detention centres are full of youthç who have cornmitted alamiing acts of violence. At the same the, federal deficits and budget cutbacks have produced a system that offm ody a bare minimum of services. Solution- focused therapy (Berg, 199 1; de Shazer, 1985) may be particularly well suited to young offenders, given the structure of the prese~tsystem and the resources available. Its paradigmatic shif€fiom deficits to strengths, problems to solutions, and past to future

(Hoyt, 1994) may give young offenders new choices or options, while creating an atmosphere of acceptance and hope (Friedman, 1994). The purpose of this research project was to evaluate the efficacy of solution-focused therapy with a population of secure custody young offenders. Forty residents were involved in the study: 21 in the treatment group and 19 in the control group. Treatment consisted of ten sessions of individual counselling. Al1 participants completed assessment packages pre-treatment, post-treatment, and at a ten-week follow-up. Extemal behavioural observations were gathered kom teachers and correctional officers at each assessment period. Participants were assessed for behavioural change, attitude change and cornpliance to institutional programming. Preliminary investigation revealed that there is some evidence for the utility of the solution-focused model. Compared to the control group, offenders who received treatment had Iower scores on chernicd abuse tendencies scales between initial assessrnent and follow-up. There was a statistical trend for lower scores on a scde measuring antisocial tendencies. Mer treatment, rnembers of the treatment group had a greater degree of ernpathy for others and an increase in feelings of guilt relative to members of the control group. They also indicated greater progress in solving problems, higher confidence in their ability to maintain changes, higher optunism for the fùture, and a trend for greater control over their Lives after participating in the treatment program.

Results are discussed in tenns of therapeutic efficacy, resident receptiveness to programming, factors related to recidivism and recommendations for fcuther research. 1 wouid like to take this opportunity to thank aii those who have contributed to

this dissertation and made this expenence an intereshg and enjoyable one. First of dl,

my sincere appreciation to my supe~sor,Dr. Sandra Fyke, whose unfailing support and

encouragement ailowed me to pursue this area of interest with confidence and

independence. Her dedication and thoughtfùlness were indeed appreciated. The rnembers

of my supervisory cornmittee were also very helpfûl: Dr. Debra Pepler, with her wealth of

knowledge and enthusiasm for the subject area; and Dr. Tim Moore, with his support and

sofi-spoken insights.

Part of what contributed to such a positive research experience was the clinical

support that 1 received nom two exceptionally taiented clinicians: Dr. Raymond Parthun,

who taught me the joys of being brief, and Dr. Judith Mack, whose appreciation for the

seemingly simple thgs in life showed me the tremendous gratification which cm be

gained fiom young offender work.

A number of other people aiso contributed to this dissertation. The research

would not have been possible without the cooperation and support of the Ministry of the

Solicitor General and Correctional Services, and the talented and cheerfil staff of

Brookside Youth Centre. The overwhelming support of the staff and administration were well appreciated. 1owe my heartfelt gratitude to ail the residents who participated in the study, particularly those members of the treatment group, whose trust and candor helped me to gain at Ieast a partial understanding of their dinicuities and strengths.

Finally, 1can never thank my family enough for al1 their encouragement, patience, insights and practical help. Parcicular thanks are extended to my husband, Joseph, for his unwaivering support (and editing skiiis), and my mother, Cynthia, for helping me to pull seemingly disparate areas of interest together to fonn a single project.

vii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction ...... 1 An overview of the literature review ...... 8

CHAPTER ONE THE PROBLEM OF YOUTH VIOLENCE ...... 10 The Incidence of ViolenVAnti-Social Behaviour Among Youths ...... 10 Youth Crime Statistics ...... II The Nature of the OEénces ...... 14 Trends in Disposition ...... 14 Factors to Consider When Examining Crime Rate Statistics ... 16 Recidivism Rates ...... 17 Costs to the Taxpayer ...... 19

CHAPTER TWO UNDERSTANDING YOUTH VIOLENCE ...... 20 Introduction ...... 20 Individual Factors ...... 24 Implications of Individual Factors on Treatment Planning .....32 ne Role of the Family in the Development of Violent Behaviour ....33 Implications of Famiiy Factors for Treatment Programming ...40 Cognitive-Developmental Factors ...... 42 Implications for Treatment ...... 55 Social and Politicai Factors ...... 57 Access to Firearms ...... 61 Involvement with Aicohol and Dmgs ...... 63 Involvement in Antisocial Groups ...... 64 Exposure to Violence in the Mass Media ...... 67 Implications for Treatmenflrevention ...... 69 Chapter Surnmary and Conclusions ...... 70

viii CHAPTER THREE A REVEW OF THE TREATM.LITERATURE FOR YOUNG OFFENDERS ...... 75 Introduction ...... 75 Treatment within a socio-political context: ...... 77 A review of the treatment literature ...... 82 Sumrnary of the treatment literature ...... 87

CHAfTER FOUR SOLUTION-FOCUSED THERAPY ...... 92 Introduction The Influence of Milton H. Erickson ...... 93 The Solution-Focused Approach ...... -96 A Review of the Research to Date ...... 99

CWTERFlVE MEASURING OUTCOME: FACTORS RELATING TO POSITIVE TREATMENT OUTCOME ...... 106 DenningSuccess ...... 106 The Context of Treatment...... 107 Gauging Success ...... 109 The Impact ofMethodology ...... 111

CHAPnR SIX METHOD AND PROCEDURES ...... 114 Introduction to Brookside Youth Centre ...... 114 TheHypotheses ...... 115 Rationde for the Study ...... 117 Design ...... Il8 Participants ...... 119 Procedure ...... 121 Critena for Selection of Measures: ...... 124 DataAnalysis ...... 124 CHAPTEK SEVEN A DESCRIPTION OF TIHE PROGRAMME ...... 128 A Detailed Description of the Ten Sessions: ...... 129 TheInitialInterview: ...... 130 An Example of an Initial Interview: ...... 135 The Second Session: ...... 138 CaseExample: ...... 140 The Third Session: ...... 141 CaseExample: ...... 142 The Fourth Session: ...... 147 Case Example: ...... 149 The Fifi Session ...... 151 Case Example: ...... 153 TheSixthSession: ...... 154 CaseExample: ...... 155 The Seventh Session: ...... 157 CaseExarnple: ...... 158 The Eighth Session: ...... 159 Case Example: ...... 160 The NiSession: ...... 161 Case Example: ...... 162 The Teath Session ...... 164 CaseExample ...... 164 CHAPTER EIGHT RESULTSOFTHESTUDY ...... 166 The Shidy Participants ...... 166 Response to the Programme ...... 171 Effectiveness of Solution-Focused Therapy ...... 173 Resident Self -Report Measures over Time 1 and Tirne 2 ..... 174 Resident Self -Report Measures over Tirne 1 and Time 3 ..... 177 Teacher Ratings of Resident Behaviour ...... 180 Correctionai Officer Ratings of Resident Behaviour ...... 183 The Hypotheses ...... 184 Self ...... 184 Family ...... 186 Pe ers ...... 186 Environment ...... 187 Cognition ...... 187 Behaviour ...... 188 Process ...... 189 Impact of the Strike on Resident Attitudes and Behaviour ...... 189 Weely Mood Reports ...... 190 Relationship between Targeted Areas of Intervention and Recidivism . 196

DISCUSSION OF RESULTS ...... 198 Limitations: ...... 203 ConcIusions ...... 206 Recommendations for Future Research: ...... 209 Implications of the Research ...... 210

REFERENCES ...... 212

APPENDIXA ...... 250 Recommendations of Advisorv Cornmittee on Research and Evaluation Court order for research with voune offenders APPENDIXB ...... 253 Consent form APPENDIXC ...... 254 Impact of Strike Survey APPENDIX D ...... 255 Weekly Mood Report Form APPENDIXE ...... 256 Extemal Evaluation of Themeutic Inteerity Sconng Sheet APPENDIXF ...... 247 Çopies of the solution-focused questionnaires and backeround information on research instruments Description of each scale: ...... 264 APPENDlX G ...... 270 Means. standard deviations. and F-values of self-report outcome measures as a hction of meut, and time APPENDIXH ...... 281 Graphs of Weeklv Sel f-Report Data (Treatment gr ou^) APPENDIXI ...... 302 Summary of Participant Remonses to Ouestionnaires LIST OF FIGURES Page Figure 1: Totai number of violent crimes committed by youths (1 986 to 1995) Canada Total 12

Figure 2: Average daily counts of young offenders by custody status (1 989-90 to 1993-94) Canada total 15

Figure 3 : Graph of client feelings and behaviours over time 147

Figure 4: Unfinished Work 161

Figure 5: Perceived amount of progress in solving problems 1 74

Figure 6: Optirnism for the future 174

Figure 7: Chernical Abuse 175

Figure 8: Degree of guilt experienced 175

Figure 9: Confidence in ability to maintain changes 177

Figure 10: Attention difficulties 178

Figure 1 1: Empathy for othes 178

Figure 12: Teacher ratings of resident behaviour - Totai JBCL scores 18 1

Figure 13: Teacher ratings of resident behaviour - Total TRF scores 18 1 LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Hypotheses and Summary of Memes ...... 116

Table 2: Stages of Assesment and Study Design ...... 119

Table 3: Research Instruments Used inthe Snidy ...... 125

Table 4: Summary of Analyses ...... 126

Table 5: Distribution of LeveI of Service Inventory Scores ...... 168

Table 6: Breakdown of Mean Scores on LSI Subscales ...... 169

Table 7: Mean. Standard Deviations. and F values of Self-Report Outcome Measures as a Function of Group and Time (over two assessrnent periods) ...... 176

Table 8: Mean, Standard Deviations. and F values of Self Report Outcorne Measures as a Function of Group and The(over three assessrnent periods) ...... 179

Table 9: Mean. Standard Deviations. and F values of Teacher Reported Outcome Measures as a Function of Group and The(over two assessment periods) . . 182

Table 10: Means. Standard Deviations and F Values of Initial Self-Report Measures Related to Recidivisrn at Six Month Follow-up ...... 192

Table 11 : Interconelations between recidivism predicton ...... 194

Table 12: Sumrnary of ûrdinary Least Square Regression for Variables Predicting Recidivism Among Young Offenders ...... 195

Table 13 :Summary of Logistic Regression for Variables Predicting Recidivism AmongYoungOffenders ...... 195

Table 14: A Cornparison of Treatment vs . Controi. and Recidivists vs .Non-recidivists 197 Introduction

In Canada, the cost of housing a young offender in a secure custody detention

centre for one year is $92,064. In Ontario done, during the year 1992-93, $33,775,3 39

were spent incarcerating young offenders in youth detention centres. This amount rose to

$34,699,389 in 1993-94 (Ministry of the Solicitor General and Correctional Services,

1995). Over the past ten years, there has been a marked increase in the nurnber of youths

placed on probation and in custody (Ministry of Correctional Services, Youth Services

Division, 1994). It is unclear whether this increase is due to changes in police charging

practices, improvements in identifjing and apprehending suspected perpetrators, changes

in judicid sentencing, or an achial increase in youth crime. The end result, however, is

clear: Canada is dealing with a significant increase in the number of youths within the

correctional system. Many of these youths are serving time for violent offences against

people andor property. In the province of Ontario, considerable attention has been given

to the particular difficulty of maintaining institutionalized delinquents in the community.

Despite best efforts, recidivism rates for youth detention centres remain high, ranging

fkom 54% to 76% (Dohex-ty & de Souza, 1995; Leschied, Austin & Me, 1988; Leschied

& Thomas, 1985).

High rates of recidivism and public cries for increased protection have resulted in pressures on the Solicitor General's office for changes in the Young Offenders Act, with proposais for harsher sentencing and higher numbers of youths being tried as adults for violent crimes. CurrentIy, the legal systern is crippled by backlog, overburdened courts,

and overpopulation of prisons and detention centres. Ironicaiiy, these backiogs have

prompted correctionai facilities to implement early reiease programmes to make room for the steady stream of incoming offenders.

Hence there is a serious problem, both in terms of the increasing prevalence of youth violence in society, as weii as changes to the way in which acts of violence are handled This alamhg trend prompts one to ask two questions:

1) What can be done to prevent violence in society, particularly among youths?

2) What programmes can be offered which will prompt these youths to change their behaviour, and develop more socially acceptable values and conduct?

The uitimate goal for society mut be a reduction of violence. In working toward this objective, numerous campaigns have been launched to educate the public on the harrnfid effects of violence on children. A multitude of studies and large scale research projects have investigated ways of identifjmg and treating violent prone behaviour among young children before it escalates to a level which is tnily problematic (Coie,

Underwood, & Lockman, 199 1; Forehand & Long, 1991; Hawkins & Lishner, 1987;

Kendall, Ronan & Epps, 1991; Offord ,Boyle & Racine, 1991 ; Pepler, King & Byrd,

1991). Researchers have shifted focus hmidentirying predictors of violence, to understanding the ingredients of non-violent adaptation. Clearly, prevention is the key to success. Although preventative strategies may seem costly, in the long nui they lead to savings - in social, emotional and financial tenns. Unfortunately, the fact remains that prisons and youth detention centres are full of youths who have committed a1a.gacts of violence. Fecieral deficits and budget cutbacks have resulted in a system which puiports to "treat" offenders, but in reality offers only a bare minimum of services. Intensive treatment is a luxury afforded to few.

Under such conditions, the the that professionals spend with offenders is often limited to risk management and prediction (Palmer, 1997; Wong. 1997).

This paucity of treatment is not surprising, since approaches in the past have met with mixed results. No single approach has achieved dennitive success. Often treatment is a costly and time intensive affair, with the long-term effects fkequently unclear or disheartening. A significant percentage of young offenders continue their criminal careers, graduating to adult correctional facilities (Doherty & de Souza, 1995). This process is costly to the tax payer, hstrating to professionals and staff within the correctional system, discouraging and disillusionhg to the individual who has undergone

"treatment," and most important, hamiful to the public which is victimized.

Although a number of programmes have been developed in an effort to address youth violence, few have been subjected to empincal evaluation of their actual impact

(Tolan & Guerra, 1994). T'oseoutcome studies which have been conducted have uncovered a number of factors which appear to be crucial to successfbl treatment. Andrews, Leschied and Hoge (1992) conducted an extensive review of the treatment literature on young offendm. The authors concluded that clinically appropriate treatment does, in fact significantly decrease the rate of violence. The most promising programmes al1 contained certain elements in common. These elements included:

a) The employrnent of systematic assessrnent to assess needkisk factors b) The application of programmes possessing therapeutic integrity c) Attention to relapse prevention (developing the ability to monitor, recognize and anticipate problem situations) d) Appropriate targeting of onender attitudes and behaviour (i.e., addressing criminal thinking, reducing chernical dependencies, reducing antisocial peer association, irnproving family fimctioning, developing prosocial skills) e) Appropriate styles of senrice -behaviouraliy based, provided in an open, caring and enthusiastic mamer, with anticriminal modelling and reinforcement (p. 149- 151).

According to Andrews et al., appropriate programming must be geared to the needç of the offender, be based on a coherent and empincally defensible model, prepare the cIient for setbacks or high nsk situations, specifically target problematic behaviour, and be delivered in an open, caring and enthusiastic manner. Treatment should not be viewed as a discrete event, but rather, should serve as a launching pad into a continuum of care (Leschied & Thomas, 1985). Individuais involved must have a sense of institutional cornmitment to their success, and believe that they are, in fact, "treatable"

(Ibid). The chdenge for professionals working with young offenders is to utilize a treatment model which achieves these goals withthe Limiting factors specEc to correctional settings. Scarcity of firnding dictates that programmes should be inexpensive and labour efficient. Since most onenders do not stay in any one faciiity for extended penods of time, programmes must be bnef in nature, enabling residents with average lengths of residency (approximately 10 weeks in secure custody facilities) to participate fully before being released or transferred to another facility.

Although numerous treafment programmes show promising signs in terms of reduced recidivisrn rates, many of these are both labour and time intensive. When funding restraints and cutbacks are the norm, the search must continue for alternative forms of programming which are both cost efficient and effective.

One form of treatment which appears to lend itself particularly well to working with young offenders is solution-focused therapy (Berg, 1991; de Shazer, 1985).

Solution-focused therapy is a relatively new model of treatment which includes many of the elements of "promising programming" (Andrews, Leschied & Hoge, 1992). It is one of the "Brief Therapy" models that has its roots in systems theory and family therapy developments during the 1960s and 1970s. Since then, it has evolved into a method proven to be useful in treating a variety of patients. It differs ffom many traditional foms of therapy Ui that there is a paradigrnatic shift fkom deficits to strengths, from problems to solutions, and nom past to fhre (Hoyt, 1994, p.2). The therapist works with the client to open up new choices or options, while creating an atmosphere of acceptame and hope,

and where the client's dignity and resources are respected (Friedman, 1 994, p.248). It is

behaviourally based, and focuses on developing concrete solutions to immediate

problems, taking into account individual ciifferences in background, culture, ability, and

need.

Traditionally, behavioural sciences have focused on studies of deviancy and pathology. Scientific inqujr has delved into creating an understanding of the genesis and proliferation of abnomal behaviour, instead of focusing on examples of health and competency. Solution-focused therapy is a method of thempy that focuses on an individual's competence rather than deficits, possibilities rather than limitations

(O'Hanlon & Weber-Davis, 1989, p. 1). Thus there is a trend away fiorn explanations, problerns, and pathology, and towards solutions (Ibid, pl). Solution-focused therapy is results oriented, not insight-oriented. It assumes as given that each client has the resources that are necessary for change. Since it is a systemic therapy, placing emphasis on the family situation within which the youth was raised, solution-focused brief therapy is highly sensitive to the social context within which the client spends hidher daily life.

It is a short- term therapy, designed to achieve maximum results in a minimum number of sessions.

Although there have been shidies on the effectiveness of solution-focused therapy with a nurnber of client groups, to date, there have been no anpirical investigations of the efficacy of solution-focused therapy with young offenders. The purpose of this research

project is to conduct such an investigation, applying this relatively new forrn of therapy to a population of secure custody young offenders. The ultimate goal of any new treatment programme must be a reduction in recidivism. Treatment success is defined as changes in attitudes and behaviour associated with recidivism, resulting in a reduction in the fkequency or senousness of friture crime. An overview of the literature review

The following Iiterature review presents an ovemiew of the research relating to the incidence, causes and treatmmt of violent and antisocial behaviour among youths.

The review is fairly comprehensive, since an adequate understanding of the problem is a prerequisite to an informeci analysis of treatment efficacy. A partïcular emphasis is placed on violent behaviour, since the study population involves secure custody young offenders. Although not al1 offenders involveci in the research project have been convicted of violent crimes, the acts which they have canied out have been deemed sufliciently antisocial to warrant the highest level of custody supervision available.

Relative to the generd population, secure population offenders are seen as violent offenders. They constitute the end point of a continuum which ranges fiom probation and open custody at one end, to secure custody at the other. For the purposes of this project, violent behaviour is defined as a behaviour whkh results in hmto another individual's person or property. Within a secure custody facility, this may translate into convictions of murder, manslaughter, aggravated assault, assaulf or even multiple break and enten, which fiequently result in vandalism and willful destruction of property.

The literature review is broken down into five chapten. In the fkst chapter of the literature review, the problem of violence among youths is addressed and examined in ternis of trends over tirne. Factors which affect prevalence estimates are identified and discussed. The second chapter focuses on what is hown about the causes of violent or antisocial behaviour. A developmental mode1 of violence is presented, and discussed with regards to the political and social context within which it occurs.

The treatment literature is reviewed in the third chapter, with an emphasis on the charactenstics of approaches that have proven to be effective with young offenders. The politicd context of treatment is discussed, with specid note being made to the hancial, time and political restrictions currently being placed on the correctional system.

In the fourth chapter, the solution-focused approach to treatment is presented, with a review of current research on the efficacy of this approach.

In the final chapter of the literature review, the concept of treatment outcome is presented, dong with a discussion on the criteria for establishing success. CHAPTER ONE

THE PROBLEM OF YOUTH VIOLENCE

The Incidence of VioIent/Anti-Social Behaviour Among Youths

Over the past few years, there has been significant public pressure put on legislators to hcrease the seventy of punishment for young offenders who are convicted of violent offences. According to Statistics Canada, Canadians have become

Uicreasingly concemed about the incidence of youth crime in their communities and the court's ability to deal effectively with these youths (Doherty & de Souza, 1996, p.2).

Many concerned citizens have voiced the opinion that the system should be more punitive, in the belief that harsher punishments will resdt in greater detemence.

Media coverage of incidents involving youths is often biased, with particular emphasis on the more shocking or heinous crimes. This attention, in tum, serves to create a public perception of an increasingiy violent and dangerous society. Concem continues to grow about the incidence and nature of youth involvement in crime. As fears about public safety increase, so do demands for increased police protection, harsher sanctions against offending youths, and policies of "zero tolerance" within the school systems.

As a result, a number of legislative changes to Bill C-37,the Iegislation that deals specificaily with violent youth crime, have been enacted In the past, it was the

10 responsibility of the Crown to prove wby a violent young offender shouid be processed

through the adult system. Now the onus is placed on the youths (or their counsel) to

show why their respective cases should be heard in youth court. For those cases that are

not transfmed to adult court, maximum sentence length has been increased nom five to

ten years for youths charged with first degree murder. Thus it appears that politicians are

hearing and responding to public demands for "get tough" policies (St. Amand &

Greenberg, 1996). Clearly the public's fears have been raised, and the legal system is

responding. What is not as clear is the validity and accuracy of these fears. Has youth crime, in fact, reached epidernic proportions? Are Canada's troubled youths turning to violence as an acceptable form of conflict resolution or are these perceptions simply the artifacts of biased reporting and distorted public perception?

Youth Crime Statistics

Trends in youth crime are particularly interesting because they appear to fluctuate independently of adult the. Over the past two decades, the violent crime rate for adult offenders has increased significantly, tripling during the period fkom 1962 to 1992

(Statistics Canada, 1996). Only in the past few years has there been a decrease in the violent crime rate for adults with the 1995 rate being the third year in a row that it has declined (Johnson, 19%). Many law enforcement officiais have atîributed this decfine to an increase in community-based policing (Statistics Canada, 1996, p.2). Un£ortunately, violent youth crime has not shown this recent sirnilar deciine.

With the exception of 1994, the rate of youths charged with violent crimes has been rising steadily since 1986. (Statistics Canada, 1996, p.2). From 1986 to 1993, youth violent crime had been increasing at an average annual rate of 12% (Statistics Canada, 1994).

While the overall youth crime rate decreased for three straight years, then rernained stable in 1995 (Johnson, 1996) violent youth crimes clearly did not follow this trend (Statistics

Canada, 1996; see Figure 1).

Fi mire 1. Total number of vioient crimes committed

by youths (1986 to 1995). Many Canadians regard fluctuations in the violent crime rate as an important bmeter of public safety (Statistics Canada, 1994, p.5). One of the best indices of the violent aime rate is ohconsidered to be homicide statistics. They are more reliable than other types of crime statistics because they are not as easily affectai by subtle changes in public willuigness to report, or changes in police policy or reporting practices

(Johnson, 1996, p12). While the homicide rate for adults has been decreasing over the past decade, the rate for youths aged 12 to 17 has remained stable. Thus although the absolute number of violent crimes committed by youths appeats to be on the rise, the actual violent crime among this group of offenders does not appear to be changing.

Nonetheless, in the context of decreasing crime rates among addt offenders, such figures are cause for concem. An increase in the incidence of violent youth crime represents an increased burden on society and the criminai justice system. Poüce reported 65 youths charged with homicide in 1995,8 more than in the previous year, and the second consecutive increase. It was the highest number of youths charged in a single year since

1975 (Statistics Canada, 1996, p.7). Youths account for an average of 8% of al1 homicide suspects in Canada over the 1st 10 years (Ibid., 1994, p.8). Given recent advances in medical technology and emergency response systems (whkh should result in a reduced number of fatalities), these homicide statistics are cause for concem. It would appear that

Canada does indeed have a problem of growing rates of violence among its youth. The Nature of the Offences

A breakdown of the nature of offences helps to shed Light on the types of violent behaviour in which these youths are involved. Between 1986 and 1995, there was a

140% increase in the number of youths charged with comxnitting violent crimes in

Canada (Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics, 1996). Although there was a decrease in the total number of break and enta over this nine-year period (with figures fdbg nom

27,371 in 1986 to 18,605 in 1995), ail forms of robbery and assault showed marked increases. The total robbery rate tripled fiom 1986 to 1995, with the number of incidents

ùivolving fieamis jumping from 155 in 1986 to 498 in 1995. A similar increase in robbenes involving other weapons is demonstrated (458 to 1,221 respectively). The total number of charges laid for assault rose in a similar manner, increasing hm6,119 in

1986 to 1S,86 1 in 1995. Only sexuai assault charges appear to have levelled off, following a significant increase between the period of 1986-1990 (Tbid.).

Trends in Disposition

In 1994-95, approximately 2% of Canadian youths aged 12 to 17 were involved in the correctional system (either in custody, or on probation). Although this percentage is srnaIl, it translates into 41,000 youths, 5,000 of whom are serving time in custodial facilities. Close to 40% of al1 youths in custody were serving their sentences in secure custody facilities (St .Amand & Greenberg, 1996, p. 1). The number of youths in both secure and open custody facilities has increased steadily since 1990-9 1, with overall

increases of 15 and 24%respectively (Ibid, p.9). Thus greater numbers of youthç are

offending, and consequentîy the number who are being placed in custodial facilities @oth

open and secure) is steadily climbing (see Figure 2).

Fiwe 2. Average daily counts of young offenders by

custody statu (1989-94) Canada total.

Recent changes to bill C-37 will likely have a signifïcant impact on trends in

custody, since greater emphasis is being placed on rehabilitation for nonviolent offenders,

and will likely result in more community placements. In contrast, youths convicted of

violent offences will be treated more harshly and will likely spend longer periods of time in secure custody facilities (Ibid., p.Il). Factors to Consider When Examining Crime Rate Statistics

Over the past ten years, there has been a marked increase in the number of youths placed on probation and in custody (Miastry of Correctional Services, Youth Services

Division, 1994). It is mclear whether this increase in the number of youths in detention is due to changes in police charging practices; improvements in identifjmg and apprehending suspected perpetrators; changes in judicial sentencing; or an actual increase in youth crime. Clearly there are a nurnber of factors which may impact on crime rate statistics. Over the past ten years, there has been a reduction in societal tolerance of violence, and this has placed very real pressure on police to be involved in situations where they might not previously have been expected to intemene (Le., school yard violence). S imilariy, legislative changes have been made which result in harsher penalties for violent behaviour. Variances in poiicing resources and personnel certainiy would impact on the number of charges laid and changes in the actuai dennition of crime

(for example assault, sexual assault). This, in tum, will impact on crime statistics.

Advances in rnedical technology and emergency rnedical response may result in fewer deaths. Thus a case which might have been classified as homicide twenty years ago may be aggravated assault today due to the increased capabilities of the medical profession.

Thus there may be significant variances in the crime rate due to factors which are independent from the actual numbers of crimes being committed. Finally, it mut be remembered that crime rates are simply averages. They do not reflect local variances, and may not even reflect provincial rates. For example, Manitoba reported a dramatic increase in violent crime during the 1990s while Alberta reported an equally drastic decline (Johnson, 1996, p. 1). Crime rate statistics provide a crude indication of the current situation, without consideration of the factors which may have contributed to variation. Aithough they are a helpfui statistic, it is importaut that they be examined within the societal context in which they occur. When viewed within the context of political and social change, they provide rough esbates of patterns of offending over time.

Recidivism Rates

The next question which arises is "To what extent do court imposed sanctions act as a deterrent to Merinvolvement in criminal activity?" A recent study of young offenders in Canada's youth courts in 1993-94 found that about 40% were repeat offenders (Doherty & de Souza, 1995, p. 1). That is, 40% of al1 youths who were involved in the legal system retumed due to fkther criminal activity within the next few years. Aithough recidivists are more likely to receive harsher sentences than ktthe offenden (i.e., secure versus open custody), the Iength of sentencing for recidivists, surprisingly, does not differ fiom httime offenders. There is no evidence of a progression Eom nonvio lent to violent crimes among recidivists, however, both property and violent offenders tend to commit crimes of increasingly serious nature in their

respective category as theprogresses (Ibid., p. 14).

Transfers to aduft court and the use of aIiases make it difficult to establish

recidivism rates for secure custody residents. It is Imown, however, that 76% of al1

offenders entering secure custody facilities have previously offended (Ibid., p. 10). It is

likely that the recidiviçm rate for these individuals is higher after they leave the secure

custody facilities, since it has been shown that the older a recidivist gets, the greater the

fiequency and seriousness of fuhue crimes (Ibid., 14).

A recent article in the Financial Post Magazine (1995) reveded some interesting statistics about recidivists. Young recidivists become adult recidivists, since the average criminal career extends fiom 5- 10 years. On average, recidivists commit 15 to 20 crimes per year, with 6% of offenders accounting for 52% of al1 arrests. Aithough this figure is likely inflated due to the fact that it may be easier to catch recidivists than first time offenders, the fact remains that this srnall group of offenders is committing a large nurnber of crimes. Finally, the article mentioned that 90 per cent of youth anests are of recidivists. Since many young recidivists are pooled together in secure custody institutions, it is logical to focus rehabilitative eBorts at this stage, since the youths are high nsk (thus according to Andrews et al. (1990) are more amenable to treatment), accessible, and have not yet "graduated" to the adult system. Costs to the Taxpayer

In Canada, the cost of housing a young offender in a secure custody detention

centre for one year is $92,063.95. In Ontario done, during the year 1992-93, $33.8

million were spent incarcerating young offenders in youth detention centres. This

amount rose to $34.7 million in 1993-94 (Ministry of the SoIicitor GeneraI and

Correctionai Services, 1995). With increasing numbers of youths coming through the systern, it can be expected that these numbers will continue to rise accordingly.

Summary

Violent crime arnong youth is escalating in Canada, courts are overburdened, and the correctional systern is working at maximum capacity. Millions of dollars are spent on the youth justice system each year, with iucreasing numbers of youths being sentenced to custodial facilities. Aithough there appears to be a levelling off of youth crime in general, violent crimes are clearly on the nse. What are the causes of youth violence, and why do Canada's youth seem to be following this alamhg trend? The responses to these questions are complex; the clearest answer which cm be provided is that no single factor can account for youth violence. Violence is the result of a multitude of complex factors which work together to predispose an individual to aggression. The goal of the next chapter is to spe11 out the ingredients of such a concoction. CHAPTER TWO

UNDERSTANDING YOUTH VIOLENCE

Introduction

In Febniary, 1993, the world reeled as it heard the shocking news that two eleven

year old boys had beaten and killed a two year old toddler, James Bulger, in Liverpool,

England. James' body was found battered and shed in half on a lailway line two days

&ex- he was abducted. The age of the accused children and the bmtality of the act sent

waves of incomprehension tbrough the mincis of many. Universal questions arose as a troubled nation contemplated the meaning of the event. How could it be possible for children so young to be capable of such unconscionable acts of violence?

Two possible explmations arise which may account for the terrible deed. The fifit is that the children are "%ad seeds"- children who, despite any attempts at guidance, support or understanding, ruthlessly and maliciously use others to fulfill their own needs.

They are genetic aberrations, with defective intemal wiring which prevents them Erom seeing the world in a socialized mmer. Society's responsibility to such individuals is to incarcerate them, thereby minllnizing damage which they may inflict on others. This explanation is both reassuring and convenient, since it emphasizes the "abnomality" of these children, and relieves society of any responsibility towards them (Reyes, 1996).

The second explanation, far more troubling, is that the act they committed is the Iogicd consequence of individuai and environmental factors: these two hi&-risk youths were exposed to a series of situations which supported and promoted the use of violence and

intimidation as means of self expression. Violence, in such a model, is viewed as a fom

of learned behaviour, the developmental outcome of the life experiences of the children.

Predisposing individual nsk factors combine with famiy, school, peer and environmental

factors to produce aggressive and violent behaviour patterns in childhood that extend into

adolescence and adulthood (Pepler & Slaby, 1994, p.38). In this model, vioIence is a

learned behaviour which results when a hi&-risk individual is paired with a combination

of potentialiy violence promoting situations. Certainly this second explmation is much

less palatable since the implications are far reaching. If a violent individual is created,

then society must take responsibility, both in tmsof treatment and prevention.

There are a smdl number of offenders who appear to fit into the %ad seed"

category - individuals who, despite supportive, loving and enriched backgrounds, fail to

develop the ability to fom appropriate social relationships. This subpopulation of

offenders has been termed "psychopaths"and are estimated to account for approximately

10% of prison populations (Hare, 1993). The majority of offenders, however, do not fa11

into this category. It is the position of this paper that for most young offenders, violence

is the product of socialization. To understand how a youth may be on a "developmental traj ectory" towards violence (Loeber 1988), one must identify and understand the personal and environmental variables which support or predispose a child to such behaviour patterns. Only then is one in a position to design treatrnent programmes that are meanin@, relevant and effective.

A number of risk factors have been identifÏed which increase a youth's propensity to violence. Risk factors are those factors that, if present, increase the likelihood of a child developing an emotional or behavioural disorda in cornparison with a randomly selected child hmthe general population (Garmezy, 1983). For example, an "at-risk" child might corne hman impoverished household, be subjected to abusive/coercive parenting, have poor attachrnent to others, identifjl strongly with an antisocial peer group, and live in a neighbourhood rife with violence. Certainly no t dl children who are exposed to such conditions will develop violent behaviour patterns. The presence of protective factors may be suficient to temper the negative influence of such nsk factors.

Protective factors are "those attributes of persons, envirorments, situations and events that appear to temper predictions of psychopathology, based upon an individual's 'at-risk' status" (Kimchi & Schafier, 1990, p.476). Protective factors provide resistance to risk, and foster outcornes marked by patterns of adaptation and cornpetence (Rutter, 1990).

Examples of such factors are self coddence, good communication skills, family cohesion, identification with a supportive adult, ftiendship, and good infoxmal sources of support through peers, extended family, neighbours, ministers and teachen (Kimchi &

Schafher, 1990).

Rutter (1990) argues that protection or risk is not a quality of the factor itself, but rather is a function of the way in which it interacts with other factors. In the absence of stress, 44protectivefactors" have no impact. Thus he refm to protective mechanisms and

nsk mechanisms, or protective processes or risk processes to emphasize their interactive

and contextual nature.

Although risk and protective mechanisms may be identifieci and described individually, it is important to note that they combine to mate systems or environrnents which reuiforce either social or antisocial behaviour. Caims and Cairns (1 99 1) emphasize the links between social cognition in aggressive children and the social networks in which they are embedded. The authors argue that the scientific understanding of social pattern requires a holistic, integrated view of the person over the. Thus, the developmental perspective holds that "the factors that influence social behaviours are fused and codesced in development: they do not interact or maintain their separate identities in the child or adolescent" (Ibid, p.250). Highly aggressive children and adolescents are not as popdar with peers in general as are nonaggressive children (Coie, Doge & Kupenmidt,

1990). Consequently, they tend to hang aromd children who are like themselves (Elliot,

Huizinga & Ageton, 1985). Once a person enters a group, reciprocal processes lead to

Mercornmondi ties in activities, including deviant ones. There is a transmission of values and a contagion of social problems (Cd& Cairns, 199 1). Thus, coercive, antisocial attitudes and behaviours may be reinforced by the situation or environment within which the aggressive youth fin& hixdherself.

No single factor alone accounts for violent behaviour. It is the result of a combination of nsk factors, in the absence of sufncient protective mechaniçms that create conditions which promote violence. The interaction among these mechanisms may themselves mate environments that reinforce or perpenÿite violent behaviour. In the fouowing section, risk factors are divided into five broad categories: individual, family, cognitive-developmental, social and political. Risk factors within each category are described, and discussed in tems of theK relative contribution to the development of violent behaviour patterns.

IndiMduaI Factors

In the last century, research on human motivation and behaviour has taken many interesting tums, particularly as it relates to understanding violence and aggression. In the nineteenth century, scientists identified behaviour as stemming from specific locations in the brain. During this time the concept of phrenology became popuiar, with the view that the shape of a person's skull refiected underlying proportionate brain development. Each region of the brain was seen as responsible for a particu1a.r behavioural faculty, such as wisdom, love, ambition, impulsion, and aggression. In the late 1800s, Cesare Lombrosi, an Italian criminologist, stated that bb~riminalitywas geneticaily transmitted, and that criminals codd be recognized by certain physical features, such as a low forehead and protruding ears" (Adams, 198 1, p.258). Although thinking has advanced significantly since the tum of the century, behavioural scientists continue to look for biological detenninants of aggressive or violent behaviour. It is commonly acknowledged that social influences play a tremendous role in the development of aggressive behaviour patterns; however, a number of biological predispositions have been identified which may increase the likelihood that an individual will engage in violent behaviour. Biology, temperament, intefigeme, genetics and gender are ali individual factors which have been linked to increasing the likelihood of violent behaviour.

From the day a child is bom, events may have already occurred which will predispose that child to violent or aggressive behaviour. Examination of birth histories of violent offenders has revealed that many have extensive histones of perhatal difficulties.

In a study on the congenital determinants of violent and property offending, Breman,

Mednick and Kandel(199 1) found evidence for a biological predisposition to violence caused by perinatal difficulties. In their sample, 46.9% of nonoffenders, 2 1.1% of property offenders, and 55.6% of one-time violent offenders had high numbers of delivery complications. In contrast, 80% of the multiple violent offenders (a significantly higher percentage) had hi& numbers of delivery complications. Although some of the complications may result fiom unhealthy lifestyle practices of the rnother, the consequences to the fetus may be biologically based. One of the potential complications of perinatal difficulties is head injury. It has been found that head injury, and the accompanying neurological impaùments, have been linkeù to aggression. In a study of homicidally aggressive young children, Lewis, Shanok, Grant and

Ritvo (1983) found that a high proportion of the homicida1 children had a history of perinatd problems (79%) as weii as a history of head injury. Extremely violent behaviour was associated with psychotic symptoms and neurological impairment. The authors found that one of the major factors distinguishing the homicidally aggressive children fkom the nonhomicidal children was a history of seizures. Of the 21 homicida1 children in the study, 48% definitely had a history of seizures. Given the prevalence of head trauma and/or perinatai problems, the authors felt the signifficance of seinires was an indication of central nervous system dysfùnction. They speculated that CNS dysfunction, combined with a vulnerability to psychotic disorganization, contributed to the children's impulsive, self-destructive and homicidally aggressive behaviours.

Research by Bender (1959, cited in Lewis et al., 1983, p. 148) alço supports the link between brain dysfunction and violence. In his research, Bender followed 33 young murderers over a 24 year penod. Of the 33 children, 12 were eventually diagnosed as schizophrenic, seven as having chronic brain syndrome without epilepsy, three as epileptic, and three as intellectually defective. Thus it appears that in this sample of children, brain dysfunction appeared to be a significant factor in deterrnining behaviour for 76% of them. Although the emphasis of the research was clearly on identification of neurophysiological correlates of violent behaviour, it is interesting to note that in both

Lewis and Bender's studies, attention was cailed to environmental factors, such as extrerne violence in the family, as significant in a developmental mode1 of violence.

Some mearchers have focusseci on identifjhg specinc types of brain damage

which mi@ explain violent behaviour. Others have emphasized the importance of

understanding the actual workhgs of the brain in an attwpt to differentiate violent fiom

nonviolent individuals. Robert Hare (1993), for example, has spent a great deal of the

analyzing the actual thinking processes of violent offenders. His research on a population of violent psychopathic offenders revealed that this group actually seemed to process emotionally laden information in a manner different hmcontrols, as demonstrated by electro-encephalogram (EEG)readings of their brain activity during lexical decision rnaking tasks. Although the psychopaths in his study appeared to know the dictionary meaning of words, they failed to comprehend their emotional value or significance. Their knowledge of language seemed 'Mo dimensional, lacking in emotional depth" (p. 129).

The implication of Hare's research is that within a subpopulation of offenders (the psychopaths) the actual wiring of the brain may be diffient, thus leaduig to unusual or abnormal responses to interpersonal situations. Psychopaths do appear to be a distinct entity of offenders, as they are five times more likely to recidivate than the regular incarcerated population, commit crimes that are more LikeIy to be instrumental as opposed to reactionary (Hart, 1996) and are much more resistant to treatment than non psychopathic criminal offenders (Hare,1993). Thus there may be "wiring" differences in the brains of some violent offenders which help to account for their antisocial behaviour. In addition to brain hction, an individual's genddisposition may be relevant

in predisposing him or her to violence. Bates, Bayles, Bennett, Ridge and Brown (1991)

present a strong argument for child temperament as the ongin of extemalized behaviour

problems. The authors argue that previous models of social development relieci on

relatively simple causal mechanisms with a fairly exclusive focus on parental behaviourç

and peer rejection in explainhg youth violence. They feel that behaviours, akhough

important, are part of a "dynamic, transactional system in which biological,

psychological, and sociological factors are al1 inteawined (p. 93).

Qualities of parenting are themselves partly detennined by the child's behaviouml

dispositions. A child's response to bis or her parents will determine, to a large extent, the

nature and quality of fiiture interactions which the parent has with the child. For

example, a child with a difficult temperament may affect the mother's perception of her

child. She may feel that her child is difficult/unmanageabIe, and resort to coercive parenting techniques in order to maintain discipline.

Further evidence for the contribution of temperament to behaviour problems was presented by Raine and Jones (1987) in a study which examined attention, autonomie arousal, and p ersonality in behaviourally disordered children. The authors found that, contmy to previous shidies, antisocial/aggressive behaviour did not show an intrinsic

Iink with hyperactivity/Attention Deficit Disorder. They dici, however, find a link between lowered heart rate and antisocial conduct, and suggested that this reflected a "fearless" uninhibited temperament. Farrington (1987) also found a link between pulse

rate and antisocial behaviow. In his longitudinal study of 41 1 males, he found that

individuals with below-average pulse rates (70 or les) tended to have above-average

conviction rates. Pepler and Slaby argued that "given additional nsk factors, such as poor

parental monitoring, low socioeconomic status, and a delinquent peer group, a fearless,

uninhibited temperament may predispose a child to a developmental trajectory of

aggression and violence" (p.3 7).

It seems, then, that temperament may be significant in understanding the factors

which predispose a child to violence or aggression. Recent research has revealed that

temperament may, to a certain extent, be detemiined genetically. Eron and Slaby (1994),

cite a number of studies which state that childhood disorders that are hypothesized to

predict later violence, such as hyperactivity and conduct disorder, may be partially

heritable, since evidence can be found for a gene by environment interaction in crime and

delinquency (Mednick, Gabrietii & Hutchings, 1984, as cited by Eron & Slaby, 1994,

p.7). At particular risk for developing aggressive or violent behaviour are children who

have been diagnosed with attention deficit disorder (with hyperactivity) cornbined with

conduct disorder (Barkley, Fischer, Eldelbrock & Smallish, 1990; Farrington, Loeber &

VanKammer, 1990). Farrhgton (1 99 1) developed childhood profiles of violent offenders and found that hyperactivity, impulsivity and attention problems were common characteristics. Historicdy, IQ has been Iinked to aggressive behaviour, with low IQ being

associated with an increased likelihood of delùiquency (Farrington, 199 1). More recent

research, however, has chailenged this assumption. Moffitt's (1993) review of the

literature revealed that most of the studies report consistent ihdings of

neuropsychological deficits for antisocial samples, particularly in verbal and executive

fùnctions. The authors found that the import of neuropsychological deficit was greatest

for instances of Conduct DisordedAttention Deficit Disorder with Hyperactivity

comorbidity. These hdings suggest that cornprornised neuropsychological health may

only apply to a small @ut senous) subgroup of antisocial youths and for that subgroup,

the strength of the association may be stronger than previously thought (Ibid, p. 136).

Pepler and Slaby (1994) argue that dthough low IQ mimight contribute to the early

development of aggressive behaviour patterns, once they are established low I.Q. plays a

&al role in the Mertrajectory toward adult criminal behaviour. Hinshaw (1992)

demonstrated that Iow achievement may be a stronger predictor of delinquency than Iow

intelligence. In a recent longitudinal study on the effects of reading achievement as a mediator for ADHD (Attention Deficit Disorder with Hyperactivity) individuals "at nsk" for criminal involvement, Babinski (1996) found that a low rate of readuig achievement was predictive of conduct disorder, whereas childhood ADHD, when not accompanied by conduct problems or aggression, was not related to addt antisocial behaviour. The authon suggested that although the negative effects of ADHD may reach into adulthood, positive school achievement in tems of good reading skills may reduce the likelihood of adolescent conduct disorder and subsequent adult criminal involvement.

Violent behaviour also seems to be Linked to sex, with men much more Iikely to commit violent crimes than women (Hanies, 1990). This difference in physical aggression is apparent in early childhood (Fagot, Hagan, Leinbach, & Kronsberg, 198 5, as cited in Pepler & Slaby, 1994, p.45). Girls do display aggressive behaviour, but the fom it takes is often different fkom boys, and is more Iikely to take the form of emotional or verbal bullying than actual physical contact (Pepler & Slaby, 1994). Although this difference may be due to differences in sociaiization rather than a genetic predisposition, several biological factors have been identified as potential causal rnechanisms in gender differences in aggression (Ibid). Homonal differences (Benton, l992), neurophysiological differences (Potegal, 1992) and chromosomal differmces (Hook,

1973) indicate that there may be grounds for a biological basis to the sex differentid in physicdly aggressive behaviour.

Although environmental factors play a significant role in the development of a violent offender, available evidence clearly points to the contribution of organic factors in understanding aggression. In recent research, emphasis has shifted away fiom solely identifjing biological detenninants for aggression to increasing understanding of the protective factors for those children who are identified as biologicaily "high risk." Implications of Individuai Factors on Treatment PIunnUig

It is important to weigh the relative contribution of individual factors in developing an understanding of aggression, so that appropriate treatment strategies may be put into place. Perhaps more than anything, the one treatment strategy which should be implemented is that of prevention. By ensuring that appropriate support services are available to hi& risk teens, such as sex education, readily available contraception, dmg treatment programmes, and support services for pregnant girls, the negative impact of a large number of neonatal difficulties rnay be eliminated or ameliorated. For those children bom with a biological predisposition to aggression, comprehensive support services must be readily available. This may take the form of high quaiity day me, support groups for single mothers, hancial assistance, or education in parenting and lifestyle. For those children with obvious and disruptive aggressive behaviour patterns, various forms of medication (such as stimulants, anticonvulsants, or antidepressants) rnay assist in rnanaging behaviour. Certainly none of these intementions done is sunicient to address the issue of aggression, but each may foxm a component of treatment for individuals suspected of having a biological basis to their difficulties. Coie and Jacobs

(1993) argue that since the trajectory for continued conduct problems tends to be initiated early, preventive measures should be implemented early - at initial school entry and transition to middle school - to stop the snowballing pattems of negative interactions with family members, teachers, and peers. Individual ternperament, combined with family problems, may Iead to social difficdties,and eventually rejection by peers. Possibilities for adaptive change become increasingiy narrow over time as conduct disordered children alienate themselves fiom many essential socializing influences and support (Ibici, p.264).

Thus the authon feel that even when problems appear to have a biologicai bais, interventions should include both the individual and the broader social context if there is to be an effective restnicturing of potential risk factors and ski11 deficits.

The Role of the Family in the Development of Violent Behaviour

Parents have a significant impact on their children's adjustment in later life.

Children who corne from happy, healthy homes are more likely to be well adjusted than those children who are less advantaged. A number of research studies have been conducted which emphasize the fundamental role of the family in a child's life. Not surprisingly, the family plays a major role in deteminhg whether or not a child develops aggressive behaviour patterns. Mer systematically reviewing the prediction studies on delinquency, Loeber and Dishion (1983) concluded that the principal predictors of delinquency were the parent's family management techniques (supervision and discipline), the child's conduct pro blems, parental criminality, and the child' s poor academic performance. Clearly the family environment is crucial in determining a child's ability to fiuiction effectively in the world. Reinforcement for a child's appropriate or inappropriate behaviour stems directly fiom the home. Social leaming theory is based on the premise that "people are not bom with

prefoxmed repertoires of aggressive behaviour, they mut Ieam them" (Bandura, 1983, p.4

as cited in Pepler and Slaby, 1994). T'usalthough a child may have a biological

predisposition to aggressive behaviour, it is his or her interactions with the world which

detexmine whether or not aggression becomes a leamed response. Since the formative

years of a child's life take place within the family environment, the nature of the

interactions which occur in this context is clearly significant.

A number of parent variables have been identified as relevant in the development

of aggressive behaviour among children. Among them are harsh attitude and disciplinary

practices, parental criminality, poor parental supervision, separation nom parents

(Fankgton, 1978), parent self-eficacy (MacPhee, Fritz, Miller, Hall, 1996), parental

conflict (Martin, Schumrn, Bugaighis, Jurich & Bollman, 1987; McCord, McCord &

Howard, 1963) inconsistent parenting practices (McCord, 1979) parenting style (Miller,

1983) presence/absence of abuse (Huriey & Jae, 1990) paternal aggression, parental

rejection, matemal psychiatrie hospitalization (Lewis, Shanok, Grant & Rituo, 1983),

matemal withdrawai and parental warmth (Coopeman, 1996; Tarter, 1983), single parenting and socioeconornic disadvantage (Bank, Forgatch, Patterson & Fetrow, 1993).

Huesrnanu and Eron (1984) collected data which indicated that the "scripts" for aggressive behaviour are leamed at an early age and become fairly entrenched as the child develops. Thus, aggression becomes self-perpetuating in children with certain cognitive characteristics. The authors describe "appropriate leaming conditions" for aggression as

"those in which the child has many opportunities to observe aggression, in which the child is reinforcd for his or her own aggression, and in which the child is the object of aggression" @ .243). These learning oppodties may be blatant, as in the case of family violence, or they may be more subtle, in the case where a child is rewarded for aversive or aggressive behaviours within the family or fails to receive praise for prosocial behaviours (Patterson, 1982).

In addition to histories of aggressive behaviour, families of violent delinquents share a number of other common characteristics: the parents are often in contlict; the children are poorly supervised; the parents are rejecting and punitive; discipline is erratic; and parents tend to have histories of aggressive, alcoholic or criminal behaviours

(McCord, McCord & Howard, 1963). Thus for those children who corne fiom families who contribute to the development of an aggressive response, leaming is hypothesized to occur both as the result of one's own behaviours as well as the environment's response to those behaviours (Eron, Huesmann & ZelIi, 1991).

Witnessing family violence, or being the object of violence, raises the probability that a child will engage in such behaviours. Views on the importance of family in maintainhg or perpetuating violence are so strong that it is common to hear of the coined terni "cycle of abuse" (Sinclair, 1985) to describe the intergenerational transfer of violence within families. One of the most pervasive claims that appears in the scholarly literature is that "violence begets violence" that is, adults who were abused as children

will themeIves become abusers. In 1987, the Canadian Advisory Council on the Status

of Women issued a report entitled "Battered but not Beaten . . . Preventing wife battering

in Canada" (MacLeod, 1987). One of the main themes of this report was the

intergenerationat transfer of violence. A number of statements were made clearly

presenting violence as learned behaviour.

The intergenerational transfer of violence as leamed behaviour is well substantiated in the literature . . . There is also evidence that wife battering is related to the hture crimhality of the children, and particularly to criminal behaviour involving violence. For examp le, a 30-year longitudinal study Fischer, 19851 found that reports of ongoing parental codict and violence were " . . . significantly predictive of serious aduit personal crimes (e.g., assault, attempted rape, rape, attempted murder, kidnapping and murder), but were not predictive of serious adult property crimesf1(MacLeod, 1987, p.33).

The notion of intergenerational transmission of violence has received widespread acceptance in part because, on an intuitive level, it makes sense. It is consistent with social leaming theory which explains violence as leamed behaviour. According to social leaming theory, children who witneçs violence in the home are more likely to leam violence as a method of conflict resolution than children who were raised in households where violence was absent (Bandura, 1973; Fesbach, 1980). In their research on homicidally aggressive children, Lewis, Shanok, Grant and Rivto (1983) noted that a high percentage of the children were abused by their mothen (25%) and had fathers who were physically violent (62%). The authors concluded that paternal violence encouraged violent aggression in children by fumishing a mode1 for behaviour, and secondly, when directed toward the child, could potentially cause vulnerabiiity to impulsiveness. They also felt that being a victim of kational violence engenders a rage and fhtration which, when directed inward, expresses itself as suicida1 behaviour. When directed outward and displaced fiom the father, it may manifest itselfas homicidal aggression (p. 153).

Despite its popularity, the concept of violence as leamed behaviour has not met with universal acceptance. Cathy Spatz Widom (1989), in an article entitled "Does violence beget violence? A critical examination of the iiterature," cornes to the conclusion that the existing knowledge of the long-term consequences of abusive home environments is limited and suggests that conclusions about the strengths of the cycle of violence are ternpered by the dearth of convincing empirical evidence. Widom cites a number of methodological flaws in existing research, and cautions the generalizability and scientific validity of existing research on the theoxy of violence breeding violence:

After reviewing the literature, both Kadushin (1974) and Jayaratne (1 977) concluded that little convincing evidence supporteci the theory that abusive parents were themselves abused as children. More recently, Ka&an and Zigler (1 987) concluded that unqualified acceptance of the intergenerational transmission of violence hypothesis is unfounded . . .On the basis of their review of the literature, Kahanand Zigler estimated the rate of intergenerational transmission of abuse to be 30%. This means that about one third of the individuals who are abused or neglected will abuse their own children and that two thirds wiii not. "Being maltreated as a child puts one at nsk for becoming abusive but the path between these two points is far hmdirect or inevitable" (Kahan & Zigler, 1987, p. 190 as cited in Widom, p.6-8).

Explmgviolence kough the cycle of abuse model, therefore is tempting, but

far too simplistic. Focusing on the abuse itselfas the procreator of future violence is easy

but misleading. Violence rnay be the direct byproduct of early expenences. However, a

direct causal Link to previous physical abuse is unsubstantiated. It is tme that having

violent parents May put a child at increased nsk for violent behaviour, but the fact

remains that children who were not raised in a violent household still may exhibit violent

behaviour, and children who were brought up in violent environments often lead

In an attempt to adhsthis dilemma, a number of researchers (Rubin, Bream &

Rose-Kransor, 1991; Caims & Caims, 1991; Dodge, 1991; Pepler, King & Byrd, 1991)

have attempted to look at the nature of the interpersonal relationships an individual has with his or her social environment, including both family and peers, in an attempt to understand agressive behaviour. It is the qualitative nature of the interactions which is of interest here, as opposed to a study of the presence or absence of specific risk factors.

Martin (198 1, as cited in Patterson, Capaldi & Bank, 1991, p. 145) draws a line not directly betw een violent expenences and violent behaviour, but rather between coercive experiences and later violence. He postdates that certain specifiable reactions fkom parents will produce a toddler who displays stable patterns of coercive behaviours and non cornpliance. This point is dso made by Paîterson, Capaldi and Bank (1991):

... The key requirement for training in antisocial behaviour is that the child lives in a highly coercive family. This would maximize the likelihood that he or she codd leam coercive behavioun as a means of adapting to the social environment. The accompanying hypothesis would be that ali members of families referred for treatment of antisocial children are likely to be significantly more coercive than are conesponding members of normal families. The data collecteci [upheld the hypothesis that] . . . members of antisocial famifies engaged in the highest rates of totally aversive behaviour, and those hmnomial families the lowest (p. 147).

Some researchers have focused on family characteristics of violent offenden in general, whereas others have differentiated between children who start offending at an early age, and those who f%st offend later in adolescence. Although family plays a major role with both groups, the degree of family dysfunction seerns to dictate the chronicity of the problem. Pattersori, De Baryshe and Ramsey (1989) outline a developmental progression for antisocial behaviour which starts in early childhood, with poor parental discipline and monitoring, and then develops into child conduct problems. By middle childhood, these conduct disordered children are rejected by noxmai peers, and often expenence academic failure. By late childhood and adolescence, these children have a cornmitment to a deviant peer group, which later progresses to delinquency. The authors describe two major pathways to delinquency. In the early starter model, boys begin their antisocial training in the home early on (age 4-9). Problem behaviom are accompanied

by deficits in social skills, placing the children at chronic nsk for offending. Thus the

child who receives antisocial training fiom the family during the preschool and

elementary years is iïkely to be denied access to positive sociahtion forces in the peer

group and school. The second path, termed the "late starter model," consists of youths

who begin theu dehquency in early adolescence. They are at Ieast marginally skilled in

peer relations and academics, and appear to be reacting to dismptions in parental

supenision (due to divorce, unemployment, substance abuse or ihess). The child

becomes involved in a deviant peer group, and subsequently in delinquent activity. Late

starters, according to the authors, do not begin offending until the age of 15 or later.

In an article on the early starter mode1 for predicting delinquency, Patterson,

Capaldi and Bank (1991) state that the reinforcement for aggression is provided directly through interactions among family members. They emphasize that the age at which the antisocial process is initiated is critical because it determines the magnitude of accompanying socid ski11 deficits.

ImpZications of FamiCy Faciors for Treaîment Programming

Thus it is broady accepted that a child's family enWonment sets the bais for his or her interactions with the world. When the training or socialization of a child is inadequate or inappropnate, it follows that a child or youth's reaction to an event might be antisocial. Recognition of the inadequate social skills of aggressive young children is

indeed a theme picked up by Pepler, kgand Byrd (1991) in their description of a

social-cognitively based social skill training programme for aggressive children:

Aggressive children comprise a significant proportion of referrals to treatment centres . . .th& behaviour problerns have been resistant to traditional treatment programmes and long temi improvements have seldorn been demonstrated . . . Social skills training has been selected as a component of intervention at Earlcourt [Child and Family Centre] because aggressive children appear to be deficient in many of the social and social- cognitive skills required for successfbl peer interactions ($1.361).

There is a general agreement among researchers that the quality and nature of

social interactions, both at home within the family and outside of the home with peers,

plays a significant role in determining how that youth lemto interact with the world.

hadequate socialization, poor role modelling, and little or no appropriate codict

resolution training are ail significant factors which may increase the likelihood that a

youth will engage in violent behaviour. Successful preventiodearly intervention

programmes, then, are likely to involve family systems, and do so at an early stage,

before the child's disruptive behaviours result in peer difficulties, family breakdown, or

involvement with the criminal justice system. For those youths who are already in conilict with the Iaw, treatment programming mut target the CO ercive or antisocial behaviour patterns which have been acquired. These youths must be trained to replace their antisocial behaviows with more socidy appropriate and effective ways of relating

to others.

Cognitive-Developmental Factors

It has been Myestabiished that predisposing individual characterisîics,

combined with high nsk family factors, set the stage for youth violence. By the time a youngster reaches the age of six, patterns of aggressive behaviour are so weU engrained that they persist into adulthood, despite a wide range of environmental contingencies and events (Eron, Huesmann & Zelli, 1991). In order to address the problem effectively, knowledge must be gained about both the circumstances that support violent behaviour, as well as the cognitions of the offending individuals. Kendall, Ronan and Epps (1991) argue that the more we know about how aggressive youth perceive and process their expenence of the world, the more we can adjust the targets of intervention programmes

(p.341). A number of researchers have demonstrated that aggressive children do perceive and react to the world in a manner which is different from non-aggressive children. For exarnple, Dodge (1991) found that aggressive children often misperceive the intentions'

&or thoughts of others around them. When placed in negative situations where the intentions of others are ambiguous, aggressive children are more likely than their non- aggressive counterparts to feel that the negative circumstances were caused with malevolent intent. They were also more likely to react with hostility when they believed they had been intentiondy harmed. Similarly, Fondacm and Keller (1990) found that aggressiveness among young offenders was associated with an attributional style that is characterized by the tendency to attribute blame for problems in ambiguous interactions to global, dispositionai characteristics of others.

Thus, the cognitions of aggressive children may diner in fundamentai ways fiom those of nonaggressive children. A number of factors contribute to the development of a child's thinking process. In thek research on cognition of maximum security juvenile offenders, Dodge, Pnce, Bachorowski and Newman (1990) found that attributional biases were implicated in interpersonal reactive aggression that involved anger. Not al1 offenders demonstrated the same bias in perception, however since socialized delinquents did not display the hostile attributional bias which was evidenced in undersociaiized aggressive conduct disorder children. The authors made the distinction between reactive and proactive aggression. In the case of reactive aggression, a child rnay be overly focussed on threatening cues in the environment. T'us, problems may lie in the inaccurate reading of the cues of others and the tendency to over attribute hostility to others in provocative situations. A proactively aggressive child, in contrast, uses aggression as a.instrument or a force to dominate others.

In order to design efféctive treatment programmes, therefore, recognition mut be given to the attributional biases or motivations of the offending individual. By distinguishing between types of aggression, it is easier to understand the motivations of the offending individual. It seems that reactively aggressive youths are iikely to interPret ambiguous cues as threatening, and respond in anger to situations which may have been neutral or even benevolent in intent. Socialized delinquents, in contrast, use aggression instnimentally to achieve their goals, making it proactive in nature. Research has linked the ability of a child to empathizc with others to prosocial behaviours (Abraham, Jackson

& Jones, 1996). It may be that socialized delinquents are able to be aggressive, not because they blame others for their problems, but rather because they lack empathy for those individuals they are affecting. Thus it seems that aggressive children view their social interactions in a manner different ffom non-aggressive children.

In understanding how a child develops a world view, a number of researchers have focused on developmental issues relating to attachment, tnist and security. John

Bowlby posits that children build working models of their world and thernselves through their relations hips with earty attachment figures (as cited by Janoff-Buhan, 1992, p. 13).

If young children perceive their caretakers as unreliable or umesponsive, they do not leam to view the world as a safe and tnisting place. HeaIthy chi1dren grow up believing in three fuidamental assumptions: the world is benevolent, the world is meaningful, and the self is worthy (Janoff-Bulman, 1992). If the eariy experiences of a child contradict these assumptions, for example through abuse, neglect, or trauma, the child is likely to view the world through jaded, unbnisting eyes. Instead of striving to obtain the approval and favour of others, these children stniggle to suvive - wonde~gon a daily basis whether they will have their basic needs met. The beiief in a "just world, in which people get what they deserve, and deserve what they get" (L,emer, 1970, as cited in Janoff-

Bulrnan, 1992, p.9) is shattered and is replaced with an inner sense that "the world is a hostile place where events are randornly distributeà, and we are unable to be protected through character or behaviour" (Janoff-Bulman, 1992, p.75). Many aggressive children have themselves been exposed to traumatic events. These events threaten their survival, making it impossible for them to feel safe and secure. According to Janoff-Bulman, "the essence of trauma is the abrupt disintegration of one's huer world . . . A very different psychological reaction typically coexists with fear and anxiety stemming from the trauma

- and this is the experience of pro found disillusionment (Ibid., p. 70). Treatrnent programmes which do not address this "hostile bias" are not likely to be effective, since the offender is not iikely to view the therapist as a dependable, tmstworthy source of support. The necessity of a continuum of care is also underscored, so that the oBnder does not feel abandoned or rejected following any particular corne of treatment.

If a young child is repeatedly placed in traumatic situations, for example involving abuse or neglect, it is understandable that the child might have difficulties fo&g attachments to adults. A hostile bias may be present as a result of early experiences which serves to create difficulties in friture relationships. The child has leamed that adults cannot be trusted and the world is a hostile place, and this perception may continue into adulthood. In fact, it is not uncornmon for abused chiidren to themselves be abusive later in Me. This phenornenon is perhaps best understood fkom the perspective of trauma studies, which have demonstrated that the consequences of displaceci anger in the victim can be as damaging as the acts of the original abuser. In ber research on the effects of trauma, Janoff-Buhan found that survivon are iikely to engage in a great deal of self-questioning behaviour. A rage and powerlessness may be kindled which is so overwhelming that it may transfonn the victim into perpetrator.

This self focus is underscored by a sense of powerlessness and helplessness at the hands of others. Often the survivors expressed feelings of personal violation, loss of self respect, and lingering doubts about one's self worth. During their victimization, individuals sometimes respond in kind, hamiing others and engaging in violent acts. These responses are born of rage and powerlessness . . . Many suMvors of trauma may also turn to alcohol or dmgs to self-medicate, or modulate their intense dkct and arousal (p.80).

Other researchers have similarly studied the link between children's early experiences of violence or trauma, and cognitive or behavioural consequences to such exposure. Garbarino, Dubrow, Kostehy and Pardo (1992) researched the effects of early exposure to community violence in a child's world view. The authors argued that acts of intentional evil, person against person, undermine a child's basic trust in humanity, and may create a lifelong inability to develop close, trusting relationships (p.69). Werner

(1990) in her study of children at nsk, found that secure attachments in infants were related to the presence of a supportive family member, although not exclusively the primary caretaker. Thus when the parents or primary caretakm are doing well, children

seem to prosper. When parents are not doing weii, their children's behaviour ofien serves

as a barorneter of such difficulties. The importance of recognizing and acknowledging the

source of the offenders' rage, therefore, is fundamental to assisting them in overcoming

the effects of the trauma which they may have experienced. For many suMvors of

trauma, the resulting feelings of rage or powerlessness are not cIearly connecteci to the

trauma itself. Individuals ofien internalize such feelings, amibuting them to personai

failure or inadequacy, as opposed to viewing their thoughts as natural reactions to a

harmful act. For intervention to be effective, such individuals must leam to separate their

reactions to trauma fiom their perceptions of themselves. Leaming to rebetheir

childhood expenences as undesenring, unavoidable, and something which they had the

strength to survive, therefore, becomes a crucial element of successful programming.

A number of authors have argued that shame, diminished self esteem, and negative identity play a crucial role in generating violence (Miller, 1983; Goldberg, 1996;

Tagney, 1996). Alice Miller (1983) emphasizes the importance of a child's early relationships with parent and authority figures in developing a healthy sense of self and a benevolent attitude toward others. She describes how childhood mistreatment and abuse can lead to criminal and destructive behaviour. Carl Goldberg, in an examination of perpetraton of extrerne violence, also traces the mots of such behaviour to a fundamental lack of trust in others, an ovenwhelming sense of shame and powerlessness, and an attempt to compensate for perceived inadequacies. Goldberg describes children as

growing beings, whose healthy development is dependent upon the relationships they

have with their caretakers:

The achievement of maturity, autonomy and competence in the child is built upon the tnn, goodwill and support of the caretaker's in the child's ventures into the world and outside of bis home. A sense of tmst needs to be estabiished by the child early in iife . . . Chiid abuse is a crisis in trust between a child and an adult who has violated a caretaking position with the child. The expenence is painfidly shameful because it violently conveys to the child that his personal power against environmental intrusion is quite limited. He is forced to recognize that his body, mind, and spirit are controlled by others, not himseif. And in so doing, it undemiines the victun's sense of legitimate entitlement to take proper care of himself (p.37).

How does one account for children who, despite being adopted at an early age

into lowig and healthy homes, lead lives of delinquency , interpersonal di fficulties or

addiction to dmgs and alcohol? Why, when given nich supportive environments, do these children tum their backs on those who care for them and take up antisocial behaviour pattern. Erikson (1950) would respond that for each child, a sense of "basic trust" mut exceed a sense of mistrust if the child is to enter the larger world with a feeling of confidence and goodwill. Perhaps then, for these children, the basic sense of trust was lost, or in fact never had the oppomuiity to develop. If the circumstances of their early childhood were extreme enough, the child may have leamed never to lower bis or her protective shields, and thus also eliminated the possibility of forming a loving and

tniçting bond with another.

How do these feelings Iead to violence? A number of authors attempt to explain

this Iink, and they do so by building upon the work of Helen Block Lewis (1971) who

htnoted the link between shame and humiliated fhry in her clliicd case studies. Lewis

understood shame to involve hostility initiaily directed toward the self. Over time, this pent up hostility fin& release, and is directed outwards onto the offending individual (i.e., the rapist, the incestuous relative, the abusive parent). Such actions are attempts to correct the self, which is impaired by the shame experience.

June Pnce Tangney (1993) built on Lewis' clinical observations, and linked shame to externalization of blame, anger, hostility, and aggression. Tangney does this by drawing a distinction between guilt and shame. Guilt, she explains, involves a focus on some specific behaviour which is negatively evduated, and motivation to remedy the situation, therefore, is quite hi&. The individual is likely to take action, then, to alleviate the source of the guilt. Shame, according to Tangney, unlike guilt, involves a focus on the entire self:

It is a tembly painful experience because it is the entire self that is scrutinized and negatively evduated . . . As a result, there is a considerable shift in self-perception, which is often accompanied by a sense of shrinking, of being small, by sense of worthlessness and powerlessness, and by a sense of being exposed (p.2). Tangney goes on to explain that whereas gdt motivates a desire to repair, shame

often motivates a desire to hide. She mentions that there are suggestions in the

theoretical and clinical literature that shame can motivate anger as well "in particulz, a

kind of hostile, humiliated fùry" (pl). It is Tangney's contention that aggressive

behaviours may be the result of anger which arises from unresolved shame. As long as

the shame rernains unresolved, the anger will continue to surface. In an effort to test this

theory, she conducted a senes of studies with four groups: children, adolescents, college

students, and non-college adults. Tangney found that the consistency in shame proneness

across the four groups was çtrikuig (Tangney, Wagner, Barlow, Marschail, & Grarnzow,

1994). Across individuals of aII ages, shame-proneness was clearly related to maladaptive and non-constructive responses to feelings of anger. A tendency to

experience the feeling of shame was consistently related to malevolent intentions, al1 manners of direct, indirect, or displaceci aggression, self-directed hostility, and projected negative long-term consequences of everyday episodes of anger. Tangney found that in contrast to shame, the tendency to experience guilt about specific behaviours was generally associated with constructive means of handling anger: including constructive intentions, attempts to discuss the matter with the target of the anger in a non-hostile fashion, cognitive reappraisals of the target's role in the anger situation, and ulhately positive long-terni consequences. Tangney came to the conclusion that not only are sharne-prone individuah more prone to anger than their non-shame-prone peers, but once angered, they are also prone to manage their anger in a distinctly unconstructive fashion

@id, p.4).

Goldberg (1993), in an address to the American Psychological Association on the

"Psychology of Evil," ofTemi fider examples of the link between shame and violence

through his clinical work and a review of the personality characteristics of convicted

violent offenders. In his tdc, Goldberg cited shame as the underlying force which

motivates acts of malevolence. Thmugh case studies, he describes the transition of a

shamefbl child, who has been scorned and criticized, to the inculcation of the "bad"self,

the child who believes bim/herself to be lying and deceitful. It is this %ad" child who

then transforms f?om victim to perpetrator of violence. In an effort to overcome

ove~vhelmingfeelings of shame and degradation, these individuals use magical thinking,

rationakation, and denial when perpetrating violent crimes. The heinous crimes they

commit are fïrmiy rationalized in their minds, and the "magic"associated with their actions vanquis hes the previously existing feelings of shame.

Lowenstein (1992) came to a similar conclusion derreviewing the literature on obsessed compulsive killers. Lowenstein found that serial killers suffered fiom: omnipotence (illusion of total control, infïated self importance); disregard for other's feelings; a reliance on fantasy; antisocial behaviour patterns; and borderiine personaiity problems. Following Goldberg's thinking, then, one might assume that serial killers are iodividuals who have a great deal of shame and anger about their pasts. They might simply represent an extrane of a shame continuum, with their denial so great, and

defenses so rigid that they actually rationalize their actions and view themselves as

invincible.

Kirschner (1992) conducted a study which investigated the notion of the '%a#'

self by examining three cases of patricide by adoptees. The author felt that the three children exhibited a unique pattern of psychopathology, the Adopted ChiId Syndrome.

According to Kirscher, in this syndrome an aspect of the self, experienced as "bad" and usually identified with the fmtasized biological parents, is dissociated. Under conditions of loss or rejection, this dissociated part of the selfmay mpt in murderous violence against the adoptive parents and ottiers. Kirschner argues that those suffering fiom the

Adopted Child Syndrome, like victims of child abuse, are especially prone to dissociation and in extreme cases, to multiple personality disorder.

Thus, the hdings of research conducted to date are highly suggestive of a link between shame, personai identity, and an individuai's propensity for violence. Shame affects self-esteem and assessrnent of self worth, which in turn determines an individual's perception of power within the world. It has been estabtished that shame-prone individuals are more prone to anger rhan their non-shame-prone peers, and once angered, they are aiso prone to manage their anger in a distinctly unconstructive façhion. The level of shame and denial in repeat violent offenders may be so great that such individuais leam to protect themselves by viewing their offences as circUMSfances where they wield great power, control, and strength.

One would expect, therefore, that nrst time offenders of violent crimes would

have low self-esteem and be very strong externaiizers, whereas violent offenders with

high levels of self-esteem would see thanselves as intemaiiy controlled, and would

represent the srnail segment of tmly "hard core" repeat violent offenders. Data from

Kenderson and Hewstone's (1984) research would support this theory. These authors

found that inmates with previous crixninal records tended to make more stable attributions

(in the direction of internality) than first tune offenders. The implications of such

ridings for treatrnent are that a Link must be drawn between feelings and behaviour. For those offenders who have long histones of denid and extemalization, this iink must be made slowly, since the derual plays a strong protective hction in allowing the individual to tolerate past abuse, and continue antisocial behaviour. For example, offenders may show absolutely no remorse for the consequences of theh actions, but may be plagued by chronic depression, which is alleviated ody through the thnll of criminal activity.

The incarceration which inevitably follows such antisocial behaviour serves to worsen the depression, and cause the offenders to question their self worth. Getting beyond the hostile, carefiee, flippant or antisocial protective amour of the offender, and forming an honest link between feelings and behaviour, becomes the primary challenge of the therapist.

Although there are many background variables which help to shed light on why an individual may be predisposed toward violence, fiuidamentaf to the study of aggression is the actual cognitive decision to be violent. Baishaw (1 993) conducted innovative research on men who, despite adverse backgrounds and high risk situations, managed to Live violence fiee lives. She studied the process (or change in selfpercept and cognitions) of nonviolent men who witnessed spousal abuse in childhood. Despite living in households in which violence was common, these men managed to break the cycle of violence, and live violence fÏee lives. Using grounded theory, Balshaw was able to understand the success of these men on a process fevel - that is, what cognitive factors were key in their adoption of healthy (nonviolent) modes of relating. The proposed theoretical mode1 arising fkom her study suggests that men who successfÙlly break the cycle of abuse are living intentionally. According to Balshaw, they are becoming aware of themselves and their environment, they are resolving to be different nom their fathers, to live positively, and contribute to the world. These men are acting on theu decisions by separating their pasts, mahgnew connections, implementing their plans, and conûibuting to others. hapersonal variables (e.g., communication skius, coping skills, creativity, and personal characteristics); interpersonal variables (e. g ., outside intervention, relationships with others, and spirituality) and the cultural context (patriarchy, gender- role socialization, cultural condonation of violence) seem to influence how these men can live intentionally (piii). Balshaw's study is of particuiar interest because it emphasizes the degree of control or volition which a "high nsk" individual has in detexminhg whether he or she will commit a violent act. Certainly the variables are in place in predisposing such individuals toward violence, yet it was the moderathg thought processes which ultimately detennined the course of action of these high risk individuals. A treatment programme which emphasizes the inner resources of clients, the possibility of change, and the degree of control which they could have in determining their lives, therefore, is more likely to encourage clients to live intentionallv, and minimize the damaging ef5ects of their social environments.

Implcationsfor Treufment

A great deal cmbe lemed fiom an examination of the cognitive-developmental factors relating to violence. When children are maheated, neglected or abused, it undemiines their ability to develop a basic sense of tmst in others. The child's basic sense of trust and attachment to others may be so badly damaged that he or she is unable to fom meaLilngN relationships with others, or empathize with their misfortunes. They question their own seif-worth, and may feel that they have very little power in controliing their destinies. The view of a "just world" may be dissolved, and instead is replaced with chronic feelings of shame, self-doubt, and negative personal identity. The child rnay have difficulties in correctly perceiving the intentions of others, and may routinely make enors in attribution. The child rnay leam to perceive the world as a hostile place, where others

are unsupportive, and Iittle is gained hmprosocial behaviour. In such cUCumstmces,

the stage for violence may be set as victim is transformed in perpetrator, and violence

offers the illusion of power and control, and provides an outiet for intolerable feelings of

shame, anger and profound disillusionment.

One approach to the treatment of aggression bas focussed directly on identifying

and fostering the individual developing child's cognitive resources for controlling

aggression. In an attempt to remediate cognitive factors identified as correlates of

aggression, Guerra and Slaby (1 990) designed a 12 session intervention programme,

based on a mode1 of social cognitive development. The authors demonstrated that a

specific assessment-based intemention codd be effective in aitering both social cognition and behaviour. They felt that ,although aggression is typically quite stable over time, aggressive behaviour can potentiaily be changed by directly changing those social- cognitive factors that may play a central organizing mie in its regdation.

Of particular interest in studies of cognitive factors relating to aggression are those children who, despite intolerable conditions of abuse, are able to make the conscious decision to lead violence-fiee lives. Perhaps their success is grounded in their ability to separate themselves nom their abuse, and to consciously process their expenences in a way which allows them to maintain their personal sense of integrity and worth. Therapeutic programmes must build upon çuch examples of success, and convey messages of hope, competency and optimisrn to those undergoing treatment. By helping

offenders separate themselves bmtheir pasts, form new patterns of behaviour, fom

connections with prosocial peers, develop detailed and realistic release plans, and find

appropriate ways of expressing anger and shame, therapists start sowing the seeds for

change. Fundamental to this process is the therapist's hmbelief in the client's ability to

change, that is, the ability to live intentionally, and create a brighter and more successful

fiiture.

Social and Political Factors

In addition to individual, family, and cognitive variables, a child's social and political context will contribute significantly to how he or she leams to perceive and react

to others. Fundamentai to the understanding of youth violence is an examination of the environmental context within which it occurs. A number of social context variables have been identified which contribute significantly to the likeiihood that an individual will behave in a violent manner. These include variables such as: social support (Cairns &

Cairns, 199 1); poverty and socioeconomic inequality (American Psycho logical

Association (APA), 1993; Farington, 1991); exposure to violence (Garbarho, Dubrow,

Kosteiny & Pardo, 1992); access to firearms (Berkowitz, 1994); peer-group noms and expectations (Elliott, HuiPnga & Ageton, 1985; Offord, Boyle & Racine, 199 1); group rnembership (Goldstein & Soriano, 1994); prejudice and discrimination (APA, 1993; Roper, 199 1; Samson, 1993); the formation of mobs (Staub & Rosenthal, 1994); and

glamourization of violence in the media (Domerstein, Slaby & Eron, 1994). In 199 1, the

Amencan Psychological Association struck a Commission on Youth and Violence. The goal of the Commission was to summarize the research on youth violence and provide recommendations on how to best address the issue. It was recognized by the commission that societd characteristics have a significant effêct on the rate of violence. Amibutes which were specifically highlighted were: attitudes toward violence in the larger society; poverty and socioeconomic inequaiity; and prejudice and discrimination.

The generai social context clearly plays a significant role in how violence is perceived and may range fiom a society in which the climate is permissive of violence, to one which clearly opposes violence as a means of conflict resolution (Miller, 1983). It stands to reason that youths who grow up in neighbourhoods or political climates rife with violence will be more likely to view violence as a necessary part of survival. The effects of growing up in an environment of violence are summarized by Garbarino,

Dubrow, Kostelny and Pardo (1 992):

In dangerous inner city neighbourhoods, violence is almost a daily occurrence. Expenence with chronic violence does not inoculate children against negative outcornes; instead, it tends to increase their susceptibiiity to developrnental harm and post-traumatic stress. Moreover, the longer the violence continues, the fewer sources of support children have to draw on. Ail this is compounded by poverty, family disruption, and community disintegration (p.49). In war tom countries, such as El Salvador, where violence has been a pan of daily

Life for the past 12 years, children grow up leaming that anger is expressed throu* violence, and power is gained through the annihilation of one's enemy. Although the war in this country is now over, the çtreets are reigned by uncontrollable youth gangs whose numbers are gmwing at an exponential rate. Many of these youths spent the Iast few yean in the Unites States, but were deported when they gavitated to Los Angeles and became involved in youth gangs. They were not viewed as American ciîizens when in the States, and now in their native country are strangers. These youths are displaced and marginalized, the product of a decade of violence and destruction. They see no oppomuiities or dreams in their fritures. Violence is what they know, and what they practice. A recent documentary on this group of youths in which the leaders were interviewed (CBC, The Journal, Dec.6, 1996) revealed that they held a fatalistic view of the future. Due to their experiences and cment lack of opportunity these disenfhnchised youths believe that they have no hope of huning things around. They know with certainty that they will be killed, as many of their niends already have been, and see their actions as a necessary part of sunival. The leaders articulate a philosophy of 'Xi11 or be killed, and do onto others more than they have done onto you so that they rnight lema lesson, and recognize where the power Lies."

The above example is an extreme one, but it effectively conveys a message about the importance of a child's environment in determining how he or she leams to regard the world. Whether the context is war, social disintegration, marginalization, or lack of

opportunity, the product can be the same: angsry, rebellious disempowered youth who

have lost the ability to dream or believe in a better future. For children who are members

of ethnic minority groups, the effects are pdcuiarly salient:

Youth who are barred from full participation in the econornic and social oppommities of the mainstream may be at risk for involvement in violence, particdarly when ethnic minonty cultures are devalued by the mainstream culture (APA., 1993, p.37).

Many youths in inner city neighbourhoods may feel marginalized and disillusioned. They rnay join gangs to feel a sense of connection, belonging, and self- definition (Ibid., p.28). It is of note that 90% of gang members in the United States are members of ethnic minority groups (Ibid., p.30).The incidence and prevaience of violence differ across social and cultural groups (Hill, Soriano, Chen & LaFramboise, 1994).

Violent crime victimization and perpetration rates have consistently reveaied di ffering patterns of violence associated with various ethnic minority groups (Roper, 1991). Social nsk factors such as unemployment, high population density, poverty, and drug abuse are al1 associated with violence (Samson, 1993) and many of these factors Vary in a significant manner across culturai groups. For many minonty groups, problems are compounded by inequity and lack of or limited access to needed resources because of discrimination and institutional racism, (Ibid., p.69). Thus violence becomes a political issue, with the sources of this problem being tied into structural hequities within society.

An example of an ethnic group with particularly high rates of homicide and suicide is that of Native Americans. Aithough figures differ between üibes, the levels of unemployment among these groups are exceptionally high, ranging as high as 90% in some areas (Berlin,

1987). Ho (1992) retrieved data hmthe U.S.congress which revealed that the median income in 1986 for Native American families was $13,768, compared with $17,786 for

Aûican Amencan families and $29,152 for white families. The average income for native families on reserves was $9,942 (Ho, 1992, as cited by Yung & Hammond, 1994, p.137). Thus the links between poverty, resources, oppominity and violence are made, with the groups at greatest risk being those with the fewest resources. Violence when viewed in this perspective is political, and an examination or treatment of individual or family factors without regard to environmental context would be mea.gless.

In addition to looking at general societal characteristics which promote violence, the APA Commission identified four types of individual social expenences which were felt to play a significant role in the development of violent behaviour: access to firearxns; invo lvement with alcohol and other dmgs; involvement with antisocial groups; and exposure to violence in the mass media (APA, 1993, p.26).

Access to Firearms

The APA Commission described the linkage between violence and access to fireanns: the availability of guns rnakes youth violence more lethal; handguns are more

likely to be owned by socially deviant youth than by their more socidy adjusted peers;

when youh who are already predisposed to violence have access to guns, they may be

more likely to become violent; and finally although youths cm easily obtain firems and

see them used fiequently on television as a means of contlict resolution, few violence prevention programmes focus specifically on preventing violence with gus (APA, 1993, p.26-27). In the late 1980s, homicide was the second leadhg cause of death for 15-24 year old men in the US.,with fireamis, mostiy handguns, being involved in more than three quarters of the adolescent killings (Fingerhut, Kleinman, Godney & Rosenberg,

1991, as cited by Berkowitz, 1994, p.254). The youth homicide rate has been steadily climbing, with guns clearly playing a major role in this increase. Research has supported the link between fïrearm accessibility and homicide, with murder rates substantially higher in cities where firearms are readily available as compared to similar cities which are govemed by tight gun control legislation (Sloan, Kellemann Reay, Ferris, Koepsell,

Rivara, Rice, Gray & LoGerfo, 1988). The increasing deadhess of newer firems also adds to the equation. Newer firems are easier to use, more accurate, far more lethal, and require little or no expertise to use (Berkowitz, 1994, p.254). Laws of supply and demand dictate that the greater number of guns that are available, the lower the cost, hence making it possible for even young people to obtain them. There is no doubt that by living in an area where guns are readily accessible, highiy lethal, and inexpensive, a youth's chances of becoming involved in violent crime are greatly increased. Intervention

efforts, therefore, mut be carrieci out at a politicai level, to address issues of accessibility

of such weapons.

Involvement with Akohol and Drugs

The Commission also commented on the significant influence that aicohol and

dnig abuse can have on a youth's behaviour. In their report on Violence and Youth, the

Commission came to a number of conclusions concerning the relationship beiween dmgs

and violence. The use of aicohol was identified as playing a major role in interpersonal

violence involving youth:

Alcohol appears to lower inhibitions against violent behaviour. In about 65% of al1 homicides, perpetrators, victims or both had been drinkuig . . . among youth and adults, violence fkequently occm in places in which alcohol is consumed (p.28).

The report also mentioned the role of other dmgs in contributing directly to

violent behaviour, citing the expense and addictive nature of these substances in causing

users to resort to violence in order to support their habits (p. 28). Finally, the report

mentioned that parental abuse of alcohol and other drugs has been associated with violent behaviour by their children, as we11 as placing the children at greater risk of violent victimization (p.28). It is crucial, therefore that any treatment programmes have a cornponent which specifically targets hgand alcohol use. AIthough such use may start

out as a coping strategy, it may, in tum, become the source of the problem, due to the

cost, disinhibithg effect, and addictive nature of such substances.

Involvement in Antisociaf Groups

Involvement in antisocial groups is another individual social factor which the

MA Commission identified as a significant factor in youth violence. These antisocial groups may take the fom of gangs or violent mobs.

A child who grows up in an impoverished or crime ridden neighbourhood may turn to gang involvernent in an effort to have his or her basic needs met. Gang involvement might offer peer fiiendship, pride, identity development, self esteem enhancement, excitement, the acquisition of resources, and family and cornmunity tradition, resources which may be absent in the youths' home (Goldstein & Soriano,

1996, p.3 13). Such goals may not be achievable through legitimate means in the disorganized and Iow income environments fiom which many gang youth are drawn

(Ibid., p. 3 13). A youth may wrestle with the option of staying away fkom gangs, and fending for him or herself in a potentially threatening environment, or joui the aggressor, and benefit fkom the security, resources and opportunities which it afTords.

Often gang involvement is a factor which has been associated with violence.

Youths who belong to gangs, for example, are three thes more likely to commit violent offences such as homicide and aggravated assault than non-gang-related delinquents

(NA,1993, p.29). A common perception is held, therefore, that gang involvement is

detrimental. OAen the "problem" is identifiecl as the gang itself, as opposed to the social

and political forces which led to the gang's creation. Children respond to the conditions

in which they are raised. In certain areas, gang membership is a critical factor linked to

survivd. In a recent address to the American Psychological Association, James

Garbarino (1996) emphasized the importance of thinking about youths as social weather

vanes, reflecting the deep structure of adult culture. He suggested that gangs be thought

of, not as problems targeted for extermination, but rather as political entities whose

rneaning is a function of the context in which they ûperate. It is possible for gang members to be engaged in socially appropriate behaviours, since most gang members do work, go to school, or volunteer in their communities (Branch, 1996)-

It may be a mistake to equate gang membership with violence. Although a significant degree of youth violence is gang related, even in the most violent inner city gangs, IO-15% of members are responsible for 85% of violent activities (Garbarino,

1996). Garbarino suggests that there rnay be "tipping points" in communities - points where cornmunity disintegration changes community gangs fiom social groups to hard core crime units/organizations. This group may be seen not as a source of violence which is best extexminated, but rather a byproduct of social disintegration and lack of opportunity. The roots of violence in such a context are not the groups themselves, but rather the social and political forces which create a need among youths for a supportive,

safe and opportunistic environment.

The phenornenon of mob violence is similar to gang violence in that it too serves

many psychosocial needs such as self-esteem enhancement, correcting perceived

injustices, devaiuation of the person or property that is the object of the violence, matenal gain, and social change (APA, 1993, p.30). Mate adolescents and young adults are the most fiequent participants in mob violence, and a loss of individual sense of idenîity plays an important role for those who participate in mob violence (Ibid., p.3 1).

Gang involvement is a critical factor to consider in the design of any treatment programme. A young offender's antisocial actions may have been influenced by group behaviour, with the individual spending Little or no time thking about his/her own ethic of behaviour. The gang or peer group serves as an important social support for the youth, and treatment programmes which threaten such support will not readily be accepted.

Even if a youth decides to attempt change, such a decision may not be easily carried out.

Therapy may be undermined by loyalties to other gang members, fear, and codes of conduct. Discussions on the rituals and social consequences associated with "jumping out" of a gang, therefore, must form a component of any treatment programme that deals with such youths.

Intervention programmes must address the antisocial or criminal iifestyles associated with gang membenhip, but at the same time acknowledge the social and financial benefits provided by such an affiliation. A cornplete and outright rejection of

gang membership will only serve to alienate the offender hmthe therapeutic process,

since these are the ties which may be perceived as linked to Survival in his or her home community and may be the primary source of attachments/relationships. Recognition and acknow ledgment of the politicai and social inequities facing impoverished minority groups become crucial in the development of realistic treatment plans.

Exposure to violence in the Mass Media

The media plays a major role in defining the culture of a society. Histo~cally, there has been a great deal of controversy over the issue of whether or not television viewing of violent material can be linked to violence. It appearç, at this point, that this question has been Myanswered. If children are repeatedly exposed to glamourized images of violence in the media, it is likely that they wi11 incorporate aggression into their behavioural repertoire. In 1982, the National htitute for Mental Health (NMH) issued a statement summarizing the effects of watching television violence:

...The consensus among most of the research community is that violence on television does Iead to aggressive behaviour in children and teenagers who watch the programs . . . Not al1 children becorne aggressive, of course, but the correlation between violence and aggression are positive (W,1982, as cited in Domerstein, Slaby & Eron, 1994, p.224). The APA Commission on Youth and Violence echoed these sentiments when it

concluded:

There is absolutely no doubt that higher levels of viewing violence on television are correlated with increased acceptance of aggressive attitudes and increased aggressive behaviour (APA, 1993, p.33).

The violence seen on television may be overt, as in murder dramas, or somewhat

more subtle, for example in aggressive sporting events. The degree and angle hm which

violence is reported serve to shape public perceptions and reactions to such occurrences.

Ofien the victims in such shows are wornen, and the violence is sexual in nature. Studies

have shown those male youths who view sedzedviolence or depictions of rape on

television are more likely to display callousness toward female victims of violence,

especially rape (p.34). Violence viewing increases fear of becomuig victimized, as well as desensitizing its viewers to the issue, resulting in cdoused attitudes toward violence directed against others (Ibid., p.33).

Media coverage may take the form of television, newspapers, radio, or even cornputers. Through biased, Uresponsible or insensitive reportkg, antisocial attitudes and behaviour can be reinforced, Thus it is dear that al1 forms of media can have a potential impact on how the public perceives violence, and in turn, how the public cornes to determine what is acceptable or unacceptable. Again the importance of large scale social and political intervention is underscored when dealing with this important issue. Ihqiriatrmonsfor Treatmenflrevenfron

It is clear that a child's social and political context contributes signincantly to the likelihood that he or she will engage in violent behaviour patterns. General societai attitudes toward violence, poverty and socioeconomic inequality, prejudice and discrimination, access to firem, hgand dcohol use, affiliations with antisocial groups, and exposure to violence through the media ail are social context risk factors which have been linked to an increased propensity to violence. Aithough these issues need to be addressed individually with offenders, there is a clear necessity for change at a societal level. Individuals and their groups are nested wiuiin the values and structure of society. These influences should not be ignored in a systematic analysis of behaviour development (Cairns & Caims, 199 1). Ca& and Cairns (1991) argue for the incorporation of social context into treatment programmes:

Developmental constraints - in the child, in the family, in the community - are ordinarily viewed as obstacles to treatment. In our view, just the opposite should be the case. Once the constraints are identified and their fhctions understood, they may be employed in timing and initiating therapeutic changes and in consolidating treatment advances (p.273)

In treatment programmes, the client must be viewed holisticdly, within hishr system, thus increasing the likelihood that skills learned will be relevant and meaningful within the client's home comrnunity. In many ways, violence is a social and political issue, and intervention strategies mut be multidimensional, addressing this issue at the level of the individual, the community, and society.

Chapter Summary and Conclusions

In a review of the profile, classification and treatment literature with young offenders, Andrews, Leschied and Hodge (1992) summarized the best-established correlates and predicton of both dehquency and repeat enûy into the young

O ffendedadult O ffender systems:

BEHAVIOURAL HISTORY: Crimuid history, juvenile and adult - an uninterrupted history of antisocial behaviour, beginning at a young age, including a variety of different types of offences, and viohtions that continue even while under sentence; dcohol and cimg abuse; aimless use of leisure time.

COMPANIONS: Association with antisociaI/drug using others; isolation fiom noncriminal others.

EARLY AND CURRENT FAMILY CONDITIONS: Low levels of afTection/cohesiveness; low levels of supervision and poor discipline; neglect; abuse.

INTERPERSONAL RELATIONSHIPS: Generalized indifference to opinion of others; weak affective ties; rejection by peers; for adults, unstable marital history.

LOWER CLASS ORIGINS: A reasonably consistent but very modest predictor variable relative to personai and familial factors.

OTHER RISK FACTORS: Being male; being young (14-24 years); a variety of neuropsychological indicators. PERSONAL A'ITITUDESf VALUES/ BELXEFW FEELINGS: A high tolerance for deviance in general; rejection of the validity of the Iaw in particular, applies rationakation for law violations to a wide variety of acts and circumstances; interprets a wide range of stimuli as reasom for angr, generally, thinking style and content are antisocial.

PERSONAL EDUCATIONAW VOCATIONAW SOCIOECONOMIC ACELIEVEMENT: Low levei of achieved education; for aduIts, long periods of unemployment, reliance on weIfare.

PERSONAL TEMPERAMENT, APTITUDE, AND EARLY BEHAVIOURAL HISTORY: Aggression and early and generalized misconduct; restlessly energetic, impulsive, advenhirous pleasure-seehg, a taste for risk; below average verbal intelligence; response to htration more likeIy to involve resentment and anger rather than composure or anxiety/guiilt/depression; lack of conscientiousness; egocentricism (below age-based norm for perspective taking); moral immaturity (below age-based norm for moral reasoning); poor problem solWig/coping/self-reguiationsk3.l~; more likely to be diagnosed extemalizing than intemalking.

PROBLEMS IN THE FAMILY OF ORIGIN: Long-tem reliance on welfare; crirninality in the farnily of origin (parents, sibs, other relatives); multiple psychologicd handicaps (low verbal intelligence, emotionai instability, substance abuse, parenting skill deficits).

PSYCHOPATBOLOGY: High scores on measures of "antisocial penonality," "conduct disorder" in particular "psychopathy"; many forms of emotional/behavioural disturbance perhaps, with some conditions not yet well understood.

SCHOOL-BASED RISK FACTORS: Beiow average effort; lack of interesthehg bored; not worrying about occupational fùture; conduct problems @2-3).

This list reinforces the fact that violence springs hmmany sources - intra- individuai factors, families, neighbourhoods, social groups, and political systems. Although treatment focuses on the individual, it is important that consideration of the hill

context of the offenders' lives be made in order for treatment programmes to be relevant

and rneaningful. When an individual cornmits a violent act, that person, and no one else,

is responsible for the action. In most circumsfances, violence is a choice - a habitua1 or

Iearned response to particular situations. Although the act might be so common that it is

perfomed unthinkingly or without concern to consequemes, treatment must focus on the

critical decision to act, or respond to a situation in a violent manner. Unfomuiately there

is not a simple cause-effect statement which can be made to explain youth violence. It is

the result of a complex mix of factors which have varying degrees of infiuence on

different individuals. Violence may occur due to individual predisposing factors.

Similady, it may be the result of an unfortunate family circumstance in which aggression

and coercion are common forms of control. It may be the direct byproduct of leaming, or

it may be the developmental consequence of vicihkhg expenences, resulthg in feelings

of anger, shame, disillusionment, and lack of power. Violence may be an adaptive

response to living in an area which is physically unsafe, or it may spring fiom a youth's

need for acceptance, status, power, recognition, and material gain.

The likelihood of involvement in viol ence increases as social status and £inanciai

secwity deçreases. It may be the byproduct of poverty, disillusionment, frustration, prenatal damage due to alcohol or drug abuse, chernical dependence, disernpowexment or

Uisensitivity toward the feelings of others. Unfortunately there is no simple fomula to account for violent or antisocial behaviour. It is important, therefore, when designhg

intervention programmes, that individual circunrsfances and nsk factors are considered, so that treatment will be personally meaningfiil and relevant to the offender. The fact bat there are a multiple of causes for violent or antisocial behaviour indicates that treatment, too, will of necessity be multidimensionai. A complex problem requins a multifaceted solution; anything else would simply be window dressing. Ideally, treatment programmes should be offered to high nsk children at young ages, and shodd involve family and peer components. Social programmes must be aimed at alleviahg the social, political and economic hardships which promote gang involvement and antisocial behaviour. For youths to choose a path of nonviolence, they must feel they have realistic and viable alternatives. The creation of employment opporhdties, the provision of quality education, the availability of appropriate social support, and the provision of quality treatment services ail are part of the multidimensional approach which must be taken to reduce violence in society. As James Gdarino (1996) so succinctly stated "Youths are the weather vanes for adult culture." If youths are going adrift, it is the responsibility of each adult to consider how he or she rnight contribute to the solution - whether it is through advocacy, role modelling, mentorship, or the provision of resources.

Therapists face many challenges when tackhg the issue of violent crime. Without control over resources, opportunities, and social systems, the therapeutic process may be reduced to an exercise, the gains of which are lost as the offender reenters the complex challenges of his or her home commmity. To be tnily helpful, intemention must include consideration of the problems and pressures of the offender's home environment, so that transfer of skills is realistic, and change becornes a possibility. A vast number of treatment approaches have been aîtempted with young offenders, resulting in varying degrees of success. The goal of the next chapter is to review the treatment fiterature, with emphasis on those methods which have been linked to successful outcornes. CHAPTER THREE

A REVIEW OF THE TREATMENT LITERATURE

FOR YOUNG OFTEMIERS

Introduction

Increases in the rates of youth violence have prompted the development of a

multitude of treatment programmes for children, youths, and thek families. Existing

programmes Vary greatly in focus (ranging fkom prevention to rehabilitation), format

(individual, family, group) and context (home, clinics, schools, community settings).

Although the energy and enthusiasm which go into the development and implementation

of such programmes are considerable, eff'tiveness is seldom tested (Friday, 1996;

Tolan & Guerra, 1994). Many of these interventions were created primarily for service

delivery, without scientific underpinnings or plans for outcome evaluation (APA, 1993).

It is cornmon to find groups claiming the effectiveness of a programme based on high

rates of participation, programme longevity, or testirnonids fkom clients or authority

figures (Tolan & Guerra, 1994). There is an interesting discrepancy between public perception of what effectively reduces criminality and that which has been documented as effective in promoting public safety (Leschied, 1994). For example, in Canada, over the past ten years, there has been a strong movement away hmrehabilitation and toward deterrence, despite the fact that research does not support deterrence as an effective

75 method of crime control (Ibid., 1994). Alan Leschieci presented an argment against deterrence when he addresseci the Cornmittee on Justice and Legal Mairs regarding Bill-

37, an act to amend the Young Offenders Act and the Criminal Code:

In 1988, the Canadian Sentencing Commission had at its disposal a review by Professor Cousineau of the literature on punishment and deterrence. He States the following 'drawing upon some nine bodies of research addressing deterrence, we contend that there is iittle or no evidence to sustain our empirically justified belief in the deterrent efficacy of legal sanctions.' Further, the literature looking at boot camps and simila-type programmes that emphasize punishment and deterrence similarly conclude that not oniy are these programmes not effective in deterring or reducing crime, but may have the actud impact of slightly increasing the chances of young people committing crime once they've been in the programme (p.39).

Thus not only are punishment-based programmes ineffective in reducing crime, they may actually have the effect of increasing the likelihood of recidivism. Despite the fact that evidence does not support the deterrent effect of punishment, the political and legal system has nonetheless moved increasingly toward a system which emphasizes deterrence over treatment in dealings with young offenders. The predominant philosophy is one which assumes that youths will be less likely to commit crimes if they face severe penalties when caught. According to this model, having been punished, or the thought of being punished, should be sufncient to deter f.urther criminal behaviour. Treatment within a socio-political context:

Histoncdy, juvenile delinquents were govemed by the Jwenile Delinquents Act

(IDA), which had been in place since 1908. The emphasis of the Act was clearly on treatmentl rehabilitation and operated under a philosophy of "parens patriae," in which the courts acted as parent in making treatment decisions for youths in custody. Since

1984, however, and the introduction of the Young Offenders Act (YOA),the mode1 has changed, and emphasis has shifted to the protection of civil rights through guarantees of access to due process, and provision of greater community protection through the principle of accountability and responsibility for young people's behaviour while also acknowledging their specid ne& (Jaffe, Leschied & Farthing, 1987; Leschied, Austin

& Jae, 1988). According to Jae, Leschied and Farthing (1 987)' the philosophy of the

Juvenile Delinquents Act was based on a philosophy of concern for the youth' s needs:

[A young offender is] " . . . to be dealt with as one in a condition of delinquency and, therefore, requiring help, guidance, and proper supe~sion."In other words, the young offender needs someone to look derhim or her @.315).

This stands in direct contrast to the philosophy articulated in the YOA:

"... while young persons should not in al1 instances be held accountable in the same manner or suffer the same consequences for their behaviours as adults, young persons who commit offenses should nonetheless bear responsibility for their contravention." In other words, young offenders have the same rights as adults and are to be held responsible for their behaviour (Ibid., p.3 15-3 16). One of the unfortunate consequences of the YOA is that the mderfyhg

philosophy is based on punishment, not rehabilitation. This point is emphasized by

Leschied, JafEe, Andrews and Gendreau (1992) in an article on treatment issues and

young offenden. The authors pointed out that the Young Offenders Act, the cwent

legislation governing the treatment of young offenders, has been interpreted as a

punishment-focused piece of legislation which has resulted in an aiarming increase in the

use of custody. The authon state that the YOA denigrates the importance of treatment,

and appears to be the product of "the naive belief of the ability of a detement-focused philosophy to reduce crime" (p.354). Other authors have similady noted the emphasis on punishment in current legislation:

In a study assessing the issue of judicial interpretation of the YOA, Hanscomb surveyed the attitudes of 63 Family Court judges in Ontario about their perceptions of the law's emphasis on rehabilitation. Ovenvhelmingly, the judges surveyed reported that in deciding disposition, they found themselves having to emphasize detemence and punishment to a greater extent than treatment or rehabilitation (Leschied, JafEe, Andrews and Gendreau, 1992, p.351).

With an increased emphasis on deterrence, the very nature of custody itself has changed for young offenders. Punishment and treatment need not be mutually exclusive.

However, incarceration is extremely costly, thus an emphasis on this approach leaves few resources for rehabilitation. It appears that one is being emphasized at the expense of the

other. In Ontario, a grossly disproportionate percentage of mental heaith dollars iç

ailocated to restrictive and expensive services for a smdproportion of youth (Leschied,

1997). At present, over 80% of youth justice dollars are spent incarcerathg young

offenders, with very Linle remaining for treatment or prevention (Ibid.). Youths are being

sentenced for longer penods of the, are more likely to be placed in secure custody

facilities, and are less likely to receive treatment:

A study by Leschied and JafTe (1985) has found that sentences for children, age 12 to 15, have iacreased 135% for those being sent to training schools (closed custody) and 2 10% for those sentenced to group homes (open custody) . . . The use of secure detention apparently has changed. . .There has been a marked decrease in the use of treatment senices. An extrernely lllnited number of treatment orders have been made under section 20(1) [of the YOA] and, of the £ive orders made, two were terminated at the request of the young person who withdrew their consent. The year previous, there were over 200 such treatment dispositions made . . . Thus, these trends indicate a "correctional" response is preferred to the needs-based rehabilitative response by court under the JDA . . . Young persons in open custody appear to have been drawn nom those who may have been previously ordered into the care of the CAS or placed in a treatment centre (Leschied & Gendreau, 1986, p.3 19- 320).

Perhaps the increased use of secure custody is in part due to an increased incidence of serious crime. Nonetheless, in such a case, one would expect an increase in the number of treatment referrals. In fact, the opposite has been the case. It is clear that the primary objective of the current youth system is the protection of society, 'khich is best served by the rehabilitation of young offenders whereverpossibIeJ'(YOA, as cited

by the Minister of Justice and the Attorney Generai, 1994, p.3).

Particularly affecteci by the shifüng emphasis in disposition are special needs

offenders, for example, those with severe leamhg disabilities or mental hedth needs.

This fact was demonstrated by Leschieci, Austin and Jaf5e (1988) in a study aimed at

assessing the impact of the Young Offenders Act on recidivism rates of special needs

youth. niese authors found that recidivism rates were higher for specid needs young

offenders under the YOA when compared to the JDA (27.5% recidivism under JDA,

1982-84 versus 56% under YOA, 1984-86). The implication is that those youths who

need treatment services, and clearly benefit fiom them, are not as likely to receive them

under the current legislation.

Thus it is apparent that legislation affects both the nature and availability of

treatment services which are offered to young offenders. There has been an increased

emphasis on punishment and the protection of the public, and a decreased emphasis on

treatment. It is important to note that general social and economic conditions aiso have a profound effect on the extent to which treatment is available to young offenders.

Shrinking hancial resources and cutbacks in personnel affect the nature and number of government-fundeci treatment services available. Combined with Iegislative changes which reduce the iikelihood of treatment, it is clear that a correctional response is being stressed at the expense of rehabilitation. With such a Limited availability of treatment, it becomes increasingly important

that the services O ffered are effective. S&ce providers, therefore, have a responsibility

to deliver programmes that are supportai by current research, and are themselves

empiricdy evduated for efficacy. It is also crucial that when govemment resources are being allocated, the decisions are based on the substantial body of research which has evolved in the field over the past few decades. Leschied (1994) in his submission to the

Standing Cornmittee on Justice and Legal Affairs re: the Young Offenders Act emphasized this point when he stated:

What we lmow about effective services draws on approximately 600 carefdly controlled studies on the impact of certain intementions with young people. What effective human service in the context of youth crime consists of is the systematic impkmentation of factors that influence positively antisocial thinking and behaviour of young persons over and above those things that are deiivered that are ineffective ( p.7).

Protective factors serve to baerthe deleterious effects of individuai, family, and social risk factors (Kimchi & Schfier, 1990). Service providers must identiQ, support, and promote such positive influences, utilizing only those therapeutic methods or techniques which have proven effective with this hi&-risk group of individuals. A review of the treatment literature

In total, more than 800 studies have been conducted evaluatmg the effects of

various treatment programmes on young offenders. Although it is beyond the scope of

this paper to evaluate the relative contribution of each of these studies, a number of

review papers are cited which provide a criticai view of the literature to date.

In review artides of treatment services for juvenile delinquents, Martinson (1 974)

and Shamsie (1 98 1) came to the discouraging conclusion that "nothing works." Similarly

Whitehead and Lab (1989) concludeci that comectional treatment had little effect on

recidivism. More recent reviews of the effectiveness fiterature*however, have found that

a substantiai proportion of the better contcoiied studies of rehabilitative service reported

positive effects (Andrews, Zinger, Hoge, Bonta, Gendreau, & Cuilen, 1990) The newer

studies differ fiom previous research in that they attend to the issues of offender need, programme characteristics, and the circumstances under which programmes are being delivered. Andrews et al. argued that rather than being a rational appreciation of evidence, the attack on rehabilitation may have been a reflection of broder social and intellectual trends.

In 198 5, Leschied and Tnomas (1 985) reviewed a number of programmes which appear to have successfully addressed the ne& of training school residents. They found that programmes which have decreased recidivism in youths fkom residential centres have emphasized: the development of positive peer relations (Birkenmeyer & Polanski, 1977), psycho-educational intemention (Bareton, 1978; Bosse & Leblanc, 1981), and a teaching family mode1 employing behavioural techniques within an "individiiaIized" family setting

(wiiher, Braukmann, Kirigin & Wolf, 1978). The emphasis of individual differences

(viewing adolescents as a function of their interaction with their environment) also appem to be crucial in the treatment planning of young offenders (Warren, 1969).

Leschied and Thomas concluded that successN programming for young offenders involves many components: the importance of understanding individual differences in treatment planning; cornmitment to treatment for each adolescent admitted to the programme; and provision for a continuum of care and treatment witb the cooperation and support of other community-based agencies, as each adolescent is assisted through both residential and cornmunity-based progrmg. Most important, the authors cite the move to consider this gmup as treatable within a children's mental heaith perspective.

In 1990, Mark Lipsey completed a meta-analysis of the treatment fiterature. He found that 64% (285) of 443 studies found differences in recidivism that favoured treatment over cornparison conditions. The treatments with recidivism reduction rates of

30% or more were structured and focused. Andrews, Zinger, Hoge, Bonta, Gendreau and

Cullen (1990) also found significant treatment effects in rehabihtion programming, noting, however, that treatment approaches varkd greatly in their degree of eficacy.

Criminal sanctioning alone, such as probation or incarceration, without the delivery of correctional treatment services was only minimally related to a reduction of recidivism (thus supporthg the argument against the principle of deterrence). The delivery of

clinically appropriate treatmmt services, in contrast, resulted in an average reduction in

recidivism of more than 50%. In this particula. review, clinicaily appropnate treatment

was defined as foilowing the principles of risk, need, and responsivity:

1) Treatment services are delivered to high (as opposed to low) risk cases since the effects of treatment typically are found to be greater among high risk cases

2) Crimlliogenic needs are addressed, with the most promising targets including antisocial attitudes, feelings and peer associations; promotion of familial affection in combination with enhancecl parental monitoring and supervision; promoting identification with anti-criminal role models; increasing self conîrol; development of prosocial skills; reducing chemical dependencies; and generaüy shifting the density of rewards and costs fiom criminal to non-criminal activities. Less promising targets include increasing self esteem without touching antisocial propensity and focusing on vague personal and emotional problems.

3) Styles and modes of treatment are employed that are capable of influencing criminogenic need and are matched to the leaming styles of the offenders (for example, cognitive behavioural and social leaming approaches rather than relationship-based and insight-oriented counselling (pp.370-374).

Thus Andrews et ai. concludeci that the major source of variation in eEects of recidivism in this particdar meta analysis was the extent to which service was appropriate according to the principles of risk, need, and responsivity. Linking these principles with Rutter's (1990) mode1 of psychosocial resilience and protective mechanisms, the concept of need might be measured in terms of risk factors. High nsk cases tend to be those with a great many risk factors and very few protective mechanisms.

The emphasis on building protective processes may be likened to the principle of responsivity. Promishg targets include the development of a prosocid peer group,

enhanced parental monitoring, reduced chernical dependencies, skill development, self- efficacy, and increased in non-criminal activities - all factors which migbt altematively be defined as protective mechanisms. Andrews (1994) drew conclusions conceming the importance of applying appropriate treatment, noting that if no differentiation is made in ternis of the type or quality of treatment, one can expect a reduction of about 15% in recidivism rates through the delivery of service. Appropriate programmes, however

(those that target high need clients and important risk factors such as attitude, values, beliefs and association patterns supportive of criminal behaviour) resulted in a reduction in recidivism on average of 3O-SO% (Ibid., p. 10-1 1). One of the behavioural pattems commonly associated with criminality is substance abuse. Although substance abuse is quite cornmon among young offenders, developmentalIy it ofien follows rather than precedes conduct problems (Loeber, 1988). Serious substance abuse, however, does appear to increase the likelihood of merantisocial acts. It stands to reason, therefore, that treatment programmes should incorporate addiction support seMces into long term treatment programming.

Concem for high recidivism rates within training school systems has been well documented, with attempts made to reduce the bbrevolvingdoof' phenornenon (Leschied & Thomas, 1985). In addition to identimg those aspects of programmes that work, researchers have detailed characteristics of programmes which appear ineffective.

Gendreau and Ross (1979) identified a number of characteristics common to programmes which did not appear to be successful in reducing recidivism. According to these authors, programmes which met with the lem success tended to be characterized by:

1. Reliance on a single method of intervention 2. Reliance on a single outcome mesure to assess success 3. The lack of attention to individual differences within the correctional population 4. Not offering enough treatment over an adequate length of the 5. Lack of interrelation among agencies (Gendreau & Ross, 1979, p.48 5-489)

0thfactors which appear to be critical in understanding hkh rates of recidivism include: a Iengthy history of previous placements pnor to incarceration, history of

A. W.0.L.s in prior placements, noncompüance in the programme, marital stahis of parents (Birkenmeyer & Polonski, 1976); poor academic performance, personality and behaviour problems (Polonski, 1980); depressive syrnptomatology (self-abuse, suicida1 gestures), rejection f%omparents (Zarb, 1977), and an inability to separate oneself fÏom the influence of delinquent peers upon discharge (Lambert & Birkenmeyer, 1972). Summary of the treatment literature

Analysis of the socio-political context of treatment for young offenders reveals

that despite the fact that detemence has not been proven effective in reducing crimin&

behaviour, punishment is increasing1y being favoured over rehabilitation efforts in the

dispositions of young offenders (Leschied et al., 1992). Reviews of the treaûnent

literature have shown that appropnate intervention is better than no intervention. One

factor which appears fundamental to the difference between programmes that 'work' and

those that do not is the conceptuakation of criminal behaviour on which the programme

is based (Izzo & Ross, 1990). It seems that the traditional medicddisease mode1 that

views criminal behaviour as symptomatic of some undedying psychopathologicaI

condition requiring "cure" is giving way to more effective treatment rnodels based on cognitive-behavioura1, social learning and family therapy approaches. Andrews,

Leschied and Hoge (1992) summarized the treatment literature when they stated

"promising programmes possess therapeutic integrity, attend to relapse prevention, target appropriately, and employ appropxiate styles of service" (p. 150- 152). Labelhg the offender as "treatable"as opposed to "untreatable" also appean to result in more effective intervention within correctionai systems (Gendreau & Ross, 1979). Interventions must be focused, based on sound empincal research, be cognitively or behaviourally based, and be directed at the highest need offenders. No matter what the characteristics of the programme, it has been established that to be successful, consideration must be paid to the individual client's needs, with programme delivery in a manner which is consistent

with specific style of learning. Specific focuses must be placed on addressing

crimiuogenic thinking, and controlling habits which support a criminal Westyle.

Punishment, although it may satisQ a need for justice and retribution, should not be

confuçed with treatment, since the deterrence effects have been shown to be negiigible, or

in some cases, even harmfûl. Leschied, Jaffe, Andrews, and Gendreau (1992)

mmmarized the state of afFairs in young offender justice succinctly when they stated:

In summary, the evidence strongly suggests that the delivery of clinically relevant treatment services is a promising route to reduced recidivism. It appears that "get tough" policies may espouse the rhetoric of detemence, but will accomplish nothing more than retribution . . . it is not consistent with the constitutionalist philosophy that a child has a nght to available treatment (p.365).

Although many people assume that young offendm receive treatment while in custody facilities, budget cutbacks and financial restrictions often prevent this kom being the case. Many talented clinicians within the correctionai system spend a significant proportion of their tirne simply managing risk. They perform assessments with the goal of predicting future dangeroumess, or do short tenu crisis management work with those offenders who are suicida1 or aggressive while incarcerated (Palmer, 1997; Wong, 1997).

When young offenders are sentenced to custody facilities, it should not be under the illusion that they are going to treatment facilities. A smdl percentage of offenders will have the privilege of treatment, but in many institutions, skeleton staff, lack of

professional developrnent opportunities for clinicians, and a lack of adequate resources

prohibit appropriate ireahnent for the majority of offenders. Within the curent

correctional system, principles of effective se~cedelivery often take second place to

political and orgaaizational concerm (leschied, 1997; Gendreau & Rossy 1979).

Given the lack of appropriate treatment, it is especially important that those

programmes which are cmently in operation be evaluated for effectiveness. Only then will the bwledge base on treatment of young offenders continue to grow. Public opinion would suggest that Canada's justice system is soft on youth crime. The evidence is much to the contrary, with Canada standing as the second leading nation in rates of incarceration per capita within its youth justice system (Leschied, 1997, p. 116).

Currently, a number of forces are pushing for change, with mental health professionals arguing for a risk-focused prevention approach to treatment (Hawkins, Catalane, &

Miller, 1992) and a switch in emphasis from incarceration to multisysternic community- based alternatives (Leschied, 1997).

From the family-ecological systems perspective, the adolescent is embedded in, and interacts with, several systems and subsystems, with the most influential of these systems being the family. Deviant or psychopathologicai adolescent transactions may be adaptive reactions to dysfunctional circumstances when viewed nom the adolescents ecological context (Henggeler, 1982, p.2). Interventions must focus on systems, or the relation between systems to effect change (Ibid). The earlier the intervention, the greater the likelihood of treatment success (Hawkins et al., 1992). Intervention should be aimed at high nsk groups, and focus on the identification and promotion of protective processes which buffer the negative infiuence of ~skfactors. Active involvement of the child's family in the treatment process is cruciai. With such programmes in place, it is likely that fewer numbers of cbildren wouid develop severe antisocial behaviour problems. Family intervention is based on two premises (1) the sooner the problem behaviour is treated, the better, and (2) the intervention should be within the child's community, and include hislher family and school experience (Gendreau & Ross, 1979, p.470). In cases where behaviour is sufficiently violent or antisocial to warrant incarceration in maximum security institutions, the need for appropriate intervention is paramount, before the youth progresses to the adult correctional system. In such cases family therapy may not be possible or recommended, since family intervention techniques do not appear to be effective with families that show severe disintegration, or in cases where the child's behaviour is exceptionally disruptive (Ibid). One of the difficulties with treating incarcerated youtbs is that correctional facilities represent a poor context for promothg behaviours appropriate to the community (Ibid). Whenever possible, community-based early intervention strategies which address the multi-systemic nature of delinquency should be Knplemented. Considerable progress has been made through the anpirical evaluation of

treatment programmes. Perhaps the rnost salient conclusion which can be reached

regarding the juvenile justice system is that there should be a dismissal of the claim that

"nothuig works" and a narrowing of focus on those programmes which have proven to be effective. Research by a number of authors has clearly demonstrated that clinically relevant treatment services do, in fact, provide a promising route to reduced tecidivism. CHAPTER FOUR

SOLUTION-FOCUSED THERAPY

Introduction

Despite the importance of early prevention programmes, financial constraints

limit the degree to which such programmes can be implemented. Those geographic areas

of highest treatment need are often those facing the greatest degree of poverty (Coie &

Jacobs, 1993). While continued efforts are made to develop programmes which are preventive in nature, the reality is that increasing numbers of youths are being sentenced to secure custody institutions. In addition to advocating the implementation of early uit ervention programmes, mental heal th pro fessionals need to continue to improve treatment methods for those youths already in the criminal justice system. Such programmes should adhere to the principles of nsk, need, and responsivity (Andrews et al, 1990) and be sensitive to the social, political and economic realities of the onender's

Life (Henggeler, 1982).

One form of treatment which appears to lend itself particularly well to working with young offenders is solution-focused therapy (Berg, I 99 1; de Shazer, 1985).

Solution-focused therapy is a relatively new method of treatment which includes many of the elements of "promising programming" (Andrews, Leschied & Hoge, 1992). This mode1 is heavily based on the therapeutic ideals of Milton H. Erickson, and is an offshoot of the Bnef Problem-Focused therapy approach of the Mental Research Instihite theoristç

92 (Fisch, Weakland, & Seagal, 1988). It has its roots in systems theory and famïy therapy

developments during the 1960s and 1970s. Since then, it has evoived into a method that

has proven useful in treating a variety of patients.

Solution-focused therapy dBm from many traditional foms of therapy in that

there is a paradigrnatic shift hmdeficits to strengths, fiom problems to solutions, and

fiom past to friture (Hoyt, 1994, p.2). In a sense, the emphasis is shifted away 60m risk

factors, or problems, and is placed instead on the construction and consolidation of

protective processes. The therapist works with the client to open up new choices or

options, while creating an atmosphere of acceptame and hope, where the client's dignity

and resources are respected (Friedman, 1994, p.248). It is behaviourally based, and

focuses on developing concrete solutions to immediate problems, taking into account

individual differences in background, culture, ability and need. Surprisingly, very little

attention has been paid to the solution-focused brief therapy mode1 as a useful

intervention with difficult adolescents (Selekman, 1993). To &te, there have been no evaluative studies on the effectiveness of solution-focused therapy with young offenders.

The Influence of Miïton H. Erickson

Often referred to as the Tather of Brief Therapy," Milton H. Erickson differed fbm many of his conternporaries in his insisteme on customizing therapy to meet individual needs, and his focus on health, as opposed to pathology. Each person is a unique individual. Hence psychotherapy should be fomulated to meet the uniqueness of the individuai's needs, rather than tailoring the person to fit the Procrustean bed of hypothetical theory of human behaviour. (M.H. Erickson, as cited by Zeig & GiUigan, 1990, p. 1)

Erickson had a unique approach to psychotherapy which represented a major innovation in therapeutic technique. Although primarily known as a medical hypnotist, his therapy approach was unusuai and controversial. His writings are centred on the idea of experimentation, with his series of research papers on hypnosis representing a significant contribution to the field (Hayley, 1993). One of the problems when exarnining Enckson's therapeutic technique is the fact that there is no adequate theoretical fhmework available for describing it. Erickson wrote in the format of case studies and experiments, and did not systematically state his premises. A great deal of the theoretical foundation of Erickson's work, therefore, was written by his colleagues, both prier to, and following his death.

Enckson's therapeutic techniques were based on the assumption that "there is a strong tendency for the personality to adjust if given the opportunity" (Erickson & Rossi,

198 1). Erickson aIso stressed the importance of respecting and working with the abilities of the client " . . . You ought to rely on the capacity of the individual patient to fumish you the cues and information by which to organize your psychotherapy, because the patient can if you give him the opportunity" (Erickson, 1966, as cited by OYHadon& Weiner-Davis, 1989). Thus in Erickson's work there is a deep respect for the inner resources and wisdom of the clienf as weU as a recognition that people will naturally foilow a path of heaith when given the opportunity. Erickson believed that it was essential for therapists to capitalize on whatever their clients brought to therapy: their

Ianguage, beliefs, strengths and resources, utiliPng these client attributes in the inte~ewingprocess and in the construction of therapeutic tasks (Selelunan, 1993, g.4).

He did not adhere to any particular theory of personality, but rather, centred his beliefs around an expectation that therapeutic change resulted fkom helping clients reorganize and reassociate their natural abilities and experiences so that these resources became available in new ways (Lankton, 1985, p.62). Elements or characteristics which are identified as defining an Ericksonian approach inchde: positive and individualistic, strategic, systems-oriented, hypnotic, valuing action over insight, behaviourally based, and emphasinng indirect methods of communication (Tbid., p.6 1). Thus Erickson was strategic in his techniques, tended to emphasize solutions as opposed to problems, and operated within systems, viewing each person within his or her Iarger social context.

Erickson believed that 'Tsychological problems exist precisely because the conscious mind does not lmow how to initiate psychological experience and behaviour change to the degree that one would Iike" LanMon, p.28, 1985). The goal of Erickson's therapy, then, was not the removal of symptoms, but the integrâtion and utilization of unconscious resources that exist outside of the conscious awareness of the client (Ibid., 1985). The Solution-Focused Approach

A great many of the attributes of Encks~niantherapy have c&ed over to the

solution-focused approach. Like Enckson's work, the solution-focused approach does

not adhere to particular theonsts or rnodels of human behaviour, but rather, consists of a

variety of techniques which have proven effective in assisting clients reach their

identified goals. Solution-focused therapy should not be thought of as a model, but rather

a hmework, or perspective, within which appropriate models or strategies may be

implemented. Techniques which might be appropriate or prove effective with young

offenders, for example, might ciiffer greatly from those that might be used with a different

client group. In thïs method of therapy, the therapist is not in a position of authority over

the client, but rather, works collaboratively with the client to reach mutually agreed upon

goals:

The solution-focused mode1 is based on a relationship between therapist and client which is cooperative in nature. The focus is on what the clients are doing that are good for thern, rather than on what is going wrong. It is future oriented, with the very little attention that is paid to the pst focusing almost exclusively on past successes. (De Shazer, 1985).

In this approach, the focus is on exceptions to problematic behaviour, that is, pockets of time or instances in which the problem is absent. It is believed that the keys to solutions lie in the behaviour patterns which accompany pexiods of success:

The Solution Focused approach pays attention to the patterns around exceptions to problems as clues to solving them. The mode1 further postulates that the pattern of activities around solutions is considerably different nom the patterns that center around problematic situations. Enlarping and increasing the fiequemy of solution patterns, therefore, are the key clinical activities by the worker (de Shazer, 1985).

Thus, there is an emphasis on periods of heaithy and adaptive functioning (during which time protective processes or mechanisms are functioning) instead of an analysis of pathology. Solution-focused therapy may be thought of as " . . . a trend away fiom explanations, pro blems and pathology, and toward solutions, cornpetence and capabilities" (O'Hanlon & Weiner-Davis, 1989, p. 1). Closely related to solution-onented brief treatment (O'Hanlon & Weiner-Davis, 1989), the solution-focused approach shares a number of assumptions:

The focus on future rather than past (de Shazer, 1985) It is not necessary to understand a problem in order to solve it (Ibid) The client defines the goal, and works collaboratively with the therapist in achieving it (Berg, 1991) Complicated problems often have simple solutions (Berg, 1995) Rapid change is possible, and short-texm therapy can be as effective as long-tem therapy (O'Hanlon & Weiner-Davis, 1989, Berg, 1991, de Shazer, 1985) There is no one "right" way to view things (O'Hanlon & Weiner-Davis, 1989) Focw on what is possible and changeable rather than on what is impossible and intractable (Ibid.) Since every situation is viewed as unique, the use of names and labels is avoided

since it often leads to implications of the origins of problems, prognosis of treatment, and

involves assurnptions about causal relationships between various coexisting problems

(Furman & Ahola, 1994). The therapist's task is to identiQ and amplify change. It is

beiieved that small changes in behaviour cm lead to a ripple effkct in the social

relationships of the client. Therapy is viewed as a positive, collaborative alliance between

client and therapist:

The purpose of solution talk is to provide people with a pleasant experience that tums pro b lems into challenges, fosters optimism, enhances collaboration, inspires creativity, and above dl, helps them to retain their dignity (Furman & Ahola, 1994, p.41).

Solution-focused therapy can be thought of as a framework within which therapy

is conducted. It is more of a philosophy than a technique, since there are no specific

formulas or tasks which should be canied out, but rather, an assortment of exercises which may be used as resources to help move clients toward their goals. What is traditionally identified as "raistance" is viewed as an indication that the therapist has not properly attended to the client's goals, and a signal that the treatment goals must be revisited in order to venQ that they are mutuaily agreed upon (Berg, 1991 ; Miller, 1994). The use of solution-focused therapy involves inclusion of kuowledge or methods hm

other schools of therapy.

Solution-focused therapy seems particularly well suited to young offîdm

because it requires mutual goal setting, thereby encouraging offenders to take

responsibility for their actions. It is a collaborative effort between client and therapist,

reducing chances of fiction against perceived "authonty." It is positive in nature,

highlighting clients' areas of strength, and, therefore, increasing the iikelihood of client participation. It is fuhue oriented and does not dweil on problems of the past, particularly important in cases where offenders have histories of abuse or repeated failure. FinaiIy, solution-focused therapy involves customizing treatment to the individual needs of the client, providing concrete solutions to reai He problems, with NI consideration of the social context within which the problems occur.

A Review of the Research to Date

As it has evohed, solution-focused therapy has attracted increasing attention and enthusiasm. An international training school has been fomed, with seminars and workshops readily available to interested ciinicians. Claims about the efficacy of this approach have been made for a number of client populations: individuals (de Shazer,

1991 ); couples (O'Hanion & O'Hanlon, 1994); families (Adams, Piercy & Junch, 1991); alcoholics (Berg & Miller, 1992); chronic mental patients (Boo ker & Blymyer, 1994); homeless substance abusers (Berg & Hopwood, 199 1); substance abusers (Berg, 1995;

Miller, 1994); individuals with eating disorders (McFarlanâ, 1995); suMvors of physical

and sexual abuse (Dola. 1991); and troubled adolescents (Selehan, 1993). In the vast

majority of these studies, the focus is on programme description, with success described

through case studies. Those saidies which do contain evaluative components tend to rely

heavily on client self-report data, with criteria being satisfaction with therapy and the

degree to which clients felt they achieveci their set goals. Very little controllai research

has been done in investigations of treatment outcomes with solution-focused therapy.

One of the fht questions with any form of brief therapy is "Cm serious problerns

be effectively addressed within short penods of the?" Research on treatment outcomes

has dernonstrated that short tem treatment is as esective as traditional long-tenn therapy

(Orlinsky & Howard, 1986). In a recent study pubfished by the Meninger clinic, it was

demonstrated that clients who received blief, supportive treatment profited as much nom

that experience as those who had undergone extensive, long-terni psychoanalytically

oriented treatment (Wallerstein, 1986, 1989; as cited by Berg & Miller, 1992). Fischer

(1980) cornpared farnily therapy with a 6-session limit, therapy with a 12-session Mt,

and wilimited treatment and found no consistent differences either at tennination or at

follow-up. Analysis of data provided some evidence that families who received treatment

fared better than those on the waiting list. There were no consistent differences between

6-session, 12-session, and unlimited therapy groups. The conclusions in this shidy were weakened by the fact that the significant ciifferences between treated and untreated groups

emerged only on measures obtained fkom the parents, and not on measmes obtained fiom

the child. At one year follow-up, Fischer (1994) found "no evidence for deterioration in

any of the three groups of families that received treatment as part of the original mdy . . .

but there were (statisticd) trends for improvement hmtemination to follow-up"

(p. 104).

Advocates of the solution-focused approach to therapy clah that clients are ofken

able to meet their therapeutic goals within a minimum number of sessions. At the Brief

Family Treatment Center, no limit is set on the number of sessions allowed per case,

however, the average is 4.7 sessions. At the Center, therapy ends when the clients meet their goals for therapy (de Shazer, 1991). In work with substance abusers, Berg (1995)

fond that 8 1% of clients stated that they had met their goals six months afler termination, with an average of 4.2 sessions per case. The brevity of the therapy refiects the fwidarnental shifi in philosophy which has been made in this approach. Instead of focusing on conventional psychiatrie pathology, there is a movernent toward a more optimistic view of people as unique and resourcefil (Hoyt, 1994). Therapists within this mode1 operate as mental health professionals, as opposed to mental illness specialists

(Tbid.). Weakland, Fisch, Watzlawick and Bodin (1974), in a study of outcomes with a general mental health clientele, reported that 72% of their cases either met their goals for treatment or made significant improvement within an average of seven sessions. Follow- up studies at the Brief Family Therapy Center also indicate a 72% satisfaction rate with this improvement being made within an average of six sessions/client in a randomly selected sample. In these studies, however, satisfaction was measured through client self- reports. Clearly further clinical research should be done, irnplementing more rigorous methods of evaluation.

Another study which has been presented by Miller and Berg (1992) as supporting the notion that treatment need not be a the intensive flair is that conduced by Edwards,

Orford, Egert, Guthrie, Hawker, Hensman, Mitcheson, Oppenheimer and Taylor (1 977).

In this project, researchers divided a group of severe problem drinkers (male) into 2 groups. Those in the first group received only one session of therapy with a psychiatrist who told them that they were suffering fkom alcoholism and recommended that they abstain fiom al1 drink. The advice-group members were told that "the responsibiiity for attainment of the stated goals lay in their own hands, rather than it being anythmg which could be taken over by others, and the message was given in sympathetic and constructive terms" (p. 1006). It was explained that the patient would not be offered a further appointment at the clinic, but that someone would call each month to see the patient's wife and collect news of the progress. The second group was offered an intensive year-long programme that involved personal counselling, participation in A., and dmgs to relieve withdrawal symptoms and make alcohol consumption unpalatable.

The pro blem drinkers were aiso O ffered admission to an inpatient hospital treatment programme. Mer one year, the problem drinkers in the two groups were evaluated. The

drinkers who received intensive programming fard no better than those who received

only a single session of advice. Statistical cornparisons were only made between groups

in this study (as opposed to within groups over time), so the actuai efficacy of either

approach was not addressai. Miller and Berg cited this shidy as being important, because

they claim it dernonstrated that intensive, long-term programmes are not necessarily more

effective than short term therapy. This study does not, however, answer the question of

the efficacy of either approach, nor does it account for the potentiaiiy confouuding effect of spousal involvement with the clinic.

Miller and Berg have written extensively about the use of solution- focused therapy with problem drinkers (1995; Berg & Miller, 1992). Miller, in particular, voiced a dissatisfaction with treatment methods taught in traditional psychologicd training for this particdar patient group. He found that 30-60% of clients dropped out of treatment programmes only &er a few sessions. In an attempt to address this problem, Miller and

Berg (1995) inte~ewedand worked with hundreds of clients who have alcohol probiems. The focus of the research was on identifying how those clients who successfully overcame tbeir problem with alcohol were able to do so. As a result, they developed a method for dealing with alcohol problems based on what was learned fkom successfbl abstainers. This rnethod, following the tradition of the soiution-focused approach, focused on amplimg attitudes and behaviours that accompany periods of abstinence. The authors found tbat people can and do get better quickly, with the majority of those treated with this method being seen for an average of 4.7 sessions.

These fïndings appear to de& the assumption that alcoholism is a disease, with recovery being a long-term process. The authors noted that an unexpected finclhg in their work was the fact that the solution to people's alcohol problems ohwere not related to that problem (Le., abstaining fiom drinking often involved focusing on or being involved in things other than alcohol). Once again, the results are weakened by the fact that there is a reliance on client self-report measures of satisfaction as indices of success.

Not al1 solution-focused research has centred on substance abuse. In a study of chronic mental patients, Booker and Blymyer (1994) chailenged the assumption that people with certain problems are treatment resistant and need long-tem care. The authon found that they were able to yield rapid resolution of cornplaints with chronic mental patients using solution-focused therapy within an average of 9-days. It is important to note that goals of the therapy were those generated by the clients, and not those imposed by the therapist.

In an investigation of solution-focused Therapy's ''Formula First Session Task" on cornpliance and outcorne in family therapy (Adams, Piercy & Jurich, 1991) it was found that when compared to one week of standard problem focused structural-strategic intervention, solution-focused therapy clients scored significantly higher on measures of family cornpliance, clarity of treatment goals, and improvement in the presenting

problem.

Many clinicians are mahgclaims of successful treatment outcornes with

solution-focused therapy in a number of different settings, within a relatively short time

frame. The major* of these claims are based on qualitative data, with vey little in the

way of empirical research. With properly controlled studies, and a quantitative analysis of

outcorne, researchers will be in a better position to evaluate programme efficacy.

Whether the issue at hand is aicohol abuse, substance abuse, family conflict, marital conflict, eating disorders, homeiessness or generd mental health concerns, it appears that

solution-focused therapy is an approach which ments Merattention. The next logical step in the development of the solution-focused approach iç to put these methods to test through controlled research studies. CHAPTER FIVE

MEASURING OUTCOME:

FACTORS RELATING TO POSITIVE TREATMENT OUTCOME

In previous chapters, a number of programme characteristics were identified as

Iinked to "successfùl" treatment outcomes for young offenders. In the majority of these studies, success was equated with reductions in recidivism. A particular mode1 of therapy was presented, the solution-focused approach, with the question being raised as to how successfûl it might be when applied to a secure custody young offender population. A number of factors have been as linked to establishg positive treatment outcomes. The manner in which success is dehed, the context within which a programme is delivered, the cntena which are identified as rneaaingfid indicators of success, and the methodological design of the study al1 contribute to the likelihood that a programme will be deemed "effective." It is important to carefully detedehow each of these feahires is defined to ensure that methodology does not dictate outcorne.

Defining Success

The mmer in which "success" is defined will impact sipnificantly on the way in which data are interpreted. Treatment outcomes may be assessed short-term, through institutional adjustment, attitudes, values and behaviour on discharge. They rnay also be measured Iongitudindy, in post-release follow-ups, through analysis of recidivism rates.

106 Treatment success may be measured as a dichotomous variable - recidivists versus non

recidivists, or it may be assessed through more relative ternis, for example through

analysis of seriousness of subsequent offences (with reductions in seriousness being

equated with positive treatrnent outcornes). In an address to the Steering Cornmittee on

Justice and Legal Affairs respecting Bill C-37,an act to amend the YOA and the criminal

code, Leschied defined effectiveness as ''the ability of a programme to take an antisocial young person and create a pro-social sentiment so that there is a reduction in criminality"

(p.38). Success, according to this dennition, is not a complete absence of criminal behaviour, but rather, a relative reduction in criminality.

The Context of Treatment.

in addition to the defiaition of treatment success, it is aiso important to attend to the context within which treatment is occurring, since context has a potentiaily pro found effect on the attitude and behaviour of offenders. Treatroent is more likely to be successfu1 when it is offered in community settings than when it is offered as part of institutional or residential programming (Andrews et al., 1992). A number of explanations might be offered for this finding. First, it may be that many offenders lack the ability to transfer and generafize leamed skills fiom one context to another.

Secondly, the delinquent subculture of secure custody institutions might compound the problem by overrihg any potentid positive treatment effects gained by residents during their residency. Thirdly, treatment may be quite effective, but when thrown back into the

problem-laden environments hmwhich they came, offenders are forced to resort to

antisocial patterns of behaviour in order to survive. The importance of context in

afTecting treatment outcornes was highlighted by Reyes (1996) in a recent presentation at

the Arnerican Psychological Association's annual convention. Reyes pointed out that

many people draw mneous conclusions about treatment effectiveness with youths who

are put back into the comrnunities they corne fiom without proper follow-up. She

provided the analogy of a surgeon, who penorms surgery on a youth who was shot by a

gang member:

The youth is brought to the emergency ward of the hospitai, where he receives surgery to repair his injury. After a penod of successful recovery, the surgeon discharges the patient. Two months later, the youth rehims to the hospital, again with multiple gunshot wounds. Unfortunately the injuries are quite severe, and the youth dies (Reyes, 1996).

ln this particular situation, the surgical skills of the doctor are not called into question. The initial surgery is not deemed ineffective as a result of the second wound, but rather, as a tragic consequeme of the youth's social environment. The analogy provided by Reyes is useful in that it highlights the importance of viewing institutional treatment as part of a continuum of care. It is essentid that offenders are provided with adequate support following release. Otherwise, they are simply being sent back into the troubled circumstances which led them into conflict with the Iaw in the ktplace. An

institutional programme rnay effectiveIy change offender attitudes and behaviour by his

or her release date, but without a context of opportunity, encouragement and support,

these changes are likely to be short lived.

Gauging Success

The choice of indicators of change are critical for programme evaluation. In standard c linical practice, traditional gauges of success have been increased self-esteem and increased codidence. Currently, such masures are not valued for good programme evaluations. They may be padcularly inappropriate within a correctional setting, suice increased self-esteem has not necessarily been linked to reduced recidivism. In a study on attitude and behaviour change of correctional clientele, Wonnith (1984) found correlations between attitude change during the period of incarceration and recidivism.

Increased feelings of inadequacy during incarceration were predictive of long-term success, whereas "Mproved" self-esteem correlateci with recidivism. Among offenden who increased their identification with the delinquent subculture, those who also increased in self-esteem experienced less follow-up success than those with decreased self-esteem. Thus it may be that within correctional settings, antisocial behaviour may be reinforced by a delinquent peer group. Identification with this peer group may lead to increased self-esteem, but unfomuiately aiso be associated with increases in criminalist thought and behaviour. Wonnith concluded that the promotion of the self-esteem constnict with offenders was problematic since seu-esteem is inextricably related to any context contributhg to its development.

To achieve optimal results, treatment programmes should adhere to the principles of risk, need and responsivity - providing treatment to the highest need clients, specifically addressing criminogenic need, using a style and mode of service that is appropriately matched to the style of the offender. Outcome measures should target areas linked with recidivism - antisocial attitudes, feelings and peer associations, familial discord, criminogenic thinking, criminal role models, and chernical dependencies

(Andrews et al, 1990). Positive changes dong each of these measures should be linked to treament success. Thus it seems that the identification of appropriate indicators of change is crucial if outcome assessrnent is to be meaningful. Just as constructs such as self esteern should be examined within context, so too should the characteristics of the particular client group receiving treatment. Offender progress should be evaluated relative to past history and detemiined level of risk. Recidivism rates of 6O%, for example, may be assessed as poor within low risk populations. In the context of high risk repeat offenders, however, 60% might represent a significant outcome, and be indicative of treatment success. The selection of appropriate criteria for gauging treatment success, therefore, is an important consideration in any treatment outcome research. The Impact of Methodology

The £bai factor which wili be discussed in tenns of relevance to treatment

outcornes is the methodological design which is selected for the evaluation. Effect sizes

are detemiined by a number of factors, many of which are within the experimenter's

control. In a review of treatment methods for young offenders, Lipsey (1990) identified

a number of rnethodological variables which contributed to the magnitude of estimates of the effect of treatment:

1) Small sample studies yielded Iarger effect size estimates; 2) Studies with the longest foUow-up periods and with criterion variables of weak reliability and validity yielded the small estimates of effect size; 3) Less explicit reporting of methodologicai and statistical procedures was associated with higher effect size; 4) Initial nonequivalence of treatment and control groups was associated with smailer eff't sizes; 5) Greater attrition fkom either treatment or control groups was associated with smaller effect sizes 6) Cornparisons of treaûnent with "alternative treatrnent" yielded smailer estimates of the effect size than did cornparisons of treatment with "no treatment." (As cited in Andrews, Leschied & Hoge, 1992 p. 134)

Lipsey's conclusions regaràing the rnethodological considerations of programme evaiuation are important because they demonstrate clearly how the characteristics of the research design and research procedures actuaily iduence estimates of the effects of treatment quite independently of the variations in treatmeat being studied (Andrews,

111 Leschied and Hoge, 1992). In addition to the study methodology, the actual statistical tests used to analyze the data wiU contribute significantly to the iikelihood of obtaining positive treatment outcomes. Repeated measure procedures, for example, although commonly used in outcome studies, are questionable in validity since they are affected by the phenornenon of regression to the mean. With this technique, exûeme scores are Likely to decrease simply as a comequence of regression to the mean, thus gïving the appearance of a treatment effect when there May not have actually been one. Simple t- tests, or analysis of variance techniques are potentially misleading due to the high incidence of Type 1error in cases where multiple cornparisons are being made. These methodological issues need to be considered in the design of any outcome studies.

For the purposes oi this study, treatment outcome is measured through a number of sources: client self-report on attitude and behaviour, extemal reports on client behaviour (fiom a teacher and correctional officer), and achial fkquencies of behaviour idkctions, both during incarceration, and post release.

In any discussions on treatment outcome, it is important to note that not every individual is ready to change, simply because appropnate treatment is available. Even in cases where appropriate seMces are being offered, offenders may refuse treatment or be slow to change. In such instances, treatment gains may be measured in more modest terms, not by radical shifts in attitude or behaviour, but rather by a willingness to participate in the treatment process, an openness to change, and an initiation of the process of self-evaluation. Treatment success is a relative constnict, with positive outcome being associated with a wide range of potential indicators. AIthough ultimately reduced recidivism is the treatment goal for every offender, it should be recognized that change is a process, not an event, and outcome studies shouid be evaluated with consideration to the context withwhich they occur. Institutional treatment shouid be part of a continuum of care, with bridges of support established in offenders' home communities at the time of their release. Only under these circumstmces will measures of treatment outcome be meaningful. CHAPTER SIX

METHOD AND PROCEDURES

Introduction to Brookside Youth Centre

Brookside Youth Centre is a secure custody facility for young offenders. The facility is located in Cobourg, Ontario, approximately 110 km east of Toronto. Cwently, residents living at Brookside are sewing "phase two" custody sentences (i.e., aii are 16 to

19 years old at the time of sentencing). The vast rnajority of the youths are repeat offenders, or single time offenders of violent crimes. In totai, Brookside can house up to

109 residents.

Brookside is set on 28 acres of nual land. This self-contained facility consists of a cluster of six brick buildings (residences), a school, dining hall, maintenance house, inte~ewhouse, and recreational facilities. The compound is sumounded by a 15 foot fence, and passage to and frorn the facility is controlled through a main gate.

Brooksidefsadministrative offices are sihiated in a heritage house, outside of the compound.

Residents of Brookside sleep in single rooms, furnished with a bed, a desk, a chair, and shelves for clothing. Occasionally, when the facility is crowded, some youths are required to share rooms. Residents attend classes daily in the recently constmcted secondary school, and participate in various programmes of a recreational, counselling, and spintual nature. Consistent with Ontario's consent to treatment guidelines, al1

114 counselluig is volmtary and optional. Public visits are ailowed once weekly, for one

hou. Residents are supervised by correctional officers at all times. The day of a youth in

the centre is highly stnictured, with littie fkee time lefi. When they are not at school or

involved in sports or programming, residents may stay aione in their rooms, or socialize

or watch teIevision in a residence common room.

The Hypotheses

It was hypothesized that, as a result of participation in the solution-focused treatment programme, offenders wodd exhibit changes in cognition, attitude, and cornmitment to the counselling process. Hypotheses for the study and a summary of measures are provided in Table 1. A number of attitude changes were predicted. It was expected that members of the treatment group would feel more optimistic about themselves- feeling they had more power and control over their lives, and feel more able to make lasting changes. They would demonstrate a reduction in criminogenic thinking, and an increase in prosocid attitudes and behaviours. Such feelings would be reflected by increased optimism, increased self-esteem, a reduction in personal shame, reduced substance abuse tendencies, fewer antisocial tendencies, increased guilt for their crimes, and an increased ability to empathize with others. Table 1

Hwotheses and Summary of Measures

Outcome Tamets Hypotheses Measures of Intemention Self: Self Esteem H : hcrease in self esteem Personai weekly ratings- rherapist ratings Extemai ratings of prognss Coopersmith Self-Esteem Scale Carlson Self-Depreciation Scale Sharne H : Decrease in shame TOSCA- Adolescent Locus of Control H : Increase feelings of TOSCA-A (extemakation) personal power Solution-focused questions Empathy H : decreased detachment TOSCA-A (measured through various means) ïncreased guilt TOSCA-A, Carison item # 3 1 increased empathy Carlson item M3 Famtly: Attitude towards family H : Feel more able to handie family Solution-focused questions(SFQ)

Relationship with peers H :Fewer social problems YSR,TRF (teachers and oficers) Number of Behaviour reports Jesness - uno btrusiveness Environment= Coping with difiieult environment H : hproved attitude towards staff Carison item #20

Cognition: Optimisrn for the fùture H : More optimistic Carison item # 10, SFQ Thought disturbance H : Less thought disturbance Carison, YSR, TRF Anti-social tendencies H : Fewer antisocial tendencies Carlson

Chernical abuse tendencies il[ : Decrease Carlson General conduct H : Improved Behaviour record Likelihood of tiiture offending H : Decrease in predictor score Jesness predictor scale H : intention for fbture involvernent in counselling SFQ H : reduction in extemalizing YSR TRF Process: General attitude toward H : WU attend regularly Attendance record counselling H : Wiil participate in sessions Extemal ratings of progress

Note, The TRF and Jesness Recidivimi Scales wmcompleted by bot. teachers and correctional officers.

116 Mernben of the treatment group were also expected to show irnprovements in

behaviour: having fewer social problems with peers, dealing in a more positive way with

correctional staff, hctioning more effectively at school and demonstrating motivation

and codtment to the counselling process. It was also hypothesized that rnembers of the

treatment group wouid improve their relations with their families relative to members of

the control group.

RationaIe for the Study:

The solution-focused bnef therapy mode1 was used with a mal1 group of young

offenders at Brookside Youth Centre during a doctoral internship over the theperiod of

May-August, 1994. During this time period, 16 young offenders participated in a

solution-focused treatment programme. Treatment consisted of a one-hou session per

week. Although the number of residents who were able to participate in more than eight

sessions was limited, examination of the clinical records of these clients suggested a few

general trends. Change in attitude and behaviour (as reported by the clients during the

regular course of therapy) appeared to take place without exception between the third and sixth session. The mean tirne that change started to take place was after 4.3 sessions, with modes of 3 and 4 sessions. Clients appeared to be weU into the change (i.e., positive reports about behaviour fkom self and others, impmved self-esteem, increased confidence, increased belief in ability to control fûture, optimism about the future) after a mean of 8.4 sessions (range 7-1 0, modes of 7, 8 and 10 sessions). On the basis of this prelirninary

informal investigation, it was decided that in any formalized assesment of this treatment model, the minimum number of treatment sessions to be offered should be ten. Fewer than ten sessions wouid not provide an adequate exposure to the programme, whereas an evaluation of more than 10 sessions would be compromised/confounded by high attrition rates due to releases and transfers to open custody. Since high numberç of offenders obtain early releases, an optimal minimum sentencing period of six months was identified for inclusion into the study to ensure that participants were able to complete the full course of treatment and remain in the facility long enough for post-treatment follow-up.

Design

The study design consisted of one treatment group and one control group.

Participants were assigned to treatment or control groups, matched on the variable of length of sentencing. A list was made of potential participants (rank ordered dong the variable of sentence length) with every second name being placed into the treatment group. This ensured that the groups were equally balanced in terms of seriousness of offence. It was necessary to split the treatment and control groups in two cohorts @hase 1 and phase II) to accommodate scheduling requirements of the researcher and the institution. A chart summarizing the stages of assessrnent and study design is presented in Table 2. Table 2

Stages of AsseEs

Stages of Assessment:

Recruitment -> ke-Treatment --> Post Treatment -> FOUOW-up Assessrnent Assesment Assesment

10 weeks 10 weeks

Study Design -0):

t Cohort 1: Treatment (n= 10) Follow-up

Controi 1: Control (n= 1 0) Follow-up

I Cohort 2: Treatment (n= 1 0) Follow-up

Control2: Control (n= L O) Follow-up *

Participants:

Study participants consisted of 43 volunteers fiom Brookside Youth Detention

Centre. Refieshments (Pizza and pop) were served &er each assessment session as an incentive for participation. Three exclusionary cnteria were identified:

1) A period of incarceration of less than six months

2) Ongoing involvement with psychological seMces while at Brookside (other than initial intake assessment)

3) A diagnosis of psychosis with rehal to take medication consistently. According to the Chair of the Ministry of the Solicitor General and Correctional

Services Advisory Cornmittee on Research and Evduation (ACRE), a court order fiom a youth court judge was necessary to aiiow access to the criminal history files of young offenders involved in the study (pursuant to section 44.1 of the Young ~ndersAct).

Copies of ACRE'S requirements and the court order are provided in Appendix A.

Potential participants were selected based on their Iength of residency at

Brookside (with long-term residents being chosen over short-term residents), as well as recency of admission to Brookside (with most recent admissions being chosen over eariier admissions). Of those 20 offenders who agreed to participate in the ktphase of the study, three were unable to complete their involvement (all were part of the first cohort of study participants). One member of the control group was granted early release, and was transferred out of the institution five weeks into the study. The remaining two offenden who left the study before completion were members of the treatment group. In both cases, it was muhially agreed that withdrawal fiom the study would be best. In the fht case, the resident was of borderhe intelligence. It became evident during the course of the initial interview that he did not understand the purpose of the study, and was unable to give fully informed consent to participate. The resident made it clear that he had no wish to be involved in the study, and was therefore excluded nom the project. In the second case, it was evident that the resident was unwilling to engage in any fonn of meaningful personal discussion. He indicated that he had agreed to participate in the study in order to have the appearance of "cooperating with institutional programming".

When it was explained that he would in no way be penalized if he chose not to

participate, he opted to discontinue (after the third session). Three new participants were

recruited for the second phase of the study (to replace the drop-outs). Requests hm

participants to transfer fkom control to treatment group were refused. One participant was

transfmed fiom the control to the treatment group at the request of the Chief

Psychologist of the institution. Although this transfer threatened to compromise the

integrity of group equivaiency, the clinical and ethicai concems were deemed suniciently serious to merit the transfer. No appropnate substitutes were available in the institution at the the(potential candidates ail had sentences which were too short), thus removal of the resident fiom the study was not a preferred option. With the exception of the one transfer, there was no attrition fiom either treatment or control group during the second phase, thus rnaintaining a total N of 40.

Procedure:

Each group of participants atîended an orientation session, during which the purpose of the study was explained, as well as the requirements for participation. Of the

45 residents approached, 43 agreed to participate. Two control group members refused to participate in the study: one because he had been told he was tramferring to another institution, the second because he felt his English was not adequate. Three assessrnent sessions were conducted, each IO weeks apart. Consent forrns were completed by di

participants pnor to their involvement in the study (Appendix B). The assessments (self-

administered questionnaires) were conducted in a group setting. Each assesment session

lasted approximately forty minutes (with a range of 25-65 minutes, depending on the

reading abilities of the participants). Treatment consisted of solution-focused individual therapy, offered over ten weeks. The sessions were 45-60 minutes long, with one session per week. Treatment was conducted in two phases, to accommodate scheduling requirements of the institution. Conditions of the two treatment groups were identical with the exception of one significant occurrence. A 10 week labour dispute occurred during the fim phase of treatment. A short survey was administered to study participants

(Appendix C) following the strike, to assess the effects (if any) on the residents.

Treatment was offered in addition to any services cmently ongoing at Brookside.

The rnajority of the participants continueci with their regularly scheduled bi-weekly visits with their social workers, as well as fully participating in the academic and sports programmes. Thus, the only structural difference between the treatment and control group was the presence of solution-focused therapy.

At the beginning of each treatment session, participants were asked to complete a brief mood report, rating how their day was going, and how the week had been in general

(see Appendix D). A correctional officer (in most cases the participant's key worker) and a teacher were asked to complete behaviour ratings of each research participant coinciding with the three assesment perhds. The raters wmnot informeci of the status of study participants (treatment versus control). Aithough they all kwthat residents they were involved with were participating in the study, very few seerned aware of the difference between the treatment and control conditions. The therapist kept detailed progress notes, for the sake of record keeping and to serve as a reference to measure progress at the end of the study. Each note detailed the goals of the session, the exercises completed, and the therapist's impressions of the session. Offender files were read and any Behaviour Reports (formai disciphary records) accumulated during the course of the study were noted. The hrst and last session with each offender were audio recorded, and these recordings, combined with weekly session notes, were rated for therapeutic integrity (the degree to which the therapist adhered to the solution-focused model) by an extemal reviewer. A copy of the therapeutic integrity rathg index is provided in

Appendix E. Thus, evaluations on client progress were collected f?om the following sources:

1) Client's subjective evaluation of progress (measured weekl y)

2) Objective measures of client progress (psychometric evaiuation)

3) Key worker ratings of offender's behaviour and attitude

4) Teacher ratings of offender's behaviow and attitude

5) Therapist evaluation of client progress (content analysis of progress notes) 6) Review of offender files for BR'S (Behaviour Reports for unacceptable behaviour)

7) Evaluation of clinical notes and audiotapes for therapeutic integrity by extemal reviewer

Criteria for Selection of Measures:

Measures were selected on the basis of: psychornetnc validity, relevance to theory, applicability to young offenders, appropriateness for outcome research, readability, ease of completion, and administration tirne. Any individuds with difficulties in reading were offered the oppominity to have the questions read to them. Identical instruments were &en out at each assesment, with minor adaptations to the Solution-

Focused Questionnake . A list of research instruments used in the study is provided in

Table 3. Copies of the Solution-Focused Questionnaires and full descriptions of the test instruments used in the study are supplied in Appendix F.

Data Analysis

The effectiveness of solution-focused therapy was assessed through a number of means. A surnmary of these methods is provided in Table 4. Table 3

Research Instruments Used in the Studv

Participants nieoreticai Constnicts Measured

Jesness Behavior Checklist Scales related to subsequent arrests - Recidivism Scales (anger control, unobtrusiveness and conformity)

Achenbach Youth Self Report Behaviour/cognition related to delinquency (aggressive behaviour, social problems, attention problems, thought problems, delinquency)

Test of Self Conscious Affect Guilt, shame, exîemaiization of blame, detachment

Carlson Psychologicd Survey Chernicd abuse, thought disturbance, antisocial tendencies, selfdepreciation

Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory Self-estecm

Solution Focused Questionnaire Perceived contml over life, optimisrn, ability to solve problems, relationship with family, progress in solving problems, likelihood of accessing future counseihg

Correctional Officer

Jesness Behavior Checklist Scales associated with recidivism - Observer Fonn (Recidivism scaie) (anger control, unobtrusiveness and conformity)

Teacher Report Fom (TRF) B ehavioudcognition related to delinquency (aggressive behaviour, social problems, attention problems, thought problems, delinquency)

Teacher

Jesness Behavior Checklist (Recidivism Scale -Observer Fonn) Teacher Report Form (TRF) Table 4

Source of Evaluation Analysiq

Offender self-report data Multivariate analysis of covariance (over 3 assessrnent periods) - eliminates any potentiai group differenc es - guards against regression to the mean - pools the degrees of fkeedom, increasing the power of the test

Client self-evaiuation Graphed over tirne (measured weekly)

Extemal rater's evaluation Multivariate analysis of covariance (Correctional Officers, Teachers)

Extemal rating of progress notes and Rated for therapeutic integris. according to audio tapes pre-determined criteria

In accordance with the recommendations of Kraemer, Kraemer and Fawcett

(1996) a multivariate analysis of covariance was used to assess change in individuals over time. This method was selected over a repeated rneasures technique because it guards against regression to the mean, and pools the degrees of fieedom, thereby increasing the power of the test. This is especially important given the relatively smaii sample size in this study.

Qualitative data (extracted from comments on self-report forms, or excerpts of therapy sessions) were used to illustrate the hdings derived fkom the quantitative analysis. Specific demographic idonnation was collected (e.g., length of sentence, IQ scores, LSI scores, presence or absence of a learning disability) for use in assessing the equivalency of groups, and in identimg potential correlates with successful outcomes. CHAPTER SEVEN

A DESCRIPTION OF THE PROGRAMME

The programme developed for this research project was based on a number of commonly used solution-focused techniques (de Shazer, 1985; Berg, 1991; Miller, 1994;

Dolan, 1991) and incorporated exercises designed specXcally to address the ne& of young offenders. Ideally, with the solution-focused approach, clients define theû own treatrnent goals. With a young offender population, this rnay not be appropnate, since goals identified rnay be highiy antisocial or criminogenic in nature. It is important, then, that the therapist and client work collaboratively to identify goals which are mutually acceptable. The therapist rnay have to work to rekea client's goals - helping hlln or her understand how the desired end result rnay be reached through socialiy appropriate means. For example, many clients wiil deny that they have substance abuse problems, or indicate that their substance abuse does not have a detrimental effect on their lives, despite sirong evidence to the contrary. In such situations, it is appropriate that the therapist gains consent to discuss these issues, using the client's identified goals as a vehicle for tackling such concerns. In a particular case, a client rnay Say that he wants to leam to be a better father. He rnay claim that he does not feel he has a substance abuse problem, nor feel ready to give up his criminal lifestyle. Within a general discussion about leaming to be a better parent, the therapist rnay bring up issues such as dependability, availability, role rnodelling and support, and discuss the effects of hg use/criminaI iifwle on such factors. Thus the client may realize that these are areas

which need to be addressed, and be willing to look in more depth at the ramifications of

such behaviours. The aim of the therapist is not to tell clients what they need to change,

but to work collaboratively to enable them to understand the ingredients of success.

A Detailed Description of the Ten Sessions:

The treatrnent programme consisted of 10 sessions of counsehg, one per week

with each session lasting approximately 45-60 minutes. The context of each session

varied fkom client to client, dependkg on the issues which were brought forward for

discussion. A general plan was drawn up for each session, to ensure that the therapist was clearly following the solution-focused approach. The order or ernphasis of each

session varied greatly, depending upon the needs of the client. An outline is provided for the 10 sessions, to give a generd impression of the types of exercises/issues which were addressed during treatment sessions. Case examples are presented, to illustrate to qualitative nature of the counselling. Names and specific details relating to the offenders' lives have been altered, to preserve confidentiality. Creative writing pieces remah in their original fom, with potentially identi-g sections omitted. Al1 prose and artwork is included with permission of the authorslartists. me Initial Interview:

The goal of the initial interview is to form a cooperative relationship with the

client, and orient him or her toward solution (MiUer, 1994). The fïrst few minutes of the

session are generally spent getthg to know the client. Inquines are made as to his

adjustment to the institution, his relationships with staff and fellow residents, and his

feelings about being incarcerateci. ORen the offender is asked about the cucumstances

which fed to his arrest, and his current feelings about the onence. Since many of the

clients are 'Yherapy veterans," a few minutes are spent outlining the solution-focused

approach, with emphasis to the collaborative nature of the relationship.

The method used for orienting the client toward change is to ask an "outcorne"

question. An exarnple of such an exercise is the "miracle question7' (de Shazer, 1985):

Suppose tonight, after our session, you go home, go to bed, and fa11 asleep and, while you are sleeping, a miracle happens. The miracle is that al1 the problems that brought you here today are solved! But you don? know that the miracle has happened because you are asleep. When you wake up tomorrow moming, what wiil be some of the 6st things that you will notice that will be different that will tell you that the miracle has happened? (Ibid., p.5)

By asking this type of question, one forces the client to imagine the specific details of how things would be different if everything was going well. By examinùig very closefy the behavioural bases of this change, one starts forming a concrete pian of what the client needs to do in order to make the desired changes. Throughout this

exercise, clients are asked "what else?", encouraging them to expand and ampli@ their

description of what they wouid like to be different. The more detailed the description, the

more understanding clients have of how to gain their desired goals.

Throughout this exercise, the client is asked a series of questions that shape the evolving description into srnall, specific, achievable, behavioural terms (Berg, 1991).

Examples of such questions are provided below:

What will be the smallest sign that the miracle has happened?

Who will be the first to notice the changes?

When you are no longer in trouble with the law, what will your f?iends/family members notice about you that wili tell them a change has happened?

What do you know about yourself (things fiom your pst, or things about yourself) that tells you this could happa for you? (Miller, 1994, p.6)

Clients are dso asked to think about exceptions, that is, instances of tMes in the past, or in their curent iives, where aspects of the mimcle currently are, or have, taken place:

Tell me about the times when pieces of the miracle you have been describing are aiready happening? What is different about those times? (Ibid., p.6) Many times people notice in between the time they make the appointment for therapy and the first session thaî things start to improve. What have you noticed about your situation? @id., p. 7)

Scaling questions are often used toward the end of the session to help the client

assess, in concrete ternis, progress as measured against a baseline:

On a scale fiom "1 to 10" where "1" is when this situation was at its worst and a "10" being the day afler the miracle, where would you Say you are today? (Ibid.5 p.7)

Scaling questions are also used to help break large tasks dom into manageable

chunks:

You said you were a 4 on the scde today, what would it take for you to move one notch up the scale? (Ibid., p.7)

An integral part of the solution-focused approach is the continuous provision of

feedback that invites and facilitates change. Toward the end of the first session, a break is taken, foilowed by a formal "feedback" session. In general, the message begins with positive feedback about what the client is doing right. Often between the time that the offender is charged and actualiy sentenced in court, he initiates positive change (i.e., cutting down on dmgs). Such initiatives are highhghted and the offender is complimented on aiready taking steps to get "on the nght track." Thus change is identified not as sornething which must begin, but rather, as a process which the offender has already initiated independently. Areaç of difficuliy are identified ("bridgingy')and a task is generally assigned to facifitate change. The nature of the task varies dependhg on the degree of cornmitment of the client to the therapeutic process. Miller (1994) descnbes clients as being "visiton," "complaiuants" or "customers". If the client is a

"customer," an expiicit behavioural or action-onented task is recommended. If the client is a complainant, a more passive or ambiguous task is assigned - thinking about or observing something. If the client is merely visiting, a task may not be appropriate, but rather positive feedback and an invitation to retum for mother session are recommended.

(Miller, 1994, p. 8-9).

If a client appears particularly reluctant to engage in conversation, or has difficulty responding to the "miracle" question, an additional exercise was designed to help engage the client in the therapeutic process:

You must be tired of having to merso many questions for so many different people. I bet you are uncornfortable with the idea of genuig into this again with yet another therapist !

If the client acknowledges this to be the case, a role reversd may be suggested:

1imagine with al1 of the experience you have ha& and the number of institutions you have been in, you get quite good at recognizing which residents will be coming back, and who is most likely to stay out of trouble after release. Do you fhd, in your experience, that there are certain behaviours or attitudes that you see in guys who you know are coming back? What are they? At this point, it is often useful to do a de-playing exercise, with the client playing the therapist, and the therapist playing a variety of residents, ranging nom '%ad apple" to "sincere and motivated to change." Mer each deplay, the C'tberapist"@layed by the client) is asked to rate, on a scale of 1-10 how likely he feels it is that the "client" inte~ewedwill reoffend. A discussion is held on how a Werapist" recognizes recidivists versus non-recidivists. At the conclusion of the exercise, the client is asked to rate himself, based on his current attitude and behaviour, on whether he tbinks he will be a recidivist or someone who is able to turn his Iife around. OAen this exercise motivates the client to enter into a detailed discussion on what needs to be done in order to ensure he does not remto custody. The role playing exercise may be followed up with a couple of questions:

What did you, as a therapist, feel when you hterviewed the '%ad" client?

How did you feel when you interviewed the motivated guy?

What do you think it would take for you, the therapist, to get the %ad ass" guy to work with you?

The goal of this exercise, is to encourage the client to clearly visualize success, within the confines of the custodial setting, and to use his own wisdom to determine which rnethods would be most successfbl with a client such as himself, An Example of an Initiai Intemew:

Hunk war sentenced to 24 months for aggruvated arsault. He hm a Zengthy record of break and enters, as well us a history of aggression. He describes his violent outbursts as the result of a very shortfuse - almost an uncontrolled reflex. An immigrant to the country, Hank dacnM1beshis upbringng as dzflcult. He never hm hisfather, and he witnessed his mothm working long hard days nt menial jobs in order to eam a few dollars. He recalls feeling angry and resentful when,a? the end of the day, his mother was too exhausted to spend time with him. In hU native counhy. Hunk remembers being cotporaZly punished ut school for fniling to read. As a small boy, he war huent& picked on by the other childm He recalls going home am school andpunching uncontrollably at a punching bag to reliore hisjiwstration As he gmolder, he continued to have severe academic d~~culties,and eventually dropped out of school. He managed to gain the "respect " of his peers by beating up on other kidsJ and being the "heavy. " Encouraged by his new fmnd source ofpower, Hank regularly attended the gym,where he pumped weights to improve his physique. At 19, hkis an ertremely mucular young man with a quick smile. and a cheerfil disposition. He has a reputationfor having an explosive temper. When he was on the outside, instead of attending school. where hefound he could not concentrate. he stayed at home and began diinking. He fel2 into a pattern of criminal behaviour, both to fiance his drinking, as well as to provide himer with a source ofpower and excitement. During the initial interview, Hank wm chee@l and outspoken. Cleurly it was very dzflcult for him tofocus on any one taskfor an extended period of time. Despite his obvious restlessness, Hank was able to provide a detailed list of things which hefelt needed to change in orderfor his Ive to go better:

1. He would not be in mtody, lie would be at home with his family.

2. He would be going to school - he commiîted all of his B & E S during the day. with other dropouts - when in school, he tends to stay out of trouble

3. He would know how to read - with this skill, he would have a better understanding ofthe world, not feel so lost - he feels funous when he thinh of people being discriminated against because they cannot read

4. He would not be such a heavy drinkw or smoker 5. He would not feel su stressed out by howing that people are talrhng about him at home - many unstable people attach themselves to him - they spread nimours about him, which upsets Hank very much

6. He would no? have a huge reputation - as a "heavy " - he would keep to himselJ go to work, go ?O movies on hù night OB - he would not spend so much time involved in other people's trouble - his reputntion rnakes him want tofight

7. He would have better control of his anger -not get so angry that he wants to hurt people

8. He would be a good father (no? a drunkard) - he thinkr about his father a lot. He does not know what being a good father rneam - he feels sick when he sees the pefect families on T.Y.

9. He wouldn 't have to borrow rnonqv - he hates the feeling of owing anything to anybudy

IO. He would develop some long range plans for himeIf; not jwt [ive day-by-day

II. He would be able tu Say no tu people - th& way he wouldn 't triple book himselfinto things, and then let people down

12. He would be tmstworthy -would follow through on things he promised to people @ep appointments, etc.)

13. He would keep out of trouble

Hank was complirnented on the detail which he was able to provide in the exercise. Despite his outward appearance of being happy and carefre, he cleurly had a great many ureas of concern. Hank responded by describing himselfar someone who outwardly smiles dlthe tirne, but who never smiles on the inside. Based on his answer to the miracle question, a number of concrete treatment goals were established: 1. Address hu substance abuse problem

2. Address his criminogenic thinking

3. Do some ange management training - dealing with the sources of his anger (childhood (periences, being illiterate, anger toward parents)

4. Identzfi non-aggressive ways offeelingpoweq5il and respected - learning to read & ocquiring job skills

5. Conrider more deeply the impact of hk actions on others - particuZarZy hk family

6. Discuss what it means to be a father - develop an understanding of what appropriate parenting Zooks like - help him to understand how he can be a responsible parent

7. Encourage Hank not to 'Mut out" thoughts about his past. but to process them and leant Porn them

8. Work on deveioping healthy and respectful relationships with others

For his first tu& Hank was asked to think about rimes in the past when he did things that he wer proud of; but which were not illegal or aggressive. Through the course of Hank's therapI the theme of illiteracy continuall'y arose, with discussions on thefeelings offNÎtration andpowerlessness which accornpany it. A number of disa(ssions were heid on the link between hyperactivity, and underachievement in school. For thefirst time, Hank considered the possibiliq that he may be capable, but simply need support in order to achieve his goals. The idea of consulting with a psychiarnstI previously insulting to Han4 became something that he wamed to as he learned tht there was a possibility of dng intervention to assist in his leurning. Afler a consultation with the consultingpsychiahist, he was prescribed Ritalin, and experienced a remarkable transformation in his ability to concentrote and follow a line of thoughtfor an extended period of tirne. For thefirst time Hank was able tu think through his problems. and clearly articulate poientiai solutions. On discharge. he had been working individuaIZy with a reading instnrctor, and was qüite pleased with hir progress. ûn the last interview, we discussed how it would feeZ to walk into an employment office and be able tu complete his own fonn. His plans were to continue on the Ritalin, find a dayjobI and enrol in a special education course for adults during the evening. The case of Hank is an interesthg one because it demonstrates quite clearly how crucial it is to have client involvement in goal setting. Because he had a goal of leaming to read, Hank was open to investigating ways of improving his leaming skills, including consultation with a psychiatrist, a circurnstance which previously he had refused to consider. The rich detail which arose £hmthe miracle question enableci the therapist to see Hank's life through his unique perspective. A Link was established within the fïrst hou of therapy which provided a wealth of matenal to work with during subsequent sessions. Most important, Hank realized that he knew what had to be done in order to initiate positive change. Instead of being told what he needed to do to straighten out,

Hank found hunself in the position of sharing his hopes and aspirations with someone who supported and understood his goals. Although the steps Hank initiated were only a beginning, Hank recognized them as signincant.

The Second Session:

The goal of the second session was to identify and build on exceptions - pexïods of time when the problem was not present. Clients were asked to identify relationships, activities or behavioun which they felt were good for them and worth building on. By eiiciting, amplifying, and reinforcing positive changes which the client has made, the client is encouraged to maintain these changes, and to build on them. Often offenders will have a difficdt time identimg anythuig positive which has happened to them during the week It is the job of the therapist to dig, and pick out the mallest thing which

the client feels he did weii. An attempt is made to identify concrete behavioural changes

which wouid be the marks of success. Leaming to recognize srnail successes, and to

build on them, becomes the challenge of the client.

An exercise which is used to as& the client in identifjmg the particular actions

and behaviours that accompany success is termed "Recognizing Signs of Success." In this exercise, the therapist acts as the interviewer, and açked specific questions of the client's fiiends or family members (role played by the client). Al1 of the questions revolve around the issue of recoguizing when the offender is "on track." Often the client enjoys inte~ewinghis own fiiends or family members (played by the therapist) to detemiine the impact that positive changes (on the part of the client) have on them personally:

Joe, I'd Wre to do an exercise with you. How are your acting skills? Often when people make changes, they are the last to notice. It cmbe helpful to involve other people, to obsenre and comment on which changes are happening, and what the effects on others are. I'd like you to play the role of your mother (father, brother, fn'end, girlniend). I wili interview you, and ask you how you know when Joe is on track, or off the rails. The point of this exercise is to identiQ how the people who are closest to you know when you are doing well. Mer that, you can be the interviewer, and 1'11 play your family members. This exercise can quite enjoyable, as therapist and client take artistic licence in

playing the various roles. It is useful in that it clearly deliverç the message that actions

have a x-ipple effect on others, and changes are noticeable, however smali.

Case Esample:

Jeff was a quiet, angry looking young man who wore a permanent scowl. He wm sening six months for a senes of break and enters. Within the institution, he had dz%ficuZtiesadjusting, fiequently getting intofights with fellow residents. Stafldescribed him as having a chip on his shoulder, ssice hefiequently addressed them in a rude or disrespectfd manner. Prior to incarceration, Jefl resided with his father and steprnother. Jeff holds a strong desire to meet his naturd rnother, but feels uncomfortable bringing the subject up at home. Jeff hm a dzflcult time with schooi, and gives up easily when fiuîtrated. He describes himse@salways angry, and ashomed. He hm a serious substance abuse problem, and daims he spent a great dea2 of the lutyear of his lge being high. He yeam to do things he con be proud of; and win back the respect of his father. He says that he feels trapped inside of himself: always dweUing on the bad things he has done. He wishes that he could befiee of his angry thoughts, and be able to be open with others. Jeff responded partzrtzcularlywell to the 'Zecognizing Signs of Success" erercise. He said that he had been thinking a great deal about the way he hm treated his father, and for that reason, chose tofocur on a confrontation the two of them had jwt pnor to his incarceration. Jeff played his father, and requested that the therapist be he. nie scenario was enacted îwice, once with Jeff being high, and once when Jèfwas straight. Jeff wusuprised by the emotions he felt as thefather. Instead of being uncaring and aloof; Jeff realked that his father felt guilty and powerless about his inability to guide his son. When his father tried to tulk things over, "high " Jeff dismissed him in o disrespectful manner. The second situation, that of the 'Straight " son, went much more smoothly. Although awkward, Jeffs father (still pZayed by Jen was able to express his concents to his son without being yelled nt. The roles were switched, and Jeff tried to explain to his father that he did care, and did not want to hurt him anymore. In subsequent sessions, the theme offamily was central. Jeff am'ved at one session quite pleased with himself: It had been Mothers ' day on the weekend, and he had initiated a conversation with his stepmother about his natural mother. Jefffeelt quite good about the conversation, as he did not offen have close ta2h with his stepmother. J@ inteniewed hisfamily mem bers over the phone, askingfor details of how they know when he ir drugFee and doing well. For the first time he appreciated thefull impact of his behavravrmron others. His confidence Msibly increared as each week Ire reported the steps he had takm to graduallly win back his father 2 mt. When complimented on such initiatives, Jishowed obvious physical discornfort, stating that he was no? used to hearing anything positive about himeIf: During one session, he volunteered that he played a musical imtmment. He accepted an invitation to pe$om, and revealed himse&zs a talented murician. During hik trectment, he chose tofom on a number of imporîant issues: his relationship with his family; hk desire to increase to number of things which he is able tofeelproud of;.Zearning to express his feelings in sociall'y appropriate ways; leuming to deal with anger; ddoping a healthier lifestyle; and recognizing when his approach with others is e~ectiveiïnoffective.He made signzpcant progress on ail of these goals, as well as identrfiing additional areas which he wanted to work on.

The ;ïliird Session:

The goal of the third session is to create a bndge to the present. Many young offenders have histories of neglect or abuse. Their actions are often expressions of anger or hstration, an acting out of the powerlessness or shame which they felt as children.

Since many of them have histories of repeated failure- in relationships, school, and employment, they often find it difficult to recognize any progress which might have been made. For those who are recidivists, the sense of failure may be quite profound. Once incarcerated, the excitement and feeling of power which accompanied their antisocial acts are quickly replaced by depression and a deep sense of personal failure. Some offenders mask this depression through a carefkee, flippant attitude, others may act in an antisocial manner within the institution. In order to turn their Lives around, it is necessary for many of the residents to put their pasts in perspective, identifjhg the actions of their abusers as separate fiom themselves, and as something undeserved. Identimg the anger which stems fiom mdtreatment, and the behavioural consequences which often resuit fkom it cm be quite usehl for many young offenders. For many, this session provides an opportunity to transform their roIes hm'%ctim" to "suMvor," and to retiame mernories of help Iessness, powerlessness, and passivity to an understanding of courage, determination, and tenacity. Clients vary greatly in the degree to which they want to discuss their pasts. Some express a strong need to tell their stories, whereas others may simply want to focus on the fuhue. Whichever is the case, the client's wishes must be respected. In this particular session, an exercise entitled "A bridge to the present" (Dolan,

1995) was used. It offered an opportunity for client's to tell their story, by encouraging them to write down their mernories of events in their past which were significant in their identity formation. Clients were asked to identiS> both positive and negative events, and during the session, this list was reviewed, with emphasis on identiwg the inner strengths that enabled them to endure their hardships. Thus an opporhmity is provided to the client to shift the focus away from shame and self blame and move toward recognizing the courage of a child that endures abuse.

Case Example:

Shane retumed to Brookside for his second residency. He had a history of acting impulsively, endangering the [ives of others. During htF stay, he hud a number of dz%ficuZtiesgetting along with his peers, and specific stafmembers. Always jovial and taïkative. he had dficulties understanding when he had crossed Zimitr in interpersonal situations. He refured tu tuke others seriouîly, and newr provided a straight answer to questions which were posed to hirn. He seemed to derive plearure in imITZtutingor fnLî~atingworkers who had been assigned to him. Afer a few sessions of counselling, Shnne settled down somewht. He had great dz@ulties accepting any compliments which were given to him, mumbling under his breath thnt 'No one ever tuikd to him that way. "At one point when he war beingpraisedfor completing an assignment exce@oaally well, he broke down and started crying. men usked whether he would iike to do the "History tuking" exercise. SShan said thut ifhe had time he might. He was asked tojot down any events which had occirned in his life which he thought were sign1j7cant in making hirn the person he is today. Since he had mentimed that his writing skiZZs were quite weak, Isuggested that ifhe thought it was easier, he could simplyjot ideas down in point fom, or remember the points in his head. nenext week Shane arrived with a carefully Menmunuscript which he had entitled "My life. " Included in this document was a detailed account of iris childhood experiences. A few excevts are provided below:

The reason I'm wrïting th& is because 1want tu read this when I'm really old and look back on kow my life started and turned out from bad to good .. . When I was between II and 13 years old Igot beaî a lot by my step-da& He used to beat me reguïarly, on a number of occasions 1 had to go to the hospita&1 used tu have bowelproblents su every time something happened lgot beaL lgot beat up by Rim spanking me with a 2' x 4': He woufd wet my ass and hit me about nine times before 1 worrld be able tu pull mypants up. So I stole a bunch of his strff to get men. Everything I could get my han& on that was kis. Getting beat with a piece of wood was noihing compareif to getthg an Vonpot over the heud and being strangled to almost unconscious. 1Iink the worst wuwhen he beat the shit out of me on my back because my back was black and blue so 1coufd bareiy walk To this duy 1have to doback workouts because If1 don 't my back willgive out and lprobably wrll never walk again. 1know this because 1aimost happened tu me in minimum custody. 1Ihad to stay in bed for two weeks and take pain Hers because 1never did my back exercises. My mom stood up to my stepfther when he beat me. 1think she was afiaiîi of him, but ai the same tirne, was afruid IO leave him 1offen acted bad and -le fiom my stepfather tu get oren with him and to keep him Rom picking on my mother. If Z was the bad guy, my stepfather woufdn't be mad at my mother .. . Some duys I sii here in my bed and feel sorry for myseif because I've Iiad so many chances in my fve to stan over. 1screwed up my reWonsh@ with [a @ru, 1fosï my job because my power went out and 1slept in. In the country you have to be there on time or don 't conte at all because you need to be dependable. . .I daydreum a lot so maybe that's why I don 4 get a lot of *done because Idream of dreams that will never come &UR The one dream rhat wiZ hopefully come m

The degree of candour in Shane's "life history" is quite remarkable, given his history of denial and noncornpliance. Although one might be tempted to challenge the accuracy or veracity of his clairns, such an action would not be in line with the solution- focused approach. The goal of this therapy is not to "help" the client to see things through the therapists eyes, but rather, for the therapist to join with the client's reality. In cases where a client articulates antisocial or criminal sentiment, the job of the therapist is to understand the motivations of the client, and attempt to unveil alternative (and prosocial) behavioural choices which result in client bbsuccess". in the above example,

Shane was clearly able to articulate the sources of his anger, as well as identifymg the antisocial manner in which he expresses bis rage. In this single exercise, Shane opened the door to candid discussions about his past. When refehg to his aggressive responses to his father, Shane stated: Whoever Ifought 1ripped tlieir heu& off and picture my stepdad dying in blood and gore. 1ïoved thefeeling at the time but now I think I have grown up a lot and thought tliings out better. Here Shane provided the opening to discussions about change. He signalled a recognition of the inappropriateness of his response, and a readiness to change. Through the course of therapy, Shane came to realize that he wore the mask of someone who was cocky, loud, and arrogant in an attempt to gain aîtention and be recognized. By going out of his way to hitate people, he would gain their undivided attention. When he opened up and candidly discussed his feelings, he proved to be a iikeable, sensitive and thoughtful young man who was stniggling to hdhis place in the world. To succeed, Shane reaiized that he would have to learn to express his feelings in sociaIIy appropriate ways. This included taking responsibility for the role he plays in înitiating difficulties he has with others and allowing himself to trust others. For Shane, the first few steps he took in opening up during the course of therapy were the initial steps he needed to take to get his iife on track. He was congratulated on having the courage and the twtto staa making such change. At the end of the ten-week session, Shane was transferred to a minimum security institution. He was extremely unhappy about having to go there since he had a track record of poor adjutment in such institutions. He was convinced that he would be shipped back to maximum security within a period of a few days, as was the case in past experiences. At the six month follow-up, Shane had been released hmopen custody after a successful residency, with no record of additional charges or institutional misconduct. The Fourth Session:

The goal of the fourth session was to help clients understand how their actions

(both past and present) are related to their feelings. ui this session, a graph was drawn charting client feehgs and behaviours over tirne (for an example, see Figure 3).

Figure 3

Graph of Client Feelings and Behaviours Over Time

How Well Things Are Going(~=bad,lOmgood)

1 2 -- i ! O' - 2 yrs ago Prior to Arrest Now 1 year from Time Frame - Fam ily - School - Orugs - Phyetcal Health - Self Eateem œ Crime -J- Frlende

j Orug Uee & Crlme (Ovtone,lO=heavy) Often offenders get into patterns of maladaptive behaviours. Like scratched

records which continually play the same piece over and over, they have difficulty kding

alternative behaviours to substitute for the maladaptive ones. Most often, these

individuah have areas in their lives where they have succwsfiilly used prosocial

behaviours, but they are often unable to identify such occurrences. The focus of everyone

around them may have, for many years, been on everything that they are doing that is

''wrong" instead of building on those areas which are ''nght." Understanding the

situations or circumstances which initiate antisocial or maiadaptive behaviour, as well as

highlighting situations which promote heaithy actions is crucial to treatment success.

Toward the end of the session, clients were asked to identify someone who they admire,

and would consider a role model. A detailed list was made of the positive qualities of

this person, with specific reference to how he or she hande3 troublesome situations. For

the weekly task, clients were asked to pick a day during the week, and to "be" that person they admired. Tnis involveci interacting, behaving, and thinking in a way which they believe their role models would behave. They were then asked to notice how others reacted to them when they changed their behaviour, and ask their fiiends whether they noticed any changes. Case Example:

Kurt came into nrrtodyfdowing a srnies of break and enfers. Within thefirst fm weeks of residency, he had created a reptation as a trouble maker. Hefiequently bullied the other residents, was deto stag und dento11stmted a complete inability to follow rules. He hud accumulated a number of Behuviour Reports (imtitutiond misconduct notes). Staffforwarded concerns about his mental state, and express& the opinion that perhaps Kurt sufferedfiom some fonn of leuming disability, since he appeared to be unable to learn fiom his rnistakes or follow any of the basic nJes of the institution. KWt ran into dzFculty, falling into patterns of bullying, imubordination and lack of cooperation. It becume clear that Kurt wm in need of additional treahnent services. Initially in the control group, Kurt was ham$med into the treatment group rather than being disqualz~edfiomthe study entirely. &During thejîrst two sessions, he related well individually, but continued to hase djîcultitier in the raidence. The third session ocmeci early at Kurt 5r request. Stafffelt Ae was in crisis, and supported his request During this session, Kurt did the 'felnting actions tofeelings" exercise. Following this session, a drarnatic shift in both behaviour and attitude ocnrrred. Kurt suddenl'y demonstrated a willingness to cooperate, and an ability tofunction within the system. He starteid cooperating with stafi hzk bullying behaviotrr stopped, and he rose in rank on the housepoints list. His insubordination was replaced by good humour and cooperation. Kurt worked with the theropist to chart hi&attitude and behaviours over the previous 18 months. He identifed four significant dates, and we charted his progress dong a number of dimensions over th& tirne period: dmg use, involvement in crime, relationship with mother, relationship with father, fien&, girls, school, mental health, andphysical health. After discussing the state of affairs in each of these categories over the four tirne periods, they were graphed, with lines connecting eachfactor over time. Suddenly Kurt was able to understand how hLF actions were a refection of hisfeelings. Many of thesefeelings were a direct result of his behoviour. îlrough the graphing exercises, Kurt wcrî able to identzfi the incidents which initiated his duwnward slide. In contrast, he was able to clearly idennfi those actions which appeared linked to success - with his family, fien&, social and acodemic lif. Despite his initial dzficulties adiusting to custody, Kurt rad made some significant progress. He Lod been unable to recognize these due to hi$ constant acting out. In the initial part of the session, Kurt claimed that he did not care about anything, and therefore did not try to do well. He was told that the staflat his old unit thought he might be leaming disabled, because he seemed to make the same rnistakes over and mer. This wm presented as an apparent paradox, ssice outwardly he appeared to be bright and capable. Kurt pointed out that he hm started to improve at the end of his stay, and attributed thù to thefact that he had starîed trying. He set a goal for himselfthat week - to earn back his prïvileges, and not get any BehaMour Reports. He agreed to continue graphing his progras, so that there would be an accurute gauge of how he wudoing. Kurt seemed quite hap~to have recognition thhe wm capable of doing weU, and seemed detennined to prove it. By the end of the tenth session. he had rwied tltings around, and stayed troublefiee. FFolwing the end of the programme, Kurt 's behaviour once again plummeted. After a fmv weeks, he was able to tum things around. A letter was receivedfiom him the day b@re he trunsferred to a drug rehabilitation programme in an open mtody setting:

.. .Isent the letter tu my mother [NI which he 4xpfained how he redly feIt - that he loved her and no longet biamed her for driving away his fmiier, but recogniwd that she did what she needed to do to protect hersevand her chiïdren fiom his Ilouse] Her response to the letter was very surprtsing, stie came up and visited me ffor fhejirst timej Can you believe th&! Afler you Iefi [ihe ten-week session hod ended] I made top of my house in points! Wow! I wm shocked by myself. .. I mean, who would have thoaght of me as being number one! To te22 the truth, 1miss Our sessions together. They were evev bit he@_firL1 fearned things that I would not even have thought dout until you brougiit it intofocus for me. "Thanks. " Oh, by the way, one day lem I'm gemig very dedbut I just keep in mind that I SMhave sir months to go in open custody. 17mt keeps me in perspective and keqs mefiom getting carried awq. But my new monoJiom now on Ls "lliink hard work even harder!" So by thinking that 1hope 1turn out afl n'ght Oh, I wrote a poem, teil me what you think

I see as the Eagle, ciear andfiom afar 1Iisten as the deer, head cocked and deri. ï think as the snake, silent and unblinking. 1waik as the panther, Iiihe and sinuous. 1crouch as the lion, muscled and ready. I kill as the mongoose, swzji and silen~ I die like a man. 1am the future.

P.S.- Ienclosed a cupy of my P.D.R. to show you whaî the court system has to say about me, and to show you how much 1have changed! The radical change which took place in this case was quite remarkable. A

"learning disabled" seemingiy dim-witted angry youth transformed into a sensitive, quick witted self-duected and articulate young man. Cleariy he stiii has a lot of work to do, as his temporary lapse into his old behaviour patterns demonstrated foliowing the termination of therapy. What is significant, though, is that Ku? was able to turn things around on his own volition, using his inner knowledge and wisdom to guide him. A simple senes of behavioural exercises helped to lay the initial stages of a mapping which would serve to guide him in the fuhue. For the first time in many years, Kurt started expenencing success, both at school, and in his relationships with otbers. He quite proudly showed off a copy of m assignrnent he had done in school on which he had received 10/10.

At six month follow-up, Kut had completed four rnonths of a drug treatment programme, and two months of open custody placement. He had no additional charges, and no record of institutional misconduct.

The Fifh Session

The goal of the fifth session was to examine relationships with peers, and to address criminogenic thinking, To begin this session, the role modelling exercise of the previous week was reviewed. As usual, the therapist asked about any positive changes that occurred over the week, but in this session, focussed specifically on any new changes which might have arisen hmthe role modelling exercise. To examine relationships with

peers and address criminogenic thinking, an exercise entitled 'Tublic self / Mvate self'

was canied out. Two pictures were drawn, the ktof an angry. sullen individual, and the

second, srnaller in size, of a smiling happy looking person. Cartoon characteristics of the

client were drawn in (glasses, curiy hair, etc.) to help clients realize that the pictures were

of them. Offenders were then asked to list the characteristics which described each of

these people. The label over the larger figure was c'criminal self," and the label over the

smaller figure was "good self." A detailed description was drawn up of each figure, with

descriptions covering the areas of peers, activities or behavious, relationship with

family, drug use, criminal activity, criminal thinking, and feehgs about self Mer a complete description was drawn up for each character, the offender was asked to rate what percentage they felt they were composed of these two characters. Ratings were done over tirne, with the ktat the of arrest, the second at the present, the third in six months nom now, and the fourth a year fiom now. The purpose of this exercise is to encourage offenders to examine themselves in terxns of the relationship between feelings and actions, and the influence which fiends have on such actions. It also helps oRenders to recognize, in memurable terms, that change is possible (especially in terms of criminal thinking and behaviour) and that these changes have a strong positive impact on family, fiiends, and feelings about self. Case Example:

Gordon was sentenced to 24 months a@ a failed attempt at robbery. He wed a gun in the offense, und injured his victim quite severely. Gord daims to have a serious substance abuseproblem. which he hm struggled with for a nurnber of years He suffers from chronic headaches. which he controls through large doses of Tylenol. Alienated fiom hik family. Gordon describes himserfas high smng and constantly angry. A perfectionist, he is seldom satisfied with either hù OMI pefonnance, or the actions of those around him. A large youth, lie has learned to gain power through intimidation and control. menpresented with the "Personal se~PublicSelf' exercise, Gordon chose to relaoel it as "Angry Gordon /Happy Gordon. " During th& exercise. heeprovided the following description of himep

An- Gordon HapGordon -wantr to havefun -SM out for a good time -th inh eveyîhing should be done his way - respect views of others -is always right, doesn 't listen - more approachable. laid-buck -doesn 't care whut happens to him - caras a great deal about his health - heov dnrg/alcohol use - no drugs (drinking?) -wilZing to hy anything; no judgement - takes responsibility for serand others -fights and argues a lot - reïuxed -doesn 't have feelings for others - bts offiends - uses people - tuks responsibility for others -unhappy most of the time - ~QPPY - looks for trouble - cares about people more -fnen&/grgrrlfiena3are bad navs - hangs aroundpeople who are goingptaces - is promiscuous - one girlfnend ut a time -girls always mad at hirn - lasstress - headed for adult penitentiary - headed in the right direction - criminal lifestyie - ut school/ working - scowls, angry posture - srniles when greets people - gels many tension heudaches - uptight

A Chart of Promess fier Time One year ago Janumy Now 2 years fiom now Bared on the above exercise, it war decided that a good gnuge of Gordon k progress would be the number of tension headaches he experhced and the number of Jghts he got into within a one weekperiod. He started to keep a ta& sheet, and wm surprised to see that, as he increused thefrequency of prosocial behaviour, he found ha headaches dramatically decreusing in ïntensity and number. By working at accepting people, not havïng to always be 'fight, " working out regularly. and using humour instead of aggmsion to dzme situations, Gordon war able to reduce hi$ headaches from two to three per day to two or three per weeki As he worked on changing his behaviour, he noticed a positive responsefrorn stufand other residents. Dunng hisfinal session, Gordon indicated that he was quite pZeused with his progress. He had worked his way to top of his house, and had recently refued an offer of dmgs. He indicated that he found he enjoyed coumeZZing, something which he had not tqected since he wmnot one to talk about his feelings. Fur thefirst time in six rnonths he went an entire week without a headache. We spoke about headaches us the signal that he was falling into his old patterns. Gordon was encouraged to continue working on his skiils by modelling himselfafter staff whom he respected. and making an effort to be open and forthright with his social worker.

The Skth Session:

The goal of the sixth session is to address addictions. Although this issue, like criminal mg,is an area which is addressed throughout the programme, until this point, much of the ernphasis has centred on helping the offender recognize that he actually has a problem with dnigs. The focus of the skth session is to find soiutions to the problem. This is done by focusing on periods of abstinence. These penods are used as blueprints for future behaviour. Clients are asked to examine periods of success in the past (no matter how small). The Question to be asked is not "What do I do to stop drinking" but rather, matactivities am 1 doing when 1 am not drinking, and how do 1 increase the fiequency of these activities?' (Miller & Berg, 1995). Case Enample:

Carl is a repeat offendm with an extensive criminal record. He is senring twelve monthsfor break and enter and breach ofprobation. He describes a pattern of behmavrourwhich involves extensive dmg abuse, and repeated break and enters. In his estimntion, hefzgures that he hm broken into over 200 homes in the lastfav years. Cari admits that ?te could barely imagine what life woutd be like without dnrgs. During hk first interview, he openly admitted that he did not feel there was much chance that he would stay offdmgs. In the part. he had told himseyhe would quit, but within a fav weeh of release was back into his old habits. Conceptually, C~rlunderstood the role which drugs played in causing him trouble, but practicali'y, he claimed that he did not have a due how tu quit. Carlfound it vay dficult to believe that he could succeed at anything (including quining drugs). He claimed that he would rather not cure. and not try at anything rather than riskfailing. He said that he did not how anyone who enjoyed theirjobs, and did not see the point in attending college fit meant having a dead-end iob. We spoke about the details of a dnrg-fre tif: going to school; playing sports; having apart4nejob; going on dates. Carl did no? know ifhe was able to do any of these things since he had never really applied himselj He nonnally quitted everything he started. The only thing which Cari could recall being good at was mnning. He remembered making thefinals in a race in grade eight, and recalls feeling quite pleased with himselfat the tinte. As therupy progressed, Carl started to take up mnning again. Instead of tuking phys-ed, he chose to mn circuits of the compound. He sta~edeach session by recounting how many laps he had progressed [o. Euch week. his rnileage increased signifcuntly. During the ten-week counselling programme, Carl addressed a number of critical issues: hi3 use of drugs and retated involvement in hina1activity; his rote within his famiiy and perceived inability to meet their erpectations; and the influence of his peers. Cari realized that ifhe were tu succeed, he would have to learn to nttract hhfather 's attention through socially appropriate ways. Two months ufer his releme, Carl wrote a letter which outlined the progress he had made:

... Yes it feels incredibly good to be free ut Iast. The most txcifingparts of it are the litile things, like grabbirtg a snack ouï of the fiidge denever Ipleuse, and listening tu whatever music Iplease, whenever 1 pleuse, however loud ipieusp. Because you and Ishared so much during my vacation at Brookside, 1feel Wsimportant fo bring you up to date on my progress on the outside. Fkt of dl, 1am oitending schooL 1 go to school only untii noon, so Ihave the ajYenoon ofl Lately appointments hmfilled th& tirne gap (probation officer, social worker, dmg counsellor). But I huve rJJ evening to go to the gym tu tun and I#? weights. Since my release 1have been spending huo or three liours lere every duy. Inow nrnfie milesper dqand l've improved my speed as weil as my di'sfuncp. I'm up to 6.7 minute miles. I would have nrn in the Teny Fox run but 1had tu go to work Yq,1 alreuùy have ajob. .. I'm a busboy. A @end of mine is a waitress thme and she hooked me up waii an interview with the boss. Needless to say Iaced the interview [ one of the exercises Carl worked on was a roleplay which focused on hundlingjob interviews]. So whai about the dope, you as&? We4 I'm off the sirit Isimply told my fnends that 1had corne to the decision afier months of considerdon and they ail seemed tu respect my decision Sume of them seem to admire it. So 1do see my oldfnends but not neariy QS ofin as I used to and when 1do it's not the same. I'nt dI a single man but thm wiïi change soon. There's so many girls at the gym, 1don? know where to begin. Iguess what 1am hying tu say Ls that I'rn doing exceptionuily welL Even better tliun I had qecfed Once again, thank-youfor your lie@, advice and insigh~1 Aad never even considered qrcinng dope untü 1began seeing you and that is whaî hm made the diffemce in my life. At our first or second session, I didn 't even open my mind to the possibifity. At our tenth, I was convinced that I had to quit dope in order to achieve my goals in life. Thonk-you!

Aithough the above letter was written only two mon& derrelease, it is encouraging to leam that Carl has managed to put so many hedthy practices into place.

Unlike previous releases, where he was released with many promises but within a few weeks had fallen back into his old habits, Cari worked out the details of this release in painstaking detail. He realized that to succeed, he had to start the changes while incarcerated. His ninning proved to be a measure of his detennination to plot a new path for himself. By starting with such a mal1 and simple idea, he was able to build on if and gradually felt the ripple efféct of positive attitude and behaviours which accompanied such change. Car1 ailowed heifto care about the runnjng, and in so doing, granted himself the permission he needed to start caring about his me. His ability to succeed in such a simple task as running help to give him the confidence he needed to attack other areas of his life with equal vigour.

The Seventh Session:

The goal of the seventh session was to work on Mproving relationships with family, and plan for the future. Clients were asked how things were going with their families. They were also asked to identify signs of progress which would be noticeable to their families. A significant amount of tirne was spent on dissecting the feedback that the client had received nom his family, and recognizing the signs that they are either on or off track. Emphasis was placed on a description of how the family will know when changes are permanent, and they no longer need to wony for the client's wellbeing. In an effort to encourage clients to make detailed plans for themselves after release, the "Older,

Wiser Self' exercise (Dolan, 1995) was done:

Imagine that you have grown to be a healthy, wise old man and you are looking back on this period of your life. What do you think this wondefil, old, wise man would suggest to you to he$ you get through this cuirent phase in your life? What would he tell you to remember? What advice would he give you on how to smooth things out in your family? What would he tell you would be the most helpful in helping you heal fiom the past? Does he have any advice on how therapy could be most useful and helpful? As a follow-up task for this session, clients were asked to let their families how

that things were changiug. They were directed to be very specific about the types of

changes which family members could expect. They were also asked to let family

members lmow how they couid assist in the change. Clients were asked to do something

with their family which would indicate that this time is different.

Case Example:

Ted wm sentenced to thirîy-six months of closed mtodyfor rnanîlaughter. An extrernely talkutive and argumentative ymth, Tedfiequentlyfound himselfin conflct with others. Although extremely bnght, he wrrs unable tu succeed at school because he had dz~cultiesconfoming to regulatiom. With a complicated history of multigenerationalfamiiy violence, Ted found himelf adopting many of his father S strategies for relating to others: criticisnt, intimidation and conirol. Afiet many years of repeatedly being told he wer stupid and "wong, " Tedfelt compelled tu prove himself "right " in every interpersonal situation he was involved in. Tire result was an arrogant, angy and cocky young man who had clearly spent vay Iittle time in introspection. Ted responded quite well to the "Older Wiser Self' ererclre. Having had a nwnber of months to contemplate his actions, and the opportunify to discuss many of his feelings during the course of treamtent, he was able to articulate tu himselfa number of changes wlrich would need io ocmr in orderfor him to succeed "on the outside. " In giving advice to his younger self(played by the therapist), Ted pointed out a number of amas which needed continued work: - he counselled himerf to slow things down. and tuke more time to appreciate things - he diought that he should be more appreciative of his family, and not take people for grnnted. as he had in the past - He would not waste opportunities (as he had in the part) and would work hard to appreciate the moment - Ted realized that much of his anger, the "ch@ on his shoulder " had to do with his father, and his need to prove himseif 'tight." - Ted realired that he had treated women in an inappropnate and disrespectjd manner, once again modelling himself Mer the controlling and chawinist ways of his father. He reulized that healihy relationships were based on mutual respect, and that bullying and intimidation were the pmduct o~*insecurity. As a follow-up ta& Ted assigned himeythejob of Wtinga Zetter to hhis fattier(not tu be sent). qressing his feelings ahut their relatiomhip. He also was msigned the tark of observing howfrequently his anger toward his father suqaced in his &y to &y lve. As a consequence of theexercises. he tapped into a huge storage bin of pent up anger andfnLFtration He grew tu understand that hù need to control hi& environment grew from his dikcomfort with wicertninty - al2 arihgfiom hbpart family d~flculties.He started working out ways of handling these feelings in a more socially appropriate manner, taking greater responsibilityfor the role he played in initiating conf icts.

The Eiglrth Session:

The title of the eighth session is "Actions and Feelings: Leaming to Effect

Change." The focus is on identiwg and managing triggers to anger or self hamüng behaviours. For those offenders with histories of violent behaviour, emphasis is placed on recognizing the intemal signals for anger, and developing healthy strategies for releasing mtion. A number of extremely violent offenders express a need to fight, and an enjoyment for the feelings of power and release which aggression brings on.

Links are made between these behaviours, and the long tenn consequences - such as the feelings of depression and failure which accompany incarceration. Plans are drawn up for alternative activities which might serve as a release, and increase feelings of power, without involving aggression. Benefits to self, family and others are highlighted. For those offenden with no history of violence, emphasis is placed on the self-hamiing behaviours which ofien accompany feelings of being powerless and ineffective. A simple behavioural exercise, entitled "Good day/ Bad day" (Duvail, 1994) is done to help offenders understand the extent of control which they can exercise in theu lives. In this exercise, offenders are asked to identiQ the specinc attitudes, actions and behaviours

which are tied to having a good &y or a bad day within the institution. This exercise is

often extended to situations in the past, with offenders being asked to identify those

specific activities which were tied to particularly happy or successfûi days on the outside.

Case Exampie:

Todd was sewrewrnghis second sentence at Brookride afier committing a series of break and enters. Stnîggling with a serious alcohol problem, He was initially bareh able to speak in meaningjkl sentences. Todd ofren lost his train of thought, and suffeTdfrom serious memory impuiment. He claimed that he wuoksed with thoughts of obtaining and consurning alcohol. Although outwardly Todd appeared tranquil, he described himselfas a chronic wom-erwho never was satkfied with anything thar he did. His munner was listiess, und his appearunce anemic. After a few months of healthy food, aercise, schoohg and regular sleep, Todd 's physical appeurance and mental status transfomed signzjkantly He developed physically, his complexion cleared, and he Iost the wary palh he had on admission to the institution. His thoughts were clearer, und hi. speech reasonabIy artrrtrculate.Todd claimed that he wed alcohol ar a method of avoiding deuling with hisfears ofinadequacy. Wnen mked to idenrify things he was good at, Todd was unable to respond. Fina&, aafier a great deal of prodding, he edmitted to an interest in art. One day, he brought in a picture that he had been working on (see Figure 4). It was an unfinished work. of a warlock gazing into n distant plain. At his heels was a picture of a giant dragon foot. The Warlock wos pinstakingl'y detailed, the remainder of the paper a stark contmst. Todd apained thnt he had liked the warZock, but war afiaid to draw anything moreforfear that he would min the picture. So instead, he chose to leave the drawing unfinhrhed. For To& the picrirre was a symbolic representation of his lfe. Unable tofinish anything to a standard he could accept, he chose instead to not try anything, so that he would not &k failure. In completing the good day/ bad day exercise, Todd was able to articulate quite clearly the things that he is able to do to keep on track He seemed shocked and somewhat plecrsed with himelfthat he had been able to take responsibilityfor the recent positive changes in his life. He Lad taken up fltness, started trying in school, and for thefirst tinte in a long tirne, found his thoughts centring on topics other than alcohol. He spoke of hLs past ability to kick his drug habit on his own, and wondered out loud ifperhaps he could do the same with alcohol. Figure 4

The N'nth Session:

The goal of the &th session was to reinforce and ampli@ any positive changes which had occurred over the counselling programme. The focus was on encouraging the offender to recognize, and build on, the fact that he had created a self which was separate fiom that person whom others used to know. Keeping that self separate, unique, and fiee

£kom the pressures and expectations of others becomes the issue. For the exercise, the client was asked to write himself a "Letter fiom the future" (Dolan, 1991). This letter is composed by the client, who imagines hirn or herself in a position of success and happiness at a meaningful point in time in the fiiture. The client was asked to be as specinc as possible, making reference to changes which occmed in temu of relationships, thoughts and behaviours over the designated period of the. The letter waç to be a reflective one, dernomirathg au understanding of the series of events which took place in the client's life.

Case Example:

Jordan is a g@ed artist who ttsted in the superior range of intellectual ability. Despite this, he har a listory of underachiewment in school, dropping outjust prior to his ofiens. Jordan Lr acuteiy avare that he feels dtflerentfrom others. Social& alienated, ke turned to heavy drug use and the quick compnionship it offered for acceptance. One night, while high, he shot a stranger in a racial& bared conflct. Sentenced to thme yeurs of closed ntstody, Jordan passed his time wntingpoetty and working on his art. nie extent of hir isolation is captured in one of his poems:

Redess times become the ocean, Ever crashhg on my sands. And in the creeks arodthe forest, Are many faces Zooking placid And of those faces in the water, Are memories thaî hold me back The rude takes my IMe ralp To empty space of crushing black

The stars are something of thepaîr, An illusion 4art id01 thaî will not lust And when thaï star fades WUyou love He@ me now, patient love, set me Fee. Jordan wm in a relationship with a girl, but felt it was merely a matter of tirne untîl she found him out, and allowed the axe tofall. In doing the "Letrerfi.orn thefiture " mercise, he started tu allow himerfto arnèulate specifc, achievable goals. His "letter fiom the Future" read ns follows:

Dear MyselJ;

I'm finai& outta here. Two years closed and nine months open. I'm finallyprepersity. I am also going to purchase a new car.

Despite his handrome lookr. obvious intelligence and irresistible cham. Jordan is crippled by selfdoubt. In the past, he wm unable to recognize his areas of strength. and instead, dwelled on perceived inadequacies. He Iearned to tue his wît and chann as a way of skïi[fulZy sidestepping such sensitive issues in conversation. On& through hb poeq and his writing was he able to express his bue thoughts. Through the ''Leiter to the Future" exercise, Jordan was able to take thefirst few steps toward sening concrete, achievable goals for himec Hïs goals appeared to be su@singZy modest. given his high levd of intelligence. For Jordan, however, they felt safe and achievable, and represented movement toward a productive lfe. me TenfhSession

The goal of the tenth session is to solidify friture plans for success, to leam to

recognize and deai with setbacks, and to bring closure to the treatment programme.

Clients are asked to review the specinc details of a successful release plan, and well as

identifjing the indicators that they are on (or off) track Setbacks are discussed as a normal part of change, and plans are put into place to recognize and deal with such occurrences. The session is ended with a therapist summary of perceived areas of change, and recognition of the accomplishments of the client.

Case Example

John was sentenced to sir months of secure ctutody for a series of break and enters. He hm a lengthy history of involvement with the criminaljustice system. and was releasedfrom open custodyfor a short time before he reoffended. In his open custody setting. John waî labelled as unruly, disrespectfu uncommunicative and uncooperative. In hisjile* it was noted that he was unwilling to participate in group coumelling sessions and a question wes raised as to the extent to which he was capable of expressing hime& During thefirst session, John was painfuly shy. He entered the room with his back slouched. his head dom. and his eyes downcast. He wm hesitant to speak and when he did venture an opinion, did so in a tentative manner. John responded well to the "miracle" question, qlaining that he always got into trouble because no one understood how he waî feeling. He proceeded to explain that his dzBculties in open custody arose as a resuit of feelings of anger andfricriration. John cited exumples of situations in which he felt unable to articulate his feelings. On the first day of high school. he wm transfmedfrom a country school of 30 students to a secundary school of more than 900. Intimidnted and scared, he felt unable to enter the school. He explained that he thought others would luugh ut him. Instead of telling people of his fears, he went through the motions of leaving home each dny at the regular time. and returning home at night when the school day was over. John started to hang around school dropouts. and the boredom which accompanied the long hours of the day soon became filled with drug use and crime. John was congratuZated on the artzrtzcuZate,honest and open way in which he wm able to express himerfduring the session. As hù b.eatment progressed, he became quite talkatiw, and made it very clear that he Zooked fomard to the weekly sessions. In contrast to the uncommunicative, uncoopmatiw and disrarpectjùrl behmCNIowd&bed in hLrjZe, Jinnus courteous, talkativeI and extremely motivated. At the end of ten sessions, he qressed regret that he war no? able to continue. John requested a copy of liis open custody report, so that he could send it to his mothet, and conmt it with the "certî@ate of achievement " he had eomed while at Brookride. Dunkg his stay, John found that he was able to renew his interest in school. Despite thefact that he had never in his Zife read afUZZ noveZ, John found that he hud quite an interest in books, and read a number while in detention. Each w& he proudly entered the interview raom, reporting on which books he had read. and the opinions he held ofthe various plot lines and authors. Am revimeMnghis progress over the ten weeks, John excluirned that he felt a huge weight hud been lijled oflhis shoulders. To know that he was capable of good behaviour, getting along wiih others, comrnunicating open&, doing well in school, and hmringpeople hold him in high regard were al2 imporiant achievements to John. John seemedproud of his accomplishments. He asRed to hear pa* of the audio recording of thefirst session, so he could hear how htk speech and thinking had changed mer the 10-week counselling period.

John's case serves as an excellent example of the potentid of the use of positive feedback and encouragement in soticiting further prosocid behaviour. Instead of closing down and acting ouf as he tended to do in problem-oriented counselhg, John responded to solution-focused counselling with cornmitment and enthusiam. At six month follow- up, John was reported to have adjusted to his open custody setting, with no record of additional charges or institutional rnisconducts. CRAPTER EIGHT

RESULTS OF TBE STUDY

Results for the study are presented in the sections below. First, participants are descnbed, and the issue of equivaiency between treatrnent and control groups is discussed. Next, the generd resident response to the treatment programme is documented. Cornparisons are made on questionnaire scores between time 1 and tirne 2, and time 1 and time 3 for the resident, teacher and conectional officer data. These fkdings are discussed in the context of the study hypotheses. Next, the impact of the strike on resident attitudes and behaviour is discussed, and the hdings of the weekly rnood reports are presented. Findly, the issue of recidivism is exarnined, and the relationship between targeted areas of intervention and recidivism is established.

The Study Participants

The study samp!? consisted of 40 offenders: 21 in the treatment condition, and 19 in the control group. They ranged in age, fiom 16 to 19 years old, and were serving sentences of a meau duration of 12.4 months, with a range fiom 4 to 36 months. Ten per cent of the participants were first tMe offenders, with no pnor convictions on file, while

90% were recidivists. Seventy-three per cent of the study participants had been previously incarcerated, in either open or closed custody facilities. Eighty-five per cent

166 of the sampie (n = 34) had a history of violent behaviour (as documented by school

officials, corrections officials, child welfare agencies, etc.). Sm-five per cent (n = 26)

were currently being incarcerateci for having committed a violent offence (assault,

aggravated assault, robbery, attempted murder, murder, manslaughter). Those offenders

with non-violent histories tended to have multiple convictions for propqoffences,

often accompanied by vandaiism or destruction of property.

In terms of intelligence, a wide range was present in level of overall intellechid

functioning, with mean IQ scores of 98.5, and a range of 73-124. Verbal IQ scores

ranged fiom 77-120 (below average to above average), and performance IQ scores had a

similar spread, ranging fiom 71- 131 (below average to supenor). Thus, there were

members of the study who scored in the low level of intellectual functioning relative to

others their age, and there were some individuals who were above average or even in the

superior range.

One of the standard assessrnent tools used in the Canadian correctional system to

assess levels of need and nsk is the Level of SeMce hventory (Ministry of the Solicitor

General and Correctional Senices, 1996). It is completed by traùied staff within the corrections system, and constitutes a mandatory component of assesment for offenders entering the systern. Low scores represent low risk, whereas higher scores identifjr a greater degree of risk (and need). Individuais with high scores tend to have many criminal acquaintances, disrupted education or employment records, high levels of substance abuse, highly criminalized thinking, family breakdown, and antisocial

behaviour patterns. Participants in the study scored an average of 27 on the LSI, placing

them in the "High" nsk category for reoffending. The distribution of scores on the LSI

index is summarized in Table 5.

Table 5

Distribution of Level of Service Inventory Scores

Risk Category Number of Participants LSI Scores In this Category

According to RinaIdo (1996), recidivists tend to have LSI scores of 25 or greater.

Sixty-three per cent of the study sample (n=25) fit this cnterion. The LSI inventory

provides a breakdown of offender needs and risk factors covering a variety of areas:

criminal history; education/employment; family/marital; leisure/recreation; companions, procriminal attitudelonentation; substance abuse; and antisocial patterns. A breakdown

of mean scores in these various areas is provided in Table 6. Table 6

Breakdown of Mean Scores on LST Subscales

Treatment Control Entire Range Maximum Possible Score Total LSI Score

Criminal History 6.25 6.57 6.40 Education/Employment Difficulties 6.00 6.15 6.08 Family/Mari taI Problems 2.00 2.00 2.00 Leisure/Recreation 1.30 1.42 1.35 Cornpanions 2.30 2.42 2.35 Procriminal Attitude/ûrientation 2.05 2.2 1 2.12 Drugs 4.65 4.21 4.43 Antisocial Pattern 2.50 2.68 2.59

Note. Hi& scores = greater degree of dificulties / higher risk No significant Merences were detected between treatment and control groups on either total or subscale scores of the LSI.

Most participants reported at least a moderate degree of difficulty in all areas, with school problems and criminal history being areas of particular concem. It is not surprising that the youths expenenced a high level of difficulty with school, since 75% of the participants had been formaily diagnosed as having a leaming disability, and 28% were diagnosed as having attention deficit disorder (with hyperactivity). As a group, they scored in the mid-range on "Procriminal Attitudedûrientation.,"with the scores following a bimodai distribution. This means that participants tended to hold attitudes or beliefs

that were either fairly favourable toward treatment/supervision, on one hmd, or were very

criminally minded and closed to the idea of treatrnent and supervision, on the other. The

"Antisocial Tendencies" scale was negatively skewed, indicating that most of the

participants held attitudes which were criminal, or had exhibited behaviours which were

antisocial in nature (violence, escape history, breech in supenision, early and diverse

antisocial behaviour). Most participants indicated that they had criminal acquaintances.

Dmgs posed a problem to the rnembers of the study, with 100% (n=40) reporting a history of dmg and/or alcohol abuse. Although none of the offenders were married,

15% (n = 6) were fathers, with a collective total of 10 children.

Thus the sample comprised a group of high need youths, with at least moderate degrees of difficuity in the areas of family, substance abuse, criminal acquaintances, procriminal attitude, education/employment, and antisocial tendencies. These overall LSI scores indicate that this group was at high risk for reoffending compared to other offenders in Ontario. A number of these boys were themselves already parents, placing their own children at nsk for the development of social or emotional difficulties. The offenders were a diverse group, varying greatly in ethnicity, school achievement and intellect. The one consistent element among the participants was the commission of crimes sufticiently senous to warrant secure custody Establishing the Equivaiency of Treatment vs. Control Groups

Statistical tests (multivuiate adysis of variance and chi-square analysis) were

run on alI of the demographic information items to determine whether the treatment and

control groups were, in fact, quivalent. No signincant differences were foimd between

groups on any of the following areas: intellect, length of sentence, presence of learning disabilities, diagnosis of Attention Deficit Disorder with Hyperactivity (ADHD), or history of previous incarceration. Similar cornparisons were made with the composite scores on dl of the assessment questionnaires following the initial assessment. Again, the groups were remarkably similar, with differences arising ody on the

AnxietyDepression Scde of the Youth Self Report Questionnaire. Members of the treatment group reported that they were more anxiouddepressed than members of the control group (F, (1,38) = 4.3 1, p c .045). Analysis of recidivism data showed that initial scores on this scale were not related to treatment outcome at 6 month follow-up.

Response to the Programme

In general, the response to the programme was overwhelmingly positive. With one exception, ail the offenders who were invited to attend the orientation session agreed to participate in the sîudy (by signing the consent fonn). The one resident who declined to participate was Chinese. He explaineci that his English was weak and he was not cornfortable participating because he felt he would not be able to understand the programme. Participants who were placed in the control group demandai a detailed

explanation of why they had not been offered the treatment programme. After the study

had begun, 32% of the control participants (n = 6) sent the therapist a note, or initiated

personal contact, asking to be transferred to the treatrnent group. Denying access to the

treatment programme proved to be a delicate matter. An example of one of the requests

for help is provided below. This letter was followed up with a discussion, in which the offender speci fically requested to be tramferred into the treatment group :

Brookside's shit. There's nothing to life other thun drugs. If you or anyone could ever show me thut there isanything etse it muy be of greut Le@. I Iiighly doubt you could tell me or anyone else the answer for thut question. vyou everfind an answer for thai questrstron,you may be able io heip someone. UntiI then, 1mu& smoke dope and drink booze cause it's the on& thing that keeps rnefrom killing myselfund bringing a lot of people with me

None of the control participants who asked to be transferred into the treaûnent group were granted their request. One member of the control group was transferred to the treatment group at the request of the Chief Psychologist of the institution, as his behaviour was so disruptive and out of control that the alternative was for him to be withdrawn £iom the study completely, and assigned to work with a stafïpsychologist.

Thus the number of treatment and control group members were 2 1 and 19 respective1y.

Once the programme ended, severai treatment group members asked to continue. Of those residents who were placed in the treatment group, 43% (n = 9) went out of their way to contact the therapist &er the treatmmt was over. They indicated that they had

enjoyed their involvement in the programme, and wanted to continue the weekly

meetings. Such requests were denied, but the participants were congraîulated on their

enthusiasm and commitment, and encouraged to continue working on the issues which

were addressed during the course of the programme.

Effectiveness of Solution-Focused Therapy

Multivariate analyses of covariance were performed to detemiine whether youths

in the solution-focused treatment group differed in attitude or behaviour relative to youths

in the control group as measured by the total scales and subscdes of the questionnaires detailed in Table 3 (Jesness Behavioral Checklist, Youth Self Report, Test of Self-

Conscious Anect - Adolescent Version, Carlson Psychological Survey, Coopemnith

Self-Esteem hventory, and the Solution-Focused Questionnaire). Time one scores on total scales and subscdes were entered as covariates in asswsing group differences in ratings of resident behaviour on resident self report, teacher, and correctional officer questionnaires. niose areas in which significant differences arose are reported below.

A complete listing of the means, standard deviations, and F-tests for the multivariate and univariate tests of the self-report data are provided in Appendix G. Effect sizes are also provided, calculated by the method outlined by Garrett (1985), Rosenthal(1984), and

Glass, McGaw and Smith (1 98 1). Resident Self-Report Measures between Time I d The2

Significant group differences emerged in four areas between the time of initia1 assessment, and the completion of treatment. Means, standard deviations, and F-tests are provideci in Table 7. Analysis of the Solution-Focused Questionnaire reveaied that, in con- to the contrd group, members of the treatment group indicated that they had made more progress in solvhg their problems (Figure 5). There was a trend for members of the treatment group to be more inched to want folIow-up counselhg after release.

Responses to the Carlson Psychological Survey revealed greater optimism for the f-tue among members of the treatment group relative to the control group members (Figure 6).

- Treabnent - - Conbol

- --

Fiwe 5. Perceived amount of progress Fim6. Optimism for the fiiture - in solving problems. 1 think my future will be ...(Carlson #IO) Treatment group members' scores were signincantly lower on the Chemical

Abuse Scale compared to those of the contd group between tirne 1 and the2 (Figure

7). There was a trend for lower scores on the Anti-Social Tendencies Scde of the

Carlson Psychological Survey for members of the treatment group. Treatment group members also indicated significantly higher levels of guilt between time 1 and the 2 relative to members of the control group (as measured by the Test of Self-Conscious

Mect - Adolescent Version, see Figure 8).

The 1 TMe 2

- Treatment - Controt - Treatment - - Conbol

- --

Fiwe 7. Chemical abuse Fi~e8. Degree of guilt experienced

(Carlson Psychological Survey) (As measured by the TOSCA-A) Table 7 Mean. Standard Deviations. and F values of Self-Report Outcome Measures as a Function of Group and Time (over two assessrnent penods]

Group: Solution-Focused Control Group Effects Covar. Effect T~C~~PY with Time 1 Size

Measure Tirne 1 Time 2 Time 1 The 2

Perceived progress in solving problems (SFQ)

Optimism for Future* (Carlson item #IO)

Likelihood of seeking -F (1,39) = 2.71, counselling on release p < .1 1 (m.,trend) (SFQ)

Chernical Abuse* (Carlson)

Antisocial E (I,34) = 3.55, Tendencies* p < .O68 (n.s., trend) (Carlson)

Guilt Scale (TOSCA)

Note. High scores are indicative of healthy functioning on al1 scaIes except those marked with *, for which high scores represent increased problems. Residenf Self-Report Memures between Time 1 md Time 3

Muitivariate analysis of covariance cornparisons were made between the

treatment and control groups between initiai assesment, and nnal foiiow-up. Eleven of the forty participants were transferred out of the facility prior to the third assessrna thus reducing the total sample size to twenty-nine for time three analyses. niree areas arose which significantly differentiated the two groups. Group means, standard deviations, and

F-tests are provided in Table 8. The youths in the treatment group felt significantly more coddent about their ability to maintain changes between time 1 and the3 compared to members of the control group (see Figure 9).

The 1 The3

- Treatrnent - - Conhl

Fime 9. Confidence in ability to

maintain changes. There was a statistical trend for memben of the treatment group to feel they had made more progress in solving their problems than did members of the control group between time 1 and time 3. Mernbers of the treatment group indicated that îhey had significantly less difficulty concentrating or attendhg between thne 1 and time 3 (as refiected by the

YSR - Attention Problems subscale, see Figure IO), as well as a higher degree of empathy for others than did members of the control group (as rneasured by the Carlson

Psychological Survey, see Figure 11).

Fimire 10. Attention difficulties Fimire 11. Empathy for others. If 1 hurt

(as measured by the YSR). someone, 1wodd feel ... (Carlson #43). There was a statistical trend towards pater anger control for treatment group

members relative to their controis between initial assessrnent and the end of the follow-up

period.

Table 8 Mean. Standard Deviations. and F values of Self Report Outcome Measures as a Function of gr ou^ and Time lover three assessrnent periods)

Group: Solution-Focused Conîrol Group Effects with Effect TherW~ The 1 Covaried Size

Measure Time 1 Time 3 Time 1 Time 3

Perceived progress E (1,24) = 3.38, in solving probiems p < .O78 (m., trend) WQ)

Confidence in abiIity to maintain changes (SFQ)

Perceived amount of E (1,25) = 3.32, conîrol over Me p < .O81 (n.s., trend) (SFQ

Ability to empathize with others (Carlson item M3)

AttenConcentration difficulties * VSR)

Anger Control* E (1,23) = 3.73. (Jesness) p < ,066(as., trend)

Note. High scores are indicative of healthy functioning on aii scales except those marked with *, for which high scores represent increased problems.

179 Teacher Raiings of Resident Belraviuur

Each resident was asked to identify a teacher who lmew Uiem weli, and who

would likely be teaching them for the duration of the shidy. Some residents picked the

same teacher, thus there were a few teachers who were asked to fiU out questionnaires for

more than one shident. The teachen received a copy of the Teacher Report Form, as well

as the Recidivism Scaie of the Jesness Behavior Checklist. Of the forty questionnaires

sent to teachers at time one, 77.5% = 31) were completed and returned. At time two

42.5% (N = 17) of the teachers completed the questiomaires. At tirne three, only 20%

(N = 8) of the teachers responded to the questionnaires. One of the reasons for the low response rate is the fact that residents at Brookside do not tend to stay in any one class for long penods of time. After cornpletion of a credit, a student is transferred to a different class. nius the only teachers who were able to cornplete the questionnaires at al1 three

îimes were those who actually taught the same student for the £blI20 weeks. In the case of the first cohort, a 10 week strike interrupted the study, thus delaying the follow-up period for an additional 10 weeks. Very few students remained in the same course for the hi11 30 weeks, thus reducing the pool of teachers eligible to respond to thethree questionnaires. Since the response rate was so Iow for the time three data, analysis was restricted to the data for times one and two. Multivariate analysis of covariance cornparisons were made on the scales and totd scores of the questionnaires between the two time penods. In general, the teachers rated the residents in a much more favourable Iight than did the correctional offices, or even the residents themselves. Due to the low response rate at time 3, multivariate analysis of covariance cornparisons were made between times 1 and 2 only. Means, standard deviations, and F-tests are presented in

Table 9. The teachers noted very iittie change in their -dents over time (see Figures 12 and 13).

- Treatment -- Control - Treatment - - Contra1

Figure 12. Teacher ratings of resident Fi-me 13. Teacher ratings of resident

behaviour (to tai Jesness Recid. Scaie). behaviour (total TRF Scores). No significant ciifferences were detected between treatment and control groups between time 1 and time 2 on scales of the Jemess Behavior Checklist. Only the Social

Withdrawal subscale of the Teacher' s Report Form reflected a significant difference between groups. Teacher behaviour ratings reflected a statistical trend towards higher participation (les social withdrawal) in members of the treatrnent group over time relative to memben of the control group (see Table 9).

Table 9

Mean. Standard Deviations, and F values of Teacher Raorted Outcome Measures as a Function of Group and Time (over two assesment periods]

Group: So lution-Focused Control Group Effects with T'~=PY Time 1 Covaried

Measure The 1 Tirne 2 Time 1 Tirne 2

Withdrawn M 1 .O0 0.60 2.43 2.29 -F (1, 13) = 4.3 1 p< .O58 (T'Rn 0.82 0.70 4.72 3.15 @S., trend)

Note. Statistical analyses were performed on al1 of the subtest scores and total scores of the Teacher's Report Form and the Jesness Behavior Checklist (Recidivism Scales).

Only those factors that reached (or approached) statistical significance are reported. Correctional Omcer Rotings ofResident BehPviour

Response rates for the correctional ofticers were very low, with 37.5% (N = 15) of

the ofncers responding to the fïrst survey, 25% (N = 10) to the second, and only 12.5%

(N = 5) to the third and ha1survey. Unfortunately, an Ontario Pubiic Servant Employee

Union (OPSEU) strike occurred during the course of the study. It Iasted for 5 weeks, and

morde was extremely low among the correctional officers prior to, during, and after the strike. With such a poor response, there were not adquate numbers of surveys to properly test for group differences over the. Muhivariate andysis of covariance did not yield any significant differences between treatment and control groups. Caution should be exercised in interpreting these results since the assumptions of the statistical test were not met (e.g., homogeneity of variance, normal distribution). With such a smail sample size, data transformations were not possible since the same transformation codd not be applied to both time 1 and the2 data.

An alternative method of assessing resident behaviour is to note the number of behaviour hfhctions recorded by comctionai officers during the perîod of incarceration.

High numbers of behaviour infiractions (''Behaviour Reports") are considered indicative of institutional rnaladjustment, and linked to poor prognosis (Birkenmeyer & Polanski,

1976). A cornparison of the mean number of infiactions between treatment and control groups during the shidy period revealed no significant diffrences, with the mean number of infractions being 1.42 and 2.37 respectively. Relating the Results to the Hypotheses:

Predictions were made for treatment effects amss seven areas: self, family, peers, environment, cognition, behaviour and process. The hypotheses for each of these areas is presented, dong with the resuits and a discussion of the kdings. self

Four hypotheses were made for treatment group members relative to the control group under the generai heading of self:

Treatment group rnembers would indicate improved self esteem relative to control group members

Trentment group members would indicate a decrease infeelings of shame relative to control group rnembers

Trentment group members would report an increme in feelings ofpersonal power relative to control group members

Treatment group members would improve their ability to empathize with others, as measured through decreased detachment and increased guilt compared to members of the control group.

Members of the treatment group did not indicate improved self esteem relative to members of the control group. Self-esteem, as a concept, was not signincantly related to recidivism. In retrospect, this hypothesis was not a logical one, since it failed to take into account confounds in the measurement of self-esteem among young offenders. Aithough high self-confidence is cited as a protective factor @ut&, 1990), it is only adaptive in the

184 absence of antisocial values (Wonnith, 1984). hcreases in self'eeern may be Iinked to

genuine improvements in attitude and behaviour. In contrasf they may relate to an

offender's increased identification with his antisocial peers. Decreases in self-esteem

may reflect a lack of progress, or may, in facf signal the initiai stages of a shift in values

(firom antisocial to prosocid ideation), and be linked to positive treatment outcorne. With

a larger sample size, the seIf-esteem of young offenders could be elucidated by assessing

the relationship between changes in self esteem, and degree of antisocial or crimindized

thinking (as measured by the antisocial tendencies scale of the Carlson Psychological

Survey).

Contrary to the second hypothesis, treatment goup members did not indicate less

shame relative to members of the control group, nor did they report less detachment.

They did, however, indicate more feelings of guilt (hypothesis four), as well as a greater ability to empathize with others.

Treatment group members Uidicated greater feelings of personal power

(hypothesis three), demonstrated through higher scores on scales assessing perceived control over life (trend), and an cod5dence in ability to maintain changes relative to members of the control group (significant). Fmiiy

It was predicted that treaîmnt group members' scores would indicate greater confidence in their ability to manage their family problems. The results of the analysis suggest that this was not the case, with no significant differences observed between treatment and control groups foliowing treatment.

Peers

It was hypothesized that members of the treatment group would have fewer social problems than members of the control group. No difference arose in the number of

Behaviour Reports accrued by the respective groups. This may be due to the small sample size, and the fact that one or two extreme scores could greatly afKect the group mean. Teachers did report higher participation in class for members of the treatment group relative to their controls (reporting a tendency for treatment group members to be less withdrawn than members of the control group as measured by the Teacher's Report

Fom, see Table 9). T'usthe school is one arena where treatment group members appeared to improve, with lower scores on a scale measuring social withdrawai between inital assessrnent and later follow-up. Environment

It was predicted that treatment group members wodd adapt more easily to their

environment, and report a closer relationship with staff than members of the control group. This did not appear to be the case. On average, membem of both groups reported that their relationships with stanwere "O.K", with no significant change over the.

Cognition

Three hypotheses were generated with respect to cognition. Cornpared to the coneol group, treatment group rnemben would report:

H(8) More optimism about theirfuture,

H(9) Less rhought disturbance, and

H(f O) Faver antisocial tendencies.

In the area of cognition, the data supported the hypotheses, with offenders in the treatment group indicating that they felt significantly more optimistic than members of the control group. Treatment group members also reported significantly less thought disturbance (increased ability to concentrate as rneasured by the YSR), and a trend for somewhat fewer antisocial tendencies than did members of the control group. Changes on the Attention/Distractibilify scale of the YSR are of particular interest, because they suggest a potential link between intemal confiict and distractibility. Such a relationship is of great interest since a large proportion of young offenders suffer nom attention

deficit disorder relative to a non-offending population. Much of the research on aitention

deficit disorder focuses on the biological bais of the disorder. The results hmthis

study appear to highlight the contribution of social-emotional factors in this

neuroIogicaily-based disorder.

Behaviour

Five hypotheses were made with respect to offender behaviour. Compared to the

controigroup:

HUI) Offenders receiving treotnzent would show lower scores on a substance abuse tendency scale,

H(12) niey would have fewer conduct problems,

H(13) They would have lower scores on recidivism predictor scales.

H(14) They would indicate a greater likelihood of seekingfuture counselling, and

H(I5) neir ''aternalization " scores on the YSR. Would be lower.

Members of the treatment group did indicate a significant reduction in chernical

abuse tendencies relative to members of the control group between time one and time

two. There was a tendency for treatment group members to indicated a greater willingness to engage in future counselling (statistical trend). No differences were found berneen groups on recidivism predictor scores, extemakation scores of the YSR,or on the number of Behaviour Reports accrueci over the study period. The Iowa chernical

abuse tendency score is of particular note, since substance abuse has been identified in the

Literature as one of the major factors associated with recidivism (Andrews et al., 1992).

Process

In general, participants demonstrated a positive attitude towanls counselling.

Attendence was good, with few of the participants (7.5%, n = 3) requesting a session cancellation. Offender participation during sessions was also high, as assessed by the

'nierapeutic htegrity Score" index. The range of scores on this measure was 50-95 out of a possible 100, with the mean score being 82. Such elevated scores indicate a high degree of conformity to the solution-focused model, and wilhgness on the part of most offenders to participate Nly in the programme.

Impact of the Shike on Resident Ambides and Behaviour

Immediately following the strike, a brief questionnaire was sent to al1 study participants, to assess the impact of the labour dispute on the residents. Analysis of the survey revealed that the strike had a variable impact on the residents. Although the vast majority of the youths reported a negative impact (79%), 21% of them felt that things were actually easier during the strike. Examples of negative impacts included a loss of pnvileges (outings, visits fiom family), less kee the, more time spent in their rooms, the loss of school, and disniptions to the mail service. Some boys mentioned that tensions

were running high, and they felt more Iikely to engage in fights with other residents

during this the. Of those who felt the &%ceimproved things, most cited an increased

flexibility of deswithin their residences as the reason they were not bothered by the

strike. One of the consequences of the strike was that there was a five week hiatus in

treatment during phase one. Due to this delay, a number of the residents ûansfened out

of the facility prior to the third assesment, thus reducing the total sample size for the thne three follow-up analyses.

Weekly Mood Reports

At the beginning of each session, treatment participants were given a short fom to complete. The form consisted of two statements to wtiich the residents were asked to rate themselves on a 10 point scale: 1) Today 1feel ... (1 = terrible, 10 = great) 2) This week has been (1 = temble, 10 = great). Results fbm these self-reports were graphed over the. Analysis of the range of these scores revealed that there was a statisticd trend for recidivists at 6 month follow-up to have greater variability in seif-reported daily mood than non-recidivists (F = 3.04, p < .098). There did not appear to be any differences between recidivists and non-recidivists in weekly mood reports at six month follow-up

(F = .480, p = m.). It is interesting to note that two of the four recidivists in the treatment group had profiles which were extremely unstable, with weekly estimates of mood varying much more than did the average scores of those in the non-recidivist group

(AppendBc H). This data suggests that youths who report extreme daily mood fluctuations may be at higher risk for reoffending than those youths who are somewhat more stable in affect.

Ultimately, the best indicator of treatment success is a reduction in recidivism. in this particular study, it was not possible to calculate recidivism rates in the traditional manner, since many of the offenders were still incarcerated at the tïme of study completion. A Liberal dennition of recidivism was used, therefore, and included fom of reoffending (including escape fiom custody or being unlawful1y at large) tramfer fiom open to secure custody (under the Y.O.A., Section 24, 2 (9)). Transfers ftom open to secure custody were considered reoffences because they tend to occur following incidents of aggression or severe behaviour difficuities (and thus are signals of non- adaptation). Multivariate analysis of variance tests were run on al1 dependent variables in an attempt to identiS those variables which were related to recidivism at 6 month follow-up. A summary of the factors most closely related to recidivism is presented in

Table 10. Table 10

Means. Standard Deviations and F Values of Initial Self-Report Measures

Related to Recidivism at Six Month Follow-u~

Group : Non-Recidivists Recidivists Group Effects (N = 28) (N = 12) w37) Measure

Perceived Control Over Life (SFQ)

Perceived Control Over Future (SFQ

Optimisrn for future* (Carlson item # 1 0)

Chemical Abuse* (Car1 son)

Anti-Social Tendencies* (Carlson)

LSI Total Score*

TotaI JBCL Recidivism Scale*

Behaviour Reports*

-'No te High scores are indicative of heaithy functioning on all scaies except those marked with *, for which high scores represent uicreased problems. In total, 3 1% of the offenders were classifieci as "recidivists" at 6 month foiiow-

up. More than twice as many controi group members reoffended than did members of the

treatment group. Twenty per cent of the treatmnt gmup mernberç (N = 4) and 42% of

the control group members (N = 8) reoffended within the six month period. This

difference, however, was not statistically signincant.

Scores on the LSI and IBCL recidivisrn scale proved to be strong predictors of

recidivism, with high total scores linked to an increased Iikelihood of reoffending.

Recidivists were dso much more likely to have difficulties conforming to institutional

regulations than non-recidivists, with the former group accumulating significantly more

Behaviour Reports during the course of the study than non-recidivists. There was a trend

for recidivists to report feeling iess control over their lives, significantly less optimism

for their filme, and signincantly less control over their futures than non-recidivists. They aiso had significantly higher scores on the Chernical Abuse and Antisocial Tendencies

Scaies of the Carlson Psychological Swey.

Ordinary least square (OLS)and logistic regression analyses were performed to determine whether any of the variables were significant predictors of recidivism. In looking at the set of variables being able to predict recidivism group mernbership, the set of predictors did discriminate in a significant way, but each variable was highly comelated with the rest, and on its own did not predict a significant amount. The OLS regression equation accounted for 36% of the variance, whereas the logistic equation explained 27% of the variance. in both regression equations, meaningful models were

constructeci, with the set of variables discnminating signincantly between groups.

Univariate F-tests were done since the predictor variables could not be commented on

individually. Correlations between predictor variables are presented in Table 1 1.

Summaries of the OLS and logistic regression analyses are presented in Tables 12 and 13

respectively .

Table 11

Intercorrelations between recidivisrn predictors

Variab le/S cale 1 2 3 4 5 6

2. Perceived control over friture

3. Optimism for future

4. Chernicd abuse

5. Antisocial tendencies

6. Jesness recidivism predictor scale Table 12.

~ummayof ordinary least sauare remession for variables ~redïctingrecidivism amonq youne offenders

Variable -B SE& Beta Sig.

Control over fbture -.O74498 .O43683 -.303290 .O975

Optimism for kture .O82611 .O73595 .179167 .2697

Chernical abuse .O05475 -013027 .O791 72 .6770

Antisocial tendencies .O012469 .O07513 .372411 .IO65

Jesness Recidivism ScaIe -.O06105 .O073 15 -.171075 .4200

------

Note. Ra= .36, F(5,33) =3.75,p<0.01

Table 13.

&mmary of loeistic reaession for variables predicting recidivism among vounq offenders

Variable -B SU Wald Sig

Control over future -.6902 .3625 3.625 1 ,0569

Optimism for fiiîure S029 .4576 1.2074 .2719

Chernical abuse .1284 .Il44 1.2585 ,2619

Antisocial tendencies ,0945 .O555 2.900 1 .O886

Jesness Recidivisrn Scale -.O584 .OS32 1.207 1 .2719

Note. R!= .27 Chi-Square = 18.638,s DF, p c .O022 Reiattrbnship between Targeted Areas of Intervention and RecidivIsm

Of the seven major areas which were targets of intervention, five showed si-cant improvement on at lest some of the predicted measures. A few of these areas of improvement also proved to be linked to recidivism outcome data Tbrough regression analysis, sY< factors arose as being significaatiy linked to recidivism: perceived amount of control over the future; optimism for the future; chernical abuse tendencies; antisocial tendencies; and the Jesness Recidivism Predictor Scale. Significant differences were detected between treatment and control groups on two of these seven (optimism for the future and chemicai abuse tendencies), with members of the treatment group scoring in a positive direction. Although there were a number of other factors dong which treatment and control groups differed (Le., perceived progress in solving problems, increased confidence, increased guilt) none of these were directly related to recidivism. A cornparison of treatment versus control groups and recidivists versus non recidivists is provided in Table 14. TabIe 14

A cornparison of treatment vs. control m-s. and recidivists vs. non-recidivists

Outcome Tar~ets Treatment vs. Contrai Recidivists vs Non-Recidivists of Intervention

Self: Self Esteem No signifrcant ciifference No signifïcant differences

Shame No signiacant dinerences No sipficant clifferences

Locus of ControI Treatment group reported greater Recidivists have less perceived perceived control over üfe control over their lives

Treatment group reported No significant ciifferences increased guiif greater empathy

Famii'y: Attitude towards famiiy No significant differences

Peers: Relationship with peers Teachers reported pater No significant differences participation in class among treatment group members No significant differences in Recidivists have sigruf~cantly the number of Behaviour Reports more Behaviour Reports Environment: Coping with dificult Recidivists have significantiy more environment aegative attitudes toward staff

Cognition: Optimism for the bture Treatment group more optimistic Recidivists Iess optimistic

Treatment group reported fewer No signifîcant differences attention problems

Anti-social tendencies Treatment group reported fewa Recidivists report more antisociai tendencies antisocial tendencies

Behaviour: Chernical abuse Treatment group reported fewer Recidivists report more tendencies chernical abuse tendencies chemid abuse tendeucies

General conduct No signficant differc~lcein Recidivists have more Behaviour numberof Behaviour Reports Reports (institutional misconducts) Table 14 (Continueci)

Outcome Tarriets Treatment vs. Control Recidivists vs Non-Recidivists of Tnterventxon

Liklihood of future No significant diffefence on RecidivISts have higher scores on offending Jesness Recidivism predictor scde Jesness Recidivism Predictor scores Treaîment group more iikely to No signifïcant ciifference in seek furthex counselling Mcelihood of seeking fùture counsebg No signüicant ciifference on No significant ciifference on Y SR YSR externakation scaies Extennalization scales

Discussion of Results

Review of the literature on treatment of young offenders leads to one unavoidable conclusion: deterrence is not an effective method of crime control. Although it may satisQ societal demands for justice, there shouid be no illusion that offenders treated under this mode1 are being rehabiiitated. Researchers have proven that the delivery of ciinically appropriate treatment senices cm result in an average reduction in recidivism of more than 50%. In their meta-analysis of treatment programmes for young offenders,

Andrews et al. (1990) identified clinically appropriate intervention as addressing criminogenic need - with the most promising targets being antisocial attitudes, feelings and peer associations, promotion and identification with anticriminal role models, increasing self control, reducing chernical dependencies, and promotion of familial affection. Preliminary investigation of an application of solution-focused therapy to a group

of secure custody young offenders reveais that there is some evidence for the utility of

this model. Although the solution-focused approach appeared to promote change dong a

number of targeted dimensions, there were a numba of targeted areas which did not

change among the treatment group members relative to the members of the control group.

Attitudes towards counselling seemed to change as a result of participation in the

programme. There was a trend for those youths who were in the treatment group to

indicate greater wi1lingness to pumie counselling afler release relative to the controls.

This is particularly important, given the eniphasis in the treatment literahue on provision

of a continuum of care. Such a goal may only be achieved if clients are willing to stay

actively engaged in the therapeutic process, learning to view treatment as a potential benefit, as opposed to an integral part of punishment. Compared to their controls, treatment group members perceived that they had made more progress in solving their problems, expressed greater optimism for the future, indicated greater guilt for their crimes and Iower substance abuse tendencies between the first and second assessment periods. There was a statistical trend for lower antisocial tendencies among the members of the treatment group. Between the nrst and third assessment periods, treatment group members indicated higher levels of empathy for others, fewer attentiodconcentration difficulties, and greater confidence in their ability to maintain changes. These areas of change are encouraging, since di have been specifically identified as linked to recidivism (Andrews et ai., 1992).

A number of important areas did not reflect significant change in treatment group

members relative to their controls. Family ftnctioning, peer interactions, extemalized

behaviour pattern, and predictor scales specificaily linked to recidWism did not change

significantly over the treatment period. Future programme development efforts should

take these areas into consideration, as they must be addressed effectively if treatment is to

be successfûi. The existing programme might be improved by an increase in emphasis on peer interactions, self-control and conflict resolution strategies. Institutional treatment programmes are best administered within the context of a continuum of care. Family counselling opportunities, offered immediately upon the offenders' remto his home community, might also be indicated.

It is interesthg to note the disparity between teacher and correctional officer evaluations of resident behaviour. One would expect such extenial ratings to be quite comparable but in fact, they were not. Teachers tended to rate residents in a much more positive light than correctional officers. A possible explmation for this discrepancy in perception is the fact that conectional officers are required to read the criminal history files of the residents they are responsible for, whereas teachers are not. In fact, many teachers make a point of reading the offender files, claiming that they like to give their students a "tiesh" start. As they spend more time with each student, teachers are more likely to witness problematic behaviour, and thus the "haio" diminishes.

separate hmany evaluative aspects of the research, thereby reducing the likelihood that participant responses may be an attempt to gain the therapist's attention.

The qualities of the therapist and the expectations of the clients combine to contribute signifïcantly to treatment outcome, but without an appropriate mode1 of intemention, treatment is bound to produce less than satisfactory resdts. Through solution-focused therapy, clients receive very clear and consistent messages conceming their cornpetence, capabilities, and abiiity to instigate change. Although rnany young offenders enter detention with a negative attitude, at such a point in their lives, motivation to change is great For many of these youths, their problems may be so ovenvhelming that custody might offer a temporary reprieve. For a brief moment in time, their basic needs will be met, and they will be afforded the opportunity to reassess the choices they have made in their lives. These youths how that they are standing at a crosmad - with one path leading to the adult conectional systern, and the other, to a way of life which is productive and prosocial. Solution-focused therapy focuses on the mental health of the client, with the underlying message being that the offender is treatable, and the greatest resources for change corne nom within.

Research indicates that appropriate intervention is better than no intervention, and the one factor which appears fundamental to the difference between programmes that work and those that do not is the conceptualization of criminal behaviour on which the programme is based (Iao & Ross, 1990). For many young offenders, criminal behaviour is a leamed response to a series of unsatisf'jmg personal experiences. The youth learns to

view the world in te- of his/her immediate needs, and loses sight of the longer tm

consequemes of his actions, both on the self, and others. As Lankton so aptly reiterated:

" Enckson believed that psychological problems exist precisely because the conscious mind does not kmw how to initiate psychological experience and behaviour change to the degree that one would Zilceyy(1 985, p.28).

Solution-focused therapy involves understanding client goals, and deveIoping appropriate and effective means for achieving them. It is a method of therapy that nourishes the hope of the client, builds on individual strengths and resources, and translates them into concrete behavioural change.

Limitations

Although the findings of this research project are encouraging, they are far f?om conclusive. With such a srnall sample size and the use of only one therapist, the degree to which the hdings can be generalized is limited. The poor response rates hmthe teachers and correctional officers compromised the utility of the external observer data.

This resulted in a heavy reliance on participant self-report data. Although the participants might have answered trutbfiilly to the questions posed, without external validation, the accuracy of these reports remairs unverifïed.

Although the labour dispute did not appear to have a unifoxm impact on the study participants, it clearly had a negative impact on some. The degree to which the residents

were able to ident* and mess such inauences is unlmown. The reduced sample size at

time three served to reduce the power of the test, increasing the likelihood of type II mor.

One of the areas in which change was predicted, but did not occur, was in the

participants' relationships with their families. Unfortunately, most of the offenders'

families lived a significant distance fiom the custody facility, rendering family

involvement in the counselling programme problematic if not impossible. The results

korn this anaiysis suggest that, on discharge, there is stiU a need for family work. IdealIy

then, family counselling should be made available hconjunction with individual

counselling. In those cases where this is not feasible, family counselling might be part of

a comprehensive plan for release.

In any programme evaluation research, it is crucial that the research design be

methodologically sound. Application of a such methods to a correctional facility may

prove tncky, when the "real world" demands of the institution compete with the

methodological demands of the shidy. When the research is being conducted in a youth custody facility, issues of consent to treatment, nght to treatment and institutional constraints may significantly affect the degree of control which the researcher has over the project. Consideration to the contes of the research, therefore, mut be ackmwledged in discussions of limitations to implementation. Another limitation of the study is that analysis is limited to data of those residents who agreed to participate in the study. Two of the study participants were released nom the study because it was apparent that they were not voluntary participants. During the fint interview, it becarne clear that one of the participants cleariy had not understood what he had consented to. He was of borderline intelligence, and whether he was capable of givhg infonned consent was unclear. The second participant who left the study did so once he realized that he could do so without fear of negative consequences. Although such individuals may not agree to be involved in the study, they may agree to being

'?racked7,so that their progress through the criminal justice system may be compared to that of residents who agreed to involvement in the study. These non-participants likely represent a core of "hard to serve7'offenders, who rnay well represent a significant proportion of failures in any treatment programme. Offenders such as these, who voluntarily exclude tbemselves hmtreatment programmes, likely have needs which differ fundamentally from those of offenders who are receptive to treatment. An analysis of the neeh of such youths would form a valuable component of any programme evaluation. Conclusions

The results of this study provide some support for the application of solution- focused therapy to a high-risk young offender population. Aithough forty cases is too few to make conclusive statements about offender rehabilitation, the rdtssuggest that this form of therapy appears to be somewhat instnimental in initiating changes above and beyond those which occur as a result of participation in regular institutionai programming. Of particular note is the fact that some of the areas which showed the greatest change were strongly linked to recidivism. The treatment programme targeted offender attitudes and behaviour. Many of these targeted areas showed change over the

10 week treatment perïod. Ten week follow-up indicated that such changes were relatively stable. Targeted areas which did not show treatment effects indicate future directions for programme revision. Although the treatment group had a 6 month recidivism rate which was half that of the control group, this fhding was not statistically significant. Perhaps with a Iarger sample size and increased test power, levels of statistical significance woutd be reached. Longer term follow-up will provide valuable information on the peimanency of treatment effeçts.

From a quantitative perspective, the results of this research provide at least weak support for the solution-focused model. Qualitative data indicate a high degree of receptivity to the model, a pdcularly importaut consideration among this group of high risk youths. From a cost perspective, appropriate treatment makes sense. With potentid

reductions in recidivism rates of up to 50%, it appears the question is "How can one

afford not to treat?" If this treatment programme were translateci into dollars, the twenty

members of the treatment group could have been treated for less than $40,000 (paying an

hourly rate of $ IOOhour, and allowing 20 hours per client). Built hto this cost are the

hom necessary to do background research on the client's history, thefor note taking

and case formulation, and time for foilow-up afler release. Even if ody prie of the

twenty offenders is rehabilitated, the savings to the justice system would exceed $52,000.

Ifthe recidivism rate of the treatment group remahed half that of the control group,

savings would be considerable (with incarceration costs at $92,000 per person per year).

This cost analysis has been calculated without factoring in the expense of apprehending,

transporting, housing and txying reoffmders.

Ideally, a treatment programme would be effective with al1 onenders.

Realistically, there will always be a small proportion of the offender population which is resistant to treatment. In an attempt to offer treatment to those who could most benefit fiom it, the principles of risk, need and responsivity should be followed. Research has shown that high offender scores on the Psychopathy Check List (Hare, 1993) conter indicate positive treatment outcorne. In the sample of offenders in this study, those who recidivated tended to be higher nsk (as indicated by the LX), with greater anti-social tendencies, greater substance abuse problems, less perceived control over their lives, and less optimism for the fiture. It is likely thai a significant proportion these recidivists

would have met Ham's criteria for psychopathy. In hture research endeavours, it might

be worthwhile to assess potentid treatment candidates using the Psychopathy Checklia

(Hare, 1993), so that psychopathy scores couid be façtored into the anaiysis.

It has been demonstrated that violence springs fiom many sources. Effective

interventions, thmefore, will of necessity be rnultidimensional Wenggeler, 1982;

Hawkins, Catalano & Miller, 1992). Solution-focused therapy is not a solution to the

problem of violence in society. Rather, it is a remedial strategy which has been applied to

youths who, through individual traits, family circumstances, peer culture, environmentai

ifluences, or political pressures, have resorted to violence. Although solution-focused

therapy appem to hold promise, it is by no means meant to replace the necessary

preventative measures which are designed to address the roots of the problem. For the

problem of violence to truly be addressed, broad scaie social, economic, and political

refoms must take place. In the meanthne, programmes such as this will continue to be

refined to provide youths with effive and cost-efficient opportunities for change.

Success is a relative constnict. Although programmes that reduce recidivism rates are

encouraging, the ultimate success occurs only when the circumstances or events which promote violent behaviour are eliminated. Recommendations for Future Research:

This study may be considerd a pilot project in the application of solution-focused therapy to young offenders. Preluninary analyses has indicated that solution-focused therapy has some positive effect on secure custody young offenders. The results certainly warrant further investigation. A number of steps should be taken to improve the validity, reliability and generalizability of these findings:

The sample size shouid be increased - thereby increasing the power of the statistical tests.

Different therapists should be trained to deliver the programme - allowing for andysis of therapist effect

FoUow-up should occur over an extended period of the (5 years) for a bettedmore rigorous assessment of recidivism

Where appropnate, solution-focused family therapy should be integrated into the treatment model, to dow support and provide opportunities for change in the youths' home environment.

Treatment which clients receive while incarcerated should comprise a potion of the overall treatment plan. Offenders should automatically be referred to community-based outreach workers on release, as part of a continuum of care.

Offenden requesting additional treatment should receive it. It should be the client, not the study pro tocol, who detedes the length of the treatment programme.

Modifications should be made to the battery of tests used, with some instruments discarded, and others replaced by more suitable alternatives. During the course of the research, it became clear that sorne of the test instruments were more usefiil than others. A summary of participant responses to the test instruments is provided in Appendix 1. Shorter, more personalized assessment foms would be used with teachers and correctional officers. h) In fùture stuclies, it is imperative that the researcher be asmed that hdshe ha obtained informecl consent. It should be recognized that the obtaining of consent rnay take more than one meeting, and in fact may spill over into the study period. Those residents who do not consent to participate in the research shouid be "tracked", so that their progress through the cniminal justice system may be compared to the progress of residents who are amenable to ireaiment.

Implications of the Research

For the past few decades, tremendous pressure has been put on the govemment for an increase in the number of preventive senices available to children and youthç.

Unfortunately, in times of fiscal restra.int, it is precisely these services which are the fint to go. Current research on treatment services for young offenders indicates that appropriate treatment does work, and can lead to reductions in recidivism of up to 50%

(Andrews et al., 1990). Given this howledge, it is hard to rationalize denying such seMces to youths in cnsis. Youths may be viewed as the 'keather vanes" of adult culture. If they are in trouble, it is because society has put them there. They can be treated as aduits and be punished for thei.crimes by serving long periods of time in custody. The product of such treaiaent is predictable - it will be a society filled with hardened, jaded individuals who will quickly reoffend and fa11 within the mandate of the adult correctional system. Once there, they become part of a warehouse of human suffering and despair, with chances of redemption practicdly nonexistent. Society has an obligation to its children, to do everything within its power to set them on a path which is healthy and respecthl of the nghts of others. To deny appropriate treatment se~cesfor

210 youths who have been convicted of violent offences is to set the stage for Mer victimization. In the long nin, the cost of such a decision far exceeds that of a weii formulated treatment service. Not every youth will change hidher ways. With the possibility of 50% treatment success (Andrews, 1!NO), however, it is hard to rationalize a policy of limited or non-intervention. The results of this preliminary investigation support the solution-focused method as a mode1 worthy of merinvestigation. Abraham, RD., Jackson, S.P., & Jones, S. (1996). Individual ciifferences i~

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1) Recommendations of Advisory Cornmittee on Research and

Evaluation

2) Court order for research with yung offenders @ Ontario

Mintstry ofthe Mlnlsrdre du PO Box 4tm CF 4100 Sdicttor Gened and Sdilcüeur g4ndrai et m~int~ww ax) 1bta w O WWtB.yON P189M3 Nami BiyON P109M3 Conwxlod Services des Se~cesco~onnds

August 8, 1995

Ms Belinda Crawford Seagram Triniry College Scboof Port Hope, Ontario LIA 3W2

Dear Ms Crawford Seagrarn:

SUBJECT: RESEARCH PROPOSAL

The Executive Director. Strateg ic Policy and Planning Division. has exercised his prerogative. as Chair of the Ministry's Advisory Cornmittee on Research and Evaluation (ACRE).to approve your research proposal. Solution-focused therapy for violent young ofenders provided yoo address a concem of our Legal Branch. In this regard Legal Brancn have advised that in order to obtain information on the cnminai history of the young offenders involveci in your study you witl neea to obtain from a Youth Coun Judge a court order pursuant to section 44.1 of the Young OffenderAct.

A written reply, indicating how you intend to deal with the above-mentioned concern. should be sent to us pfior to undertaking your study.

Yours sincerely,

Richard Rinaldo Project Co-ordinator (Acting), Research Services cc. Dr. S. T. Hal1i;rveii PMO€ JUSIICE RL RUE SiMCOE loNTARIû1 WH ÏGO

02 November 1995

XS Belfnda Crawford Seagram Trinity College School Port Hope. Ontario LIA 3W2

Dear Ys Seagram:

RE: ACCESS TO YOüNG OFFENDER PILES

Pursuant to section 4411(k)(i) section 44.114). and section 44.1(6) of the Younr Offenders Act, on October 17. 1995. 1 ordered that you have access to young offender records for yoor dissertation research in which you plan CO test the eff lcacg of "Solution-focused therapy" with young off enders.

I trust :his is ail the information you require.

Yours very truly.

Judge Alan P. l&an Ontario Court of Justice Provincial Dlvision

CC: Dr. Judith Mack. Clinical Supervisor. Brookside Youth Centre .W. David Ludie. Superintendent. Brookaide Youth Centre Hl'. A1 Guemsey Assistant Superintendent. Brookside Youth Centre Mr. Ri- &ddo, j- wrdinator, ~*lirus~of SO~LC~U~ GeIld and Qxrectional Services APPENDIX B: Consent Form

Consent to Partici~atein Research

I agree to participate in a research study evaluating the effects of short term treatment on youths in a secure custody setting. This project is being conducted by Belinda Crawford Seagram. M.A.. as part of her programme in doctoral studies in clinical psychology. 1 undentand that my participation is mmpletely voluntary, and that I may withdraw at any time without adversely jeopardizing any other treatment I may be receiving. 1 undentand that a decision not to participate in the study will in no way adversely affect my access to treatrnent.

1 realize that if 1 am in a treatment group, I will be participating in ten weeks of individual counselling, plus three assessrnent sessions (consisting of approxirnately one hour of self-administered questionnaires). If 1 am placed in the wntrol group, my cornmitment will only be to three assessment sessions. In either case, for my participation. I will receive pizza and pop after each assessment session.

Part of my evaluation includes assessrnent frorn sources other then myself. During each assessrnent. my key worker and one teacher will be asked to fiIl out two brief forms conceming rny behaviour. As well. my file will be reviewed. to note the number of behaviour reports (if any) I have received over the study period. The first and last counselling sessions will be taped, so that they can be reviewed by an extemal rater.

1 undentand that this project is under the clinical supervision of Dr. Mack, and al1 information shared in this project is completely confidential. I will in no way be identified in any presentations or publications arising out of the research. Confidence will only be broken in the event that I threaten to hurt rnyself, or others. I have been explained that no notes or letters will go into my Y.O. file without my approval.

(Signature) (Date)

I also grant permission for my file to be reviewed after an extended follow-up period (approximately one to five years) to follow my progress after release.

(Signature) 253 Impact of Strike Surve~

Note to: All Paiticipants in the Bnef Therapy Study

From: Belinda Crawford Seagram

Dear (Name)

I am writing you this letter because 1 am interested in knowing the impact of the recent strike on your expenence at Brookside. It was a time when many of your regular pnvileges were removed (such as schooling, regular exercise, counselling etc.) and I can only guess at the impact it must have had on you. Would you mind taking a few minutes to write down your thoughts on this matter? I appreciate your input! If you run out of space, please feel free to use the back of the page.

What changes happened at Brookside as a result of the strike?

How did these changes affect you?

1s anything different for you now because of the strike?

Thanks very much for your input! WeeWy mood report form BWw am hvo quU~onsfor you to answer as honesüy as possible. Them ira no nght or wmng answem, just opinions. PIèmse anmer Lequestions by plecing an X on the heet the eppmptiate place.

1. Today l feel:

I 1 O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 TekSie Great

2. In general, my week has been:

i I O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Terrrbfe Great

Comments?

1. Co~iesof the solution-focused auestionnaires and background information on research instrumentq

-2. Descriptions of each of the scales Code 8

Below is a list of questions Ibr~uto anBashon- as possible. nien, am no r@ht or mnganstuers, just opinions. Phase ans- the questions by placing an an the line at the appropriata pfaca

1. I feu1 rny pmblems are:

1 1 O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Overwhelrning Manageable

2. My confidence that I will be able to solve my problerns is:

I 1 O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 very vev Low High

3. me amount of progress which f have made towards solving my probIerns is:

I I O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 No Much Progress Progress

4. My confidence that I will be able to maintain these changes is:

I 1 O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Very vev Low High

5. 1 feei my relationship wth my family is:

I I O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Poor Excellent 6. The amount of contml I feel I have over rny life now is:

I I O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1 O No A great deal Control of convol

7. The amount of wntrol 1 feei I have in affecting my future is:

1 I O f 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 IO No A great deal Control of control

8. 1 have had ccwnselling in the past YES NO -

9. My past experience with counseliing was that it was:

I 1 O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Totally VW Useless Helpful

1 The likelihood that I will seek out counselling after I am released is:

I I O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 IO No cnanca Will definately seek it CIosing Interview Code #

Below is a list of questions foryw to an- as honesily as possible. There are no right or wmng answen,just opinions. PIease answer the questions by placing an "Xon the line a? the appmpriate place.

1. I feel my problems are:

I I O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Ovewtielming Manageable

2. My confidence that f wiil be able tu solve my pmblems is:

I I O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 VW very Low High

3. fhe amount of progress Mich I have made towarûs solving my pmblems is:

I I O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 No Mucn Progress Progress

4. My confidence mat 1 wiIi be able to maintain these changes is:

I I O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 VW 'fev LOW High

5. 1 feel my refationship with rny famiiy is:

I I O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Poor Excellent 6. The amount of conml I feet I have over my life now 1s:

7. The amount of control 1 feei ! have in affeding my future is:

I I O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 No A great deal Control of controt

8. I found this counselling to be:

I i O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Totally Very Useless Helpful

9. The likefihood that I wili seek out counselling after i am released is:

I l O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 IO No chance Will definately seek it

Comments: Foliowup Interview Code #

Befow ci a /ikt of questions tbryou to annvoras honesüy as possibie. Tnem are no rfght or wmng answem, just opinions. Please mswer the questions by placing an "ron fhe line et leappmpriete place.

1. 1 feel my problems are:

I 1 O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Overwhelming Manageable

2. My anfidence that I wiil be able to solve my problems is:

I I O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 very very Low High

3. The amount of progress which i have made towards sotving my probtems 1s:

I t O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1O No Much Progress Progtess

4. My csnfidence that t wiil be able to maintain these changes is:

I 1 O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 very very Low High

5. I fee! my retationship with my family is:

1 l O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Poor Excellent 6. The amount of contml i feel I have over my life now is:

I I O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 No A great deal Controf of controt

7. The amount of controt 1 feel I have in affecting my future 1s:

I I O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 No A great deal Controf of contml

8. 1 found the 10 week programme of counselling I received at Braokside to be:

I I O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Totally ver^ Useless Helpful

9. The likelihood :bat l will seek out aunselling after I am released is:

I I O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 No cnance WiII definateiy SeeK it Description of each scale:

1. Youth Self Report (YSR: Achenbach, 1991a)

The Youth Self Report is a 112 item self-adrninistered questionnaire, designed to obtain adolescents' (age 11 - 18) reports about their own cornpetencies and problems. It requires fifth grade reading skills and requires about fifteen minutes to complete. This questionnaire provides information on the following dimensions:

* Somatic Cornplaints * Amious/Depressed * Social ProbIems * Thought Problems * Attention Problems * Delinquent Behaviour * Aggressive Behaviour

Subscales add up to a total "Problems" scale, and "Intemaiizing Problems" and "Extemaiizing Problems" subscales. Only the Pro blems section of the questionnaire were administered, with the time line adjusted to read:"For each item that describes you now or within the past 2 months" (both modifications made at the suggestion of the Author, Achenbach, 1991) According to the author, the YSR is a particularly good instrument for measuring therapy outcorne, and is appropriate for use with young offenders. It also may be used with youths slightly outside of the age range of the questionnaire (Ibid, p. 189).

One week test-retest r=.9 1 for YSR total problems among 15- 18 year olds. Test- retest correlations for the subscales for the same time interval were all significant at p=.05 (ranging from ~49to rc.93 with a mean r =.83) for 15-18 year olds. In a clinical sample of 12-17 year olds, the 6-month stability r was .69 for the total problem score. Measures of the intemal consistency of these scales were not calculated since the syndrome scales were derived fkom principal components analysis, thus making such an exercise redundant.

Vaf id&:

The manual presents several kinds of evidence for the YSR scores. Content validity is supponed by the ability of most YSR items to discriminate significantly between demographically matched referred and non-refemed youths. Cntenon-related validity is supponed by the ability of the YSR's quantitative scale scores to discriminate between referred and non-referred youths after demographic effects were partialled out. 2. The Teacher Report Form (TF2.F': Achenbach, 1991b).

The Teacher Report Form (Achenbach, 1991 b; problems section only) is similar in structure to the YSR. It was used for ratings by the youths' teachers and key worken. It provides information on any perceived behaviouraYemotiona1problems which the youths might be experiencing.

The test-retest reliability of the TRF was found to be high over a mean interval of 15 days, with the mean r=.92 for the problem scores. Stability was good over 2 and 4 month periods. Inter-rater agreement was similar for teachers seeing pupils under different conditions (mean r=.54 for problem scores).

VaIidiîy :

Evidence was presented for several kinds of validity of TRF scores. Content validity is supported by the ability of most TRF items to discriminate significantly between demographically matched referred and non-referred pupils. Cntenon-related validity is supported by the ability of the TRF's quantitative scale scores to discriminate behveen referred and non-referred pupils with demographic effects partialled out. Clinical cutpoints on the scale scores were also shown to discriminate between demographically matched referred and non-referred pupils.

3. The Carlson Psychological Suwey (CPS; Carlson, 1981).

The Carlson Psychological Survey is a 50 item personality inventory developed specifically for use with criminal offenders. It is intended for use with adolescents and adults. The scale scores represent four content areas and one validity check: chemical abuse, thought disturbance, antisocial tendencies, self-depreciation and validity scale. A wealth of normative data is available for the Carlson, both through the author, as well as through Brookside Youth Centre (Goodwin, 1994). One of the particular intended uses of the Carlson was to rneasure change as a result of treatment intervention, hence some of the items in each scale are written so that they can logically be answered differently at different times (Carlson, 1981). It has also been noted to be sensitive to change, and hence is useful as an outcome measure for detecting therapeutic effects (Holden, 1985). Items selected had correlations of less than .20 with items f?om other scales, and correlations of greater than .50 with other items fiom their own scale. This was done to maximize the interna1 consistency of the scales while at the same time maximizing the independence of the scales. Test-retest stability of the CPS scales estimated over two- week and eight year periods were found to be well within the acceptable range for tests of this nature and are as high or higher than coefficients on similar personality tests.

Subscales of the test were developed fiom review of psychological, psychiatrie, and social work reports of the files of a correctional institution. These reports were reviewed for descriptive phrases and adjectives actually being used to describe incarcerated individuals. From such a list, four basic content areas were identified: Chemical Abuse, Thought Disturbance, Antisocial Tendencies, and Self Depreciation. A Validity scale was also added to detect the degree to which the person maintains an acceptable test-taking attitude. The high scorer has failed top maintain the proper set, is answering carelessly or facetiously, or does not understand the questions. Al1 items pertaining to substance abuse were directed to the person's past or future, since it is rare for an inmate to admit on paper that he is abusing dnigs or alcohol while incarcerated.

4. The Coopersmith Self-Esteern Inventory- Adult Form (CSEI; S. Coopersmith, 1981)

This 25 item self report inventory is intended as an supplementary assessrnent of self-esteem (in addition to the self-depreciation scale of the Carlson). Since self esteem is such a crucial variable in this research, it was thought that multiple measures would be prudent. The Coopersrnith Self-Esteem hventory is widely used in psychological and medical research, and is popular due to its brevity, ease of completion, and simple fonnat.

Intemal consistency has been adequately demonstrated for the adult fom of the SEI , with Kuder Richardson reliability estirnates of .80 for grade 12 students. Split-half reliability estimates for the short form among a population of college students were reported at -74 for males, and -71 for femaies. Inter-item correlations for college shidents were reported to be quite low, with the average correlation for 453 students being about -13. Three year longitudinal studies reveal significant correlations found for al1 grade levels (grades 2 through 12) and both sexes for the General Self subscale and Total Self scores, confirming temporal stability of the SEI.

Numerous studies have been conducted demonstrating content validity of the SEI (Kokenes, 1974, 1978; Kimball, 1972, as cited by Coopersmith, 198 1)). Similarly, evidence is provided to support the concurrent, predictive, and multitrait-multimethod validity of the SEI. Unfortunately, al1 of this research was conducted on the long version of the form, not the shoa version, selected for use in this study. Convergent validity was established with the short version of the SEI, however, with correlations of -59 and .60 behveen the short form and the Rosenberg scale for college students (N = 300, Crandall, 1973, as cited by Coopersmith, 198 1).

5. Jesness Behaviour Checklist (JBCL; Jesness, 1984) Self Report and Observer Forms (selected subscales only)

The Jesness Behaviour Checklist is an 80 item inventory measuring 14 bi-polar behavioural tendencies among adolescents. There are two parallel forms: An Observer Form, for ratings by teachers, probation or correctional officers, counsellon, therapists etc; and a Self Appraisal Form for self-evaluation. The JBC noms are based on a delinquent population of 1,879 males and 235 fernales. According to Robert Drummond, a reviewer of the JBC in Test Critiquer, the Jesness provides useful information, but on the whole is too long and the langage too complex for many young offenders. For this reason, only three subscales will be used: Anger Control, Unobtnisiveness, and Conformity, al1 of which, according to Jesness, are related to subsequent arrests. The total number of items from the three subscales combined is 19. Stability coefficients over a 7 month interval with 66 delinquent males, aged 15 to 17, ranged kom a low of .O9 (insight) to a high of .5 1 (Conformity) with a median of .42. Contributing to the rather low correlations are 1) changes in the subject's behaviour over the 7 rnonth penod, sorne related to treatment, some related to adaptation 2) variations in ratings due to raters' greater familiarity and accuracy of knowledge about the subject and 3) unreliability of the instrument. Marked changes in the pore to posttest mean that a significant amount of the variation may be due to behavioural change. Inter-rater reliability reveal uncorrected correlations ranging fiom a high of .57 to a low of -36. "Corrected" estimates shoe the estimated reliability of a composite score based on the average ratings of three observers. A11 conected conelations fell between .63 and .80.

Data bearing on the predictive validity of the scales corne from an analysis of the relationship between Behaviour Checklist scores and the subsequent careers of a group of institutionalized delinquents. The subjects were 982 male youths (median age= 16.6), with the follow up data covered approximately 9 years. The results show that self- appraisal scores on several scales were related to subsequent arrest, the most consistently predictive scores being scores on Anger Control (both pretest and posttest) which were related (pc.00 1)to subsequent violent aggressive acts (homicide, rape, aggravated assault, misdemeanour assault) and arrests for felonies. Posttest scores on Unobtrusiveness and Conformity were also related to violent aggressive mests (Pc.001). Somewhat more predictive were observer ratings, with the scales of Unobtnisiveness, conformity and anger control once again providing the most consistent correlations between observer ratings and the subsequent total, violent-aggressive, and felony arrests.

6. Test of Self-Conscious Affect for Adolescents POSCA-A) Tangney, J.P., Wagner, P.E., Gavlas, J., & Gramzow, R (1991).

The Test of Self-Conscious Affect for Adolescents (TOSCA-A) is a paper and pencil measure designed to assess individual differences in proneness to shame, proneness to guilt, extemaiization of blame, detachment/unconcem, pride in self (alpha pride) and pide in behaviour @eta pride). The measure is cornposed of 15 bnef scenarios (10 negative, 5 positive in valence) which respondents would likely encounter in day-to-day life. The TOSCA-A is based on subject-generated items, drawn Corn narrative accounts of persona1 shame, guilt and pnde experiences of several hundreds college students, non college adults, and children. The TOSCA-Awas developed derthe adult and children's version of the form. In this version, items fiom the child and addt fom were dttenand revised to yield an age-appropriate rneasure. A pilot version was ndministered to 223 midents grades 7-12. Bas& on psychometric analyses, the best 15 scenarios were selected for the final version of the TOSCA-A.

The internai consistency (Cronbach's alpha) estimate of reliability for the TOSCA-A shame scale is rc.77. The intemal consistency estimate for the guilt scale is r=-81. According to the author, these estimates of internai consistency are generally quite high, given that the alpha coefficient tends to underestimate the reliability due to the situation variance intmduced by the scenario approach.

The TOSCA for adults has been used more extensively than the TOSCA-A. Previous studies offer strong support for the validity of the duit shame and guilt scales, in terms of their differential relationship to psychopathology, aspects of interpersonal fiinctioning, and fadyfunctioning. Preliminary analyses of the TOSCA-A show comparable evidence for the validity of the adolescent shame and guilt scales, as indicated by their relationship to indices of anger, empathy, and psychological symptoms (Tangney, Wagner & Gramzow, 1994). Since the scenarios and responses were subject-generated, they have high ecological validity (unlike earlier versions of the fom, which were experimenter- generated).

7. Brief series of solution-focused questions (Author Generated).

This pencil and paper questionnaire consists of a brief list of 10 likert scale questions (0- 10) ranking offenders' perceptions of themselves, their behaviour and their ability to control their actions (consistent with the solution-focused therapy model). Slight modifications differentiate the preliminary f?om final and follow-up versions of this fonn. on m- wO Fi0 --4- ". c'! Grj -N ~CV rom aw GN' mm \ON Ob Ooa om 0- om ?O qm %c $2 2% ?.s! or. Y=? +m 00- e- Gcu' - inN P- WIN

APPENDlX G (Continued)

Means, standard deviations, and F-values of self-report outcome measures as a function of group and time:

Group: Tteatment Control Groua Effects (Qme 1 covaried) Time 1 Time 3 Time 1 Time 3 Muhivariate F Univariate F

TEST OF SELF-CONSCIOUS AFFECT (TOSCA-A):

Shame M 39.33 37.94 35.18 36.73 SD 13.01 10.60 7.05 5.61

Detachment M 34.50 32.1 1 33.27 31.18 SD 5.59 5.44 3.00 2.23

Ex ternalization M 43.94 39.1 1 40.72 38.18 SI) 11.70 10.19 6.07 7.57

COOPERSMITH SELF-ESTEEMINVENTORY:

Total Score APPENDIX G (Continued)

Means, standard deviations, and F-values of self-report outcome measures as a function of group and time:

Group: Treatrnen t Cantrol Group Effects (time I covaried) Timc I Time 2 Tin~e1 Time 2 Multivariatc F Univariate F

CARLSON PERSONALITY INVENTORY:

Chernical Abuse -M -SD

Thought Disturbance -M -SD

Antisocial Tendencies -M -SD

Self-Depreciation -M -SD

APPENDIX G (Continued)

Means, standard deviations, and F-values of self-report outcome rneasures as a function of group and time:

Group: Trea tmen t Control Group Effects (tirne 1 covaried) Time 1 Time 3 Time 1 Time 3 Multivariate F Univariate F YOUTH SELF-REPORT:

Withdrawal

Soniatic Cornplaints

Delinquency

Aggression

Social Problcms

Thought Disturbance

APPENDIX H

Graphs of weekly self-report data (treatment group)

Weekly Self Re~ort

Reported Mood (ImTerrible. 10i;reat) 10

8 -

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Week Nurnber

- TadayI feef -This week has been Weekly Self Report

Reported Mood (l=Terrible. 10-Great) 10 1

I I

. -...... -......

4 - ...... - .....

2 -. ! / ! i 1

O 4 1 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Week Nurnber

-- foday I feel +This week has been Weekly Self Report ID # 003 (Non-Recidivist)

Reported Mood Wferribte, 10-Great)

I t

Week Number -- Today I feel -This week has been Weekly Self Report ID # 004 (Recidivist)

-Today I feel +This week ha8 been Weekly Self Report ID # 005 (Non-Recidivist)

Reported Mood WTerribfe, 106reat) Io î I

Week Number

-- Today I feel -This week has been Weekly Self Report ID # 006 (Non-Recidivist)

Reported Mood (1-Terrible. 10-Great) 10 r I

Week Nurnber

-0- Today I feel - This week has been Weekly Self Report ID # 007 (Non-Recidivist)

Week Number

-- Today I feel -This week has been Weekly Self Report ID# 008 (Non-Recidivist)

qeported Mood (l=Terrible, 10-Great)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Week Number

--- Today I feel -This week has been Weekly Self Report ID # 009 (Recidivist)

Reoorted Mood (1-Terrible. 10IGreat)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Week Number

'--* Today t feel This week has been Weekly Self Report

Reported Mood flœTerribfe, fQI(3reat) 10 !

Week Nurnber

--- Today I feel -This week has been Weekly Self Report ID # 011 (Recidivist)

Reported Mood (1wTerrible. 10-Great) 10

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Week Nurnber

-- Today I feel +This week has been Weekly Self Report ID # 012 (Non-Recidivist)

Reported Mood (1wTerri Me. 10Great) 10

I I

Week Number

-- Today 1 feei +This week ha8 been Weekly Self Report ID # 013 (Non-Recidivist)

Reoorted Mood WTerri ble. 10-Great)

O ; 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Week Number

--a- Today i feet -' This week has been Weekly Self Report ID # 014 (Non-Recidivist)

Week Number

- &-- Today 1 feel +This week has been Weekly Self Report ID # 15 (Non-Recidivist)

bported Mood (1-Terrible, 10IQreat) l I I

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 IO Week Number -- Today l fee! -This week has been Weekly Self Re~ort

Reported Mood (I=Terrible, 1Oijreatl 10

r---i I !

\ 1 v

...... _..._.....

I ...... -*..- . I . . ... i

Week Number

-- Today 1 feel This week ha8 been Weekly Self Report ID # 017 (Recidivist)

Reported Mood (1-Terribfe, lO-Great) 10 ,

Week Number

-Today I feel Thlsweek has been Weekly Self Report

Reported Mood (1-Terrible, IOlGreat) 10

Week Number

-- Today I feel This week ha8 been Weekly Self Report

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Week Number --- Today I feei -This week has been Weekly Self Report ID # 020 (Non-Recidivist)

-Today I teel -This week has been Weekly Self Report 1 ID # 031 (Non-Recidivist)

Week Nurnber --- Today 1 feel -This week has been Solution-Focused Questihnnaire 0: Designed by the author, this &stionmk proved to be @te valuable in detecting changes over time dong targeted areas of mtentention, A number of the items showed signifïcant change over the, many of these correlating highly with recidivism outcome data.

The Carlson Persondity Iirveniory(CP~: The Carison &O proved to be an excellent tooi for measuring changes in attitude and behaviour. Designed specificaiiy for a young offender population, it used simple language, and was easy to complete. Subscaies addressed areas of specific interest (Antisocial Tendencies, Substance Abuse, Thought Disturbance, Self-Deprication) and appeared to be highly sensitive to subtie change. Scores on a number of these subscaies were simiificantly related to recidivism outcome data.

The YoufhSelf-Repori (YSR): Although commoniy used in young offender research, the Youth Self Report (Achenbach) seemed of limited utility in this study since it did not appear sensitive to subtie changes in attitude or behaviour. The subscaies were not sipnif?cantIy correlated with recidivism among this sampIe of offenders. Offenders cornmented that they found the questionnaire wordy and difKcult to understand

Coupersmith Seff-ESîeem Iirventosr.. Measurement of tbe self-esteem constmct is of limited utility in this type of research increases in seK-esteem do not necessarily correlate with a reduction in antisocial thinking. The use of double negatives in this particular questionnaire created problemç in comprehension.

Test of Self-Consciuus Am-for Adolescents (TOSCA - A) Although the measurement of guilt and shame appear to be particularly imporîant in forensic research, this particuIar instnnnmt did not prove to be weli suited for a young offender popdation. It was lengthy, and evoked a strong negative reaction fiom a number of the participants. A common cornplaint made by participants was that the questions related to teens who were in school and living with their families, situations not congruent with the tives of many of the young offenders. A short% simpler and more persody relevant manner of assessmg the constructs of gdtand shame among young offenders is recommended