FMLN Reflections, 20 Years Later: an Interview with Nidia Díaz
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Brett J. Kyle Dissertation
RECYCLING DICTATORS: EX-AUTHORITARIANS IN NEW DEMOCRACIES by Brett J. Kyle A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Political Science) at the UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN-MADISON 2013 Date of final oral examination: 08/26/13 The dissertation is approved by the following members of the Final Oral Committee: Christina Ewig, Associate Professor, Political Science Scott Straus, Professor, Political Science David Canon, Professor, Political Science Noam Lupu, Assistant Professor, Political Science Henry Dietz, Professor, Government © Copyright by Brett J. Kyle 2013 All Rights Reserved i To my parents, Linda Davis Kyle and J. Richard Kyle ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation would not have been possible without the support of my family, friends, and colleagues. In particular, I would like to thank my co-chairs, Christina Ewig and Scott Straus, for their guidance, feedback, and questions in the development and writing process; and my committee members—David Canon, Noam Lupu, and Henry Dietz—for their insights and attention to the project. I would also like to thank Leigh Payne for her direction and consistent interest in the dissertation. In addition, Andy Reiter has been a crucial guide throughout the process. The research for this project received financial support from the UW-Madison Latin American Caribbean and Iberian Studies Tinker/Nave Grant, the Vilas Travel Grant, and the Department of Political Science’s Summer Research Initiative. Finally, I would like to thank my parents, Linda Davis Kyle and Richard Kyle, and my brother, Brock Kyle, for always being there for me and for always seeing the value of my efforts. -
The Political Influence of the Maras in El Salvador
Analysis Paper 32/2020 14 October 2020 María Luisa Pastor Gómez The political influence of the maras Visitar la WEB Recibir BOLETÍN ELECTRÓNICO in El Salvador The political influence of the maras in El Salvador Abstract: The Salvadoran gangs and in particular the Mara Salvatrucha (MS13) have been acquiring more and more power within the country, until they have become a real political power. A power with wich all parties have negotiated covertly, either to reduce the high levels of violence in the country or just for electoral purposes, as it has been report by the newspaper ‘El Faro’. The content of the report has been denied by the government but is being investigated by the Attorney General's Office. Keywords: Street gangs, MS13, Bukele, El Salvador, dialogue How to cite this document: PASTOR GÓMEZ, María Luisa. The political influence of the maras in El Salvador. IEEE Analysis Paper 32/2020. http://www.ieee.es/Galerias/fichero/docs_analisis/2020/DIEEEA32_2020LUIPAS_maras Salvador-ENG.pdf and/or bie3 link (accessed day/month/year) *NOTE: The ideas contained in the Analysis Papers are the responsibility of their authors. They do not necessarily reflect the thinking of the IEEE or the Ministry of Defense. Analysis Paper 32/2020 1 The political influence of the maras in El Salvador María Luisa Pastor Gómez The political influence of the maras in El Salvador Resumen: Las pandillas salvadoreñas y en particular la Mara Salvatrucha (MS13) han ido adquiriendo cada vez más poder en el seno del país, hasta convertirse en un poder de facto con el que los partidos políticos han negociado de manera encubierta, ya sea para reducir los altos niveles de violencia del país o con fines electoralistas. -
Schafick Jorge Handal Y La “Unidad” Del FMLN De Postguerra: Entre La Memoria Y La Historia
Diálogos v. 20 n. 2 (2016), 13-29 ISSN 2177-2940 (Online) Diálogos A2 ISSN 1415-9945 http://dx.doi.org/10.4025.dialogos.v20n2 (Impresso) Schafick Jorge Handal y la “unidad” del FMLN de postguerra: entre la memoria y la historia. El Salvador, 1992-2015 http://dx.doi.org/10.4025.dialogos.v20n2.34582 Carlos Gregorio López Bernal Docente investigador de la Licenciatura en Historia, Universidad de El Salvador. E-mail: [email protected] __________________________________________________________________________________________ Resumen Este artículo estudia el papel jugado por Schafick Jorge Handal en el proceso de conversión política del Frente Farabundo Martí Nacional (FMLN) en el periodo de posguerra. Se analizan los principales debates en torno a la redefinición político-ideológica del FMLN, la conducción del Palabras Clave: partido y la democracia interna. Este proceso estuvo marcado por fuertes disputas entre los FMLN; Memoria; Handal; liderazgos de las antiguas organizaciones político-militares que conformaron el FMLN. Handal Posguerra; El Salvador fue protagonista principal de estas luchas, en las que obtuvo poder y reconocimiento interno. Sin embargo, murió repentinamente en 2006, cuando el proceso de “unificación” estaba avanzado, pero no consolidado. Sin embargo, en la memoria oficial del Partido, Handal se ha convertido en el principal referente identitario del FMLN de la posguerra; no obstante que su triunfo implicó la salida del FMLN de tres de las cinco organizaciones que lo conformaron. Resumo Schafick Jorge Handal e a “unidade” do FMLN de pós-guerra: entre a memória e a história. El Salvador, 1992-2015 Este artigo examina o papel desempenhado por Schafick Jorge Handal no processo de conversão política do Frente Farabundo Martí para a Libertação Nacional (FMLN ), no período de pós- guerra. -
Democratic Consolidation and Capital Flight in Latin America
ABSTRACT Title of Dissertation: FLIGHT OR FLIGHT? DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION AND CAPITAL FLIGHT IN LATIN AMERICA Daniel Scott Owens, Doctor of Philosophy, 2017 Dissertation directed by: Dr. Virginia Haufler, Department of Government and Politics Since 1980, developing countries lost US$16.3 trillion dollars as a result of capital flight (Kar 2016) representing a major threat to international development efforts. This dissertation investigates why some democracies in the developing world experience much more capital flight than others. Using the experiences of Latin America democracies, the fundamental reasons for flight lie in the failure of these countries to consolidate their democracies. As a result of their failure to consolidate, they are highly vulnerable to popular mobilization by excluded groups demanding redistribution, which has the effect of increasing perceptions of political risk among asset holders and incurring flight. In an area of the world where wealth, income, and power is chronically unequal, my central argument posits a causal sequence that begins with mass mobilization by social movements directed towards new redistributive public policies and in opposition to pro-market democratically elected governments. Typically, as mass mobilization strengthens, Leftist parties embrace the aims of popular movements whose electoral support subsequently increases to levels that allow them to form governments committed to redistribution. Under these conditions, as mobilization and support for the Left strengthened, asset holders’ perceptions of risk increase significantly, leading to capital flight. Using a mixed methods research design combining quantitative analysis with qualitative case studies I present empirical evidence to support my argument. For the quantitative analysis, regression analysis was applied to a cross-sectional time series dataset for 18 democracies. -
Central America (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua): Patterns of Human Rights Violations
writenet is a network of researchers and writers on human rights, forced migration, ethnic and political conflict WRITENET writenet is the resource base of practical management (uk) independent analysis e-mail: [email protected] CENTRAL AMERICA (GUATEMALA, EL SALVADOR, HONDURAS, NICARAGUA): PATTERNS OF HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS A Writenet Report by Beatriz Manz (University of California, Berkeley) commissioned by United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Status Determination and Protection Information Section (DIPS) August 2008 Caveat: Writenet papers are prepared mainly on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. The papers are not, and do not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed, or conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. The views expressed in the paper are those of the author and are not necessarily those of Writenet or UNHCR. TABLE OF CONTENTS Acronyms ................................................................................................... i Executive Summary ................................................................................ iii 1 Introduction........................................................................................1 1.1 Regional Historical Background ................................................................1 1.2 Regional Contemporary Background........................................................2 1.3 Contextualized Regional Gang Violence....................................................4 -
El Salvador's 2019 Elections
CRS INSIGHT El Salvador's 2019 Elections February 6, 2019 (IN11034) | Related Author Clare Ribando Seelke | Clare Ribando Seelke, Specialist in Latin American Affairs ([email protected], 7-5229) On February 3, 2019, Nayib Bukele, a 37-year-old former mayor of San Salvador and candidate of the Grand Alliance of National Unity (GANA) party, won El Salvador's presidential election. Bukele garnered 53% of the vote, well ahead of Carlos Calleja, a business executive running for a conservative National Republican Alliance (ARENA)-led coalition, with 31.8%, and Hugo Mártinez, a former foreign minister of the leftist Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN), with 14.4%. Bukele's first-round victory occurred amid relatively low voter turnout (44.7%) during a peaceful electoral process observed by the Organization of American States and others. Bukele is set to succeed Salvador Sánchez Cerén (FMLN) as president on June 1, 2019, and serve a single, five-year term. Bukele's election ends 10 years of FMLN government. Who Is Nayib Bukele? Nayib Bukele served as mayor of Nuevo Cuscatlán (2012-2015) and San Salvador (2015-2018) for the FMLN. Prior to entering politics, Bukele worked in family businesses started by his late father, a prominent Salvadoran of Palestinian descent who backed the FMLN financially beginning in the early 1990s. Throughout his political career, Bukele has used social media to connect directly with voters, a new phenomenon in Salvadoran politics. As mayor, he revitalized the historic center of San Salvador and engaged at-risk youth in violence-prevention programs. In 2017, the FMLN expelled him for criticizing the party's leadership. -
El Salvador in the 1980S: War by Other Means
U.S. Naval War College U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons CIWAG Case Studies 6-2015 El Salvador in the 1980s: War by Other Means Donald R. Hamilton Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/ciwag-case-studies Recommended Citation Hamilton, Donald R., "El Salvador in the 1980s: War by Other Means" (2015). CIWAG Case Studies. 5. https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/ciwag-case-studies/5 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in CIWAG Case Studies by an authorized administrator of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Draft as of 121916 ARF R W ARE LA a U nd G A E R R M R I E D n o G R R E O T U N P E S C U N E IT EG ED L S OL TA R C TES NAVAL WA El Salvador in the 1980’s: War by Other Means Donald R. Hamilton United States Naval War College Newport, Rhode Island El Salvador in the 1980s: War by Other Means Donald R. Hamilton HAMILTON: EL SALVADOR IN THE 1980s Center on Irregular Warfare & Armed Groups (CIWAG) US Naval War College, Newport, RI [email protected] This work is cleared for public release; distribution is unlimited. This case study is available on CIWAG’s public website located at http://www.usnwc.edu/ciwag 2 HAMILTON: EL SALVADOR IN THE 1980s Message from the Editors In 2008, the Naval War College established the Center on Irregular Warfare & Armed Groups (CIWAG). -
El Salvador: Political, Economic, and Social Conditions and U.S
El Salvador: Political, Economic, and Social Conditions and U.S. Relations Clare Ribando Seelke Specialist in Latin American Affairs January 3, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21655 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress El Salvador: Political, Economic, and Social Conditions and U.S. Relations Summary Throughout the last few decades, the United States has maintained a strong interest in El Salvador, a small Central American country with a population of 7.2 million. During the 1980s, El Salvador was the largest recipient of U.S. aid in Latin America as its government struggled against the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) insurgency during a 12-year civil war. A peace accord negotiated in 1992 brought the war to an end and formally assimilated the FMLN into the political process as a political party. After the peace accords were signed, U.S. involvement shifted toward helping the government rebuild democracy and implement market- friendly economic reforms. Mauricio Funes of the FMLN was inaugurated to a five-year presidential term in June 2009. Funes won a close election in March 2009, marking the first FMLN presidential victory and the first transfer in political power between parties since the end of El Salvador’s civil war. Funes’ victory followed strong showings by the FMLN in the January 2009 municipal and legislative elections, in which the party won a plurality of the seats in the National Assembly and the largest share of the municipal vote. President Funes still has relatively high approval ratings (69% in November 2010), but faces a number of political, economic, and social challenges. -
El Salvador Una Historia De Afinidad Ideológica No Auditable
RELACIÓNVENEZUELA POLÍTICO-ECONÓMICA EL SALVADOR VENEZUELA Mecanismos de cooperación Alba y Petrocaribe Una historia de afinidad ideológica no auditable Febrero 2019 RELACIÓN POLÍTICO-ECONÓMICA EL SALVADOR VENEZUELA MECANISMOS DE COOPERACIÓN ALBA Y PETROCARIBE: UN RELATO DE OPACIDAD Y DESCONTROL. Históricamente conflictiva e inestable, la centroamericana república de El Salvador vivió una prolonga- da etapa de autoritarismo militar durante el Siglo XX, que duraría más de medio siglo y vería en sus postrimerías el estallido de un conflicto interno. Las fuerzas armadas salvadoreñas se enfrentaron a la insubordinación de elementos guerrilleros representados por el marxista Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN). Una vez alcanzada la paz gracias a los Acuerdos de Esquipulas propuestos por el Grupo Contadora - del cual Venezuela formó parte -, la pacificación de El Salvador y su frágil democracia vieron sustituida la violencia del conflicto armado por la criminalidad producto de la proliferación de grupos pandilleros, además de la pobreza desatendida1 por la propia democracia. Este pequeño país centroamericano con una amplia población pobre, una historia de continuos gobier- nos conservadores y un grupo guerrillero institucionalizado como partido de izquierda, pronto vio sus relaciones políticas y económicas influidas de forma importante por el establecimiento de una relación cercana y preferencial con la Venezuela bolivariana. EL SALVADOR Idioma oficial Español Fecha de independencia 15 de septiembre de 1821 Establecimiento -
Reportes Del CEMOAN Centro De Estudios De Medio Oriente Y África Del Norte CEMOAN Escuela De Relaciones Internacionales - Universidad Nacional Heredia, COSTA RICA
Junio de 2015 Número 19 ISSN: 2215-2768 Reportes del CEMOAN Centro de Estudios de Medio Oriente y África del Norte CEMOAN Escuela de Relaciones Internacionales - Universidad Nacional Heredia, COSTA RICA The Palestinian Kattan family in San Pedro Sula Honduras 1920 Central America and the Middle East: separated by distance, connected by history Sergio I. Moya Mena Introduction Although separated by thousands of miles, there have been important historical links between these two regions. Since the end of the Ottoman Empire, Arab immigrants settled in Central America and established economically prosperous and politically influential communities. Later, during the Cold War, a number of relevant linkages and partnerships were developed between the two regions. In recent years, there is a mutual interest in strengthening cultural and political ties and creating new opportunities for economic and diplomatic cooperation. This paper portrays the development of relations between Central America CEMOAN and the Arab World, highlighting the role of the Arab Diaspora, its economic and political success, the political positions of the countries of the region toward the Arab- Centro de Estudios de Israeli conflict, and other issues relating to the political and diplomatic relations Medio Oriente y África between the two regions. del Norte Although we can identify various types of linkages between Central America cemoan.org and the Arab world dating as far back as the time of Spanish colonization, the most important linkages between the two regions undoubtedly started with Arab Reportes del CEMOAN No. 19 immigrants from the ancient Ottoman between One hundred and fifty Empire, who started settling on the thousand and Two-hundred thousand of American continent during the mid the six million inhabitants of Honduras nineteenth century. -
El Salvador's New Leftist President Faces Daunting Economic Tasks; No Help Expected from a Battered Right Wing LADB Staff
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiCen Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 5-28-2009 El Salvador's New Leftist President Faces Daunting Economic Tasks; No Help Expected From A Battered Right Wing LADB Staff Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen Recommended Citation LADB Staff. "El Salvador's New Leftist President Faces Daunting Economic Tasks; No Help Expected From A Battered Right Wing." (2009). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen/9706 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiCen by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 050836 ISSN: 1089-1560 El Salvador's New Leftist President Faces Daunting Economic Tasks; No Help Expected From A Battered Right Wing by LADB Staff Category/Department: El Salvador Published: Thursday, May 28, 2009 June 2 marks the spot where the march of history in El Salvador turns left. As it leaves the once- inexorable rightward parade route laid out by the Alianza Republicana Nacionalista (ARENA), the country is headed for a good dousing in uncharted waters. El Salvador owes its creditors money, the outlook is for continued economic contraction, and tax receipts are likely to be skimpy until citizens once again have something to pay taxes on. If incoming President Mauricio Funes and his Farabundo Marti para la Liberacion Nacional (FNLN) have anything favorable to look forward to, it is that the opposition is also, for the moment, in a state of diminished capacity. -
United Nations Commission on the Truth for El Salvador Issued Its Report Documenting the Human Rights Tragedy of the 1980-1991 Period
August 10, 1993 Vol. V, Issue No. 7 EL SALVADOR ACCOUNTABILITY AND HUMAN RIGHTS: THE REPORT OF THE UNITED NATIONS COMMISSION ON THE TRUTH FOR EL SALVADOR INDEX Introduction ..............................................................................2 The Origins of the Truth Commission ............................... 4 Purging the Military: The Ad Hoc Commission .............. 7 The Truth Commission Begins Operations ..................... 10 Pressures on the Commission............................................ 11 The Content of the Report .................................................. 14 Cases Ascribed to Government Forces ....................... 15 Cases Ascribed to the FMLN ....................................... 17 Recommendations of the Commission ...................... 19 Reaction to the Report in El Salvador............................... 20 The Amnesty......................................................................... 23 An Evaluation of the Truth Commission Report ........... 24 FMLN Cases.................................................................... 25 News From Americas Watch - page 2 - Vol. V, Issue No. 7 Amnesty and Prosecutions........................................... 27 The US Role........................................................................... 29 "It would be good to keep in mind that, above all, what must be determined is the identity of those fundamentally responsible for these captures...those who gave the order, those who permitted them, even those who reveled C as in a Roman circus