MASARYKOVA UNIVERZITA FILOZOFICKÁ FAKULTA Semin|ř dějin umění

The Monastic Church in La Charité-sur- The Testimony of the Bas-relief Tympana

Tereza Kučerov|

Magistersk| diplomov| pr|ce

Vedoucí práce: doc. Ivan Foletti, MA

2018

2

Prohlašuji, že jsem diplomovou práci vypracovala samostatně

s využitím uvedených pramenů a literatury.

..………………………………………………………

Tereza Kučerová

3

4

I would like to express my gratitude to everyone who has supported me and helped me during the last few years. I owe a profound debt of gratitude to all friends, colleagues, teachers, library employees and people, I have met “on the way” so far. This thesis would not exist without your various kinds of support, assistance, generosity and time, which you have shared with me. I would also like to honestly thank to my family for their never-ending help and support. Special acknowledgement goes to Sarah and Tereza, for their time and patience with correcting of this text. I am also very grateful to Ondřej Jakubec, head of the Department of Art History, for his patience. At the end, I would like to express my great gratitude to my advisor, Ivan Foletti, for his kind guidance, great help, innumerable advices and admirable patience.

Thank you!

5

6

Content

Introduction 9

1. Statement of Research…………………………………………………………………………………………..……..…..11 1.1. The Nineteenth Century: The First Studies and Examinations……………………….………….12 1.2. Studies about Tympana during the First Half of the Twentieth Century: First Comparative and Iconographic Interpretations……………………………………..…………19 1.3. Recent Researches and Last Conclusions: From the Half of the Twentieth Century up to These Days…………………………….…………..28

2. The Monastery and Tympana La Charité-sur-Loire From Preserved Manuscripts up to the Twenty-First Century………………………………….…40 2.1. From Legendary Origins to the French Revolution: The Construction of the Monastic Church…………………………………………………….…………...41 2.2. The Liminal Zone of La Charité-sur-Loire: Could There Be a Narthex Once?!...... 49 2.3. Preserved Bas-relief Portals in Their Visual and Iconographic Context……………………...56

3. “Through the Eyes of the Time”: The Possible Interpretations of Bas-reliefs Portals from La Charité-sur-Loire………………...…66 3.1. The Perception and Reception of the Bas-reliefs in the Twelfth Century………………..…..67 3.2. Between liturgical dramas and relief representation: a statue of Virgin Mary…...... 78 3.3. The Bas-reliefs of La Charité-sur-Loire in a Contemporary Context…………………………..95

Conclusion 109

Bibliography 112

Illustrations 131

7

8

Introduction

On an endless way, during a pilgrimage to very far destinations, quotidian contact with unknown environs put wayfarers on geographical, cultural and religious crossroads every day, where, especially in the twelfth century, a familiar and safe catholic place was good to find. At one of these crossroads we could still see a one of these great meeting points, placed on a road alongside the river Loire, the one of the greatest French Romanesque monasteries, La Charité-sur-Loire. This priory was generally famous for its legendary charity of local monks, promoted also by its name and widely known rumors. On the other hand, this monastery was famous for its power, wealth and its important status in the order of , promoted also by its nickname La Fille aînée de Cluny, the “Eldest Daughter of Cluny”. Unfortunately, only monumental debris of monastic buildings and a church can demonstrate us today a faded glimmer of the primal greatness and beauty of this medieval ambitious project whose merits were not obviously a work of chance and luck, at all. This priory was strategically and probably also intentionally founded at one of the most advantageous locations in , on the crossroad of the river and two ancient well-known roads from to Orléans and from Avallon via Vézelay to . All of them were generally highly used also by pilgrims to Santiago, Rome or Jerusalem. Moreover, the short distance from , Cluny, Vézelay, Bourges, , Sauvigny and Nevers gave La Charité-sur-Loire very close bureaucratic, political, religious, commercial, and artistic-cultural relationships and connections. Besides, the river embodied a highly frequented way used for the trade and travelling in that time which could have helped the monastery to become an important religious, cultural and even commercial center of the area and even surroundings. That made from a small village in an ancient diocese of (todays’ region of Nièvre), the meeting point that a majority of pilgrims, merchants, shipmen and even local inhabitants repeatedly visited and that is even today on pilgrims’ itinerary. What a magnificent and a strategically placed Cluniac daughterly abbey! An extraordinary dominant position of the monastic complex is still perceptible in this town. Monastic towers, the most striking signs of this town from roads and the river as well, are protectively rising above roofs around. Proud local inhabitants and patriotic community "Les Amis de La Charité-sur-Loire" truly take care of this historical site and make it still living by many cultural and religious occasions constantly holding there.

Many archaeological, historical and (a bit less) art-historical studies have been already written about the recent discoveries and architecture of the whole priory, its monastic church and sculptural decorations. Despite the fact, that the most studied issue of local sculpted decorations represents two bas-relief portals, probably, from the beginning of the twelfth century, there are still left many questions to investigate about them. Because of that, this diploma thesis will be focused chiefly at these questions, which have not been studied, yet. These two bas-relief portals are well-known for their ambiguous iconography of the main scenes: the Assumption of Virgin Mary and the Transfiguration of Christ,

9 accompanied by lintels showing the scenes from the life of Virgin Mary (the Annunciation, the Visitation, the Nativity, the Annunciation to Shepherds) and the childhood of Christ (the Adoration of Magi and the Presentation in Temple). Since there are not preserved documents speaking about tympana till the nineteenth century, the next examination will consider in which light and how they were studied so far and what is known about the history of the monastic church of La Charité-sur-Loire. Furthermore, based on existing art historical and archaeological studies, this thesis will be occupied by the questions considering not just stylistic or iconographic context of these bas-relief scenes, but also by the asking of where these bas- relief tympana could be primarily located. This question touching their architectonic background is focused chiefly on the reconstruction, at least partial, of their wider context, enabling to basically comprehend the way of perception of these sculpted portals in the twelfth century. By the asking for their possible meanings, which they could had for their medieval spectators, the thesis will continue with the considerations about the possible interconnection of these tympana with the liturgical performances including dramas, the visual and sensorial mediations, the rising cult of the Mother of God or the period doctrine of the ninth Cluniac abbot Peter the Venerable (1122-1156). What could tympana really manifest, where could their primal location be and what could mediate the subliminal message of their visual rhetoric embodied by their absolutely unusual iconographic compositions in their period? And could it be even possible to answer all these questions with some satisfying results nowadays?! Following chapters will put a great effort to obtain at least basic explanations. Nevertheless, for that is necessary to step out of classical field of study, on which these bas-relief portals have been studied up to nowadays and take a new look at this topic.

Due to its subject, this work does not deal with a deep analysis of the monastic architecture and its church in detail or other rich sculptural decorations of this monastic church. There will be not dealing with the historiographical uncertainties about dating of these bas-relief portals, as well. Either all these questions had been sufficiently examined, yet or these study areas and questions could be yielded to more qualified archaeological researches.

“We will never understand the language and the message of Romanesque sculpture if we fail to take note of the different audiences to which it was addressed.” Saueländer 1992

10

I. Statement of Research

11

1.1. The Nineteenth Century: The First Studies and Examinations

It was not until the mid-nineteenth century that there were written records and published testimonies about the existence of bas-relief tympana in the monastery of La Charité-sur-Loire. Although there are references and texts about its history and architecture, that have existed in publications since the eighteenth century.1 Surviving only as a magnificent and breathtaking reminiscence of its former monumental architecture of majestic Cluniac monasteries, La Charité often represented one of the main reasons for scholars of those times to be upset and outraged by the conditions and the way decaying historical monuments were treated in France. The call for their systematic preservation and for a discontinuation of the punishable actions of inhabitants in regard to the national heritage caused a public and private outcry.2 The famous novelist and playwright, Victor Hugo was one of these fervent revivalists who articulated the public concern about the state of French monuments which were in a state of disrepair. Hugo was a propagator of the fight against the vandalism unleashed to extremes in the French Revolution. He appealed to “stop the hammer which is mutilating the face of the country”.3 Hugo was passionate in highlighting the complete public and aesthetic ignorance about the damage to historical monuments and spoke of the “barbaric brutality” of the lack of restoration and maintenance of the monasteries. Hugo stated that: “At La Charité-sur-Loire, near to Bourges, there is a Romanesque church that, for the immensity of its area and its architecture, would compete with the most celebrated cathedrals of Europe yet, it is half-ruined. It falls down stone by stone, as unknown as oriental pagodas in sandy deserts.”4 All the scholarly calling for a national heritage administration and a restoration heritage project to resolve the delapidated state of French historical monuments partially contributed, among other factors, to the creation of the position of “General Inspector of French historical monuments”. This position was especially created for Ludovic Vitet by the then Interior Minister, François Guizot. It was several months after the July Revolution in 1830 when the constitutional monarchy was established in France.5 In this new liberal and democratic climate, the major movement of the restoration of historic monuments in France began.6 Therefore, La Charité became a part of extensive descriptive and classifying registers of French or regional (Nièvre, Bourgogne) historical monuments, aimed to document and preserve a testimony of their original state and what needed to be done in terms of restoration. In addition, their lost dignity and original magnificence were noted. Sculptural decorations were, however, treated as a part of the architecture.7

1 Among others: Mabillion 1707.; Bernot de Charant 1709.; Troche, Lebeuf 1723.; Lebeuf 1738.; Lebeuf 1743.; 2 Barthelet 2016, pp. 75 – 77.; Hugo 2018 [1832]. 3 Hugo 1834, p. 321. 4 «À la Charité-sur-Loire, près Bourges, il y a une église romane qui, par l’immensité de son enceinte et la richesse de son architecture, rivaliserait avec les plus célèbres cathédrales de l’Europe ; mais elle est à demi ruinée. Elle tombe pierre à pierre, aussi inconnue que les pagodes orientales dans leurs déserts de sable.» - Hugo 1834, pp. 319 - 320. 5 Bonnet 2009.; Barthelet 2016, pp. 75 – 78. 6 Bonnet 2009.; Barthelet 2016, pp. 75 – 78. 7 Bonnet 2009.; Barthelet 2016, pp. 75 – 78. 12

Nevertheless, the profound studies and systematic documentations of the monastery in La Charité-sur- Loire did not begin until its first official inspection in 1834, when Prosper Mérimée became the new General Inspector of French historical monuments.8 He almost immediately started travelling across France and documented all important and even unknown historical heritage sites. His very first study trip begun in August 1834 when he visited Nevers and then partially motivated by the invitation from Aguste Grasset9, he continued to La Charité-sur-Loire.10 A record from his personal inspection in the local monastery was published in his Notes d’un voyage dans le midi de la France11. He documented the church’s architecture, the monastic history, its state of preservation, and for the first time, he described two bas-relief tympana with lintels and decorative archivolts, located in two lateral portals of the north frontal tower from the 12th century. Although this very first documentation of these bas-reliefs was published in 1835, they were discovered by an accident in 1815.12 Despite this, until Mérimée’s first research, these bas-reliefs were only known to local inhabitants, including Auguste Grasset, to whom Mérimée thanked for bringing these bas-reliefs to his attention.13 Nevertheless, Grasset owed his knowledge to Baron Isidore Taylor,14 who emphasized to Grasset how much their conservation is important to the interests of La Charité and especially for Les Beaux-Arts.15 However, Grasset’s future protests against their systematic destruction and general local vandalism or his suggestions for their transfer and preservation did not achieve appropriate responses until

8 Prosper Mérimée was nominated for this function on May 27th 1834 by the Minister of the Interior Adolph Thiers. He actively held this office up to 1860. His main scope was to coordinate the inventory, the classification and restorations of French medieval monuments. Nevertheless, his professional qualification and the archaeological erudition for this position are unknown. According to Dictionnaire critique des historiens de l’art INHA, his knowledge could be formed by his vocational travelling (largely between 1834 and 1850), when he was studying monuments in situ and by his own self-study of specialized publications from Aubin-Louis Millin, Isidore Taylor and Charles Nodier or Arcisse de Caumont. Moreover, Mérimée, beyond his passion for travelling, was amply intellectually and linguistically talented with a visual perception and memory of “a sensible artist”, shaped by drawing and by studying of masterpieces since his childhood. He was able to see and uncover real artistic works and correctly estimate their values. Last but not least, he met local scholars during his professional voyage, who shared with him their cognitions and the most important information and knowledge about the local monuments. He also constantly cooperated with Viollet-le-Duc. – Auzas 1971, p. 10.; Leniaud 2010. 9 Aguste Grasset, a collector, an antiquary, a conservator and scholar, lived in La Chariré-sur-Loire and became relatively famous for his rich collections of curiosities and artistic objects with a high reputation even in the scholar society. He exhibited them in his house in La Charité. – See Caumont 1839, p. 412.; André 2015, pp. 11 – 13. 10 Parturier 1941, pp. 296 – 298.; Les Amis de La Charité-sur-Loire 2016, (n°94), p. 18. 11 Mérimée 1835, pp. 17-26. – Mérimée described there everything he discovered and documented during his travelling, which was conceived for a registration on the list of the Historical hereditary of France. He equally informed about everything the then French Interior Minister Adolphe Thiers in their abundant correspondence. – See Leniaud 2010. 12 These bas-reliefs were found by an owner of a house, covering the base part of this frontal tower in that time, who wanted to enlarge his house interior. During the tearing down of its back wall, he found at the primal wall of the tower these two walled-up bas-relief tympana. - Grasset 1835, p. 8. 13 Mérimée 1835, p. 25, n. 1. 14 Baron Isidore Justin Séverin Taylor (1789-1879) was renowned dramatist, a pioneer of Romanticism, French philanthropist and a person known even in an artistic world. In 1838 he was nominated as the General Inspector of Beaux-Arts. – Grasset 1871, pp. 6 – 7.; Havelage 1986, pp. 620 – 622. 15 Grasset 1835, p. 4. 13

Mérimée’s visit.16 Thanks to Mérimée’s intervention, he immediately obtained permission from the Interior Minister to move bas-reliefs to the interior of the church.17 Mérimée also authorized Grasset to be the general supervisor for this translation as well as the Inspector of Historical monuments for the region of Nièvre. Later correspondence shows how impressed Mérimée was by the church after his visit to La Charité and by Grasset’s knowledge of medieval art and preservation of historical monuments.18 He also asked Grasset to help him to decide how to proceed in cases of the conservation of demolished French monuments.19 They corresponded about financial aspects of restorations and the transfer of bas-reliefs or about various technical recommendations and endured difficulties in translation. Mérimée also asked Grasset to choose the most convenient place in the church where bas-reliefs would be easy to watch and mentioned, that archivolts needed to be transferred, which could be displaced in the worst case by castings from the plaster and completed by identical capitals originating from bordering columns.20 Mérimée’s inspection put an end to the local vandalism and bad treatment of monastic buildings within its bas-reliefs, struggling with the “impious lack of interest” from the locals and their systematic demolishing of buildings even by local mayors.21 As he noted, low parts of the frontal façade, within both Romanesque bas-reliefs, were still partially covered by two “needy huts”.22 As a result he didn’t record a description of the bas-reliefs or the scenes within them. He also related a tale about the poor fate of another tympanum of “the same style” decorating the lateral portal from “the right side” of the church which was destroyed shortly before Mérimée’s visit.23 Unfortunately, this case was not unusual. Merimée’s remarked that modern vandalism to preserved bas-relief tympana had been caused by a wayfarer (an unknown soldier) a month before his inspection. The story reads thus: the soldier sought accommodation for a night in this house and was lodged in the interior of one of the portals. Supposedly he slept somewhere in its upper part, with the bas-reliefs as the background behind his back. After a very uncomfortable night the soldier became so angry that he decapitated a relief figure of the “Eternal Father” sitting on clouds surrounded by angels and saints.24 [Fig. 0.1, 0.2]

Mérimée’s inclination to diagnosing, based more on his personal sympathies and interests than on a rational model is possible to see in the text about La Charité-sur-Loire which belongs to his very first studies of this kind. On the other hand it already displays his own innovative approach to the evaluation of unknown objects. Mérimée actually established a new professional and fundamental method of asking and answering questions to cope with a lack of documents which used to limit the observation of

16 Mérimée 1835, p. 25, n. 1.; Grasset 1835, pp. 10 – 11. 17 Mérimée primarily intended to transfer both tympana, but because of the householder, who made exaggerated demands on selling his house, they transferred only one full tympanum, which was not trapped in the attic floor. It is placed in the transept of the church today. – Barthelet 2016, p. 77. 18 Mérimée’s letter to Édouard Grasset (August 14, 1834). – Parturier 1941, p. 311. 19 Parturier 1941, p. 294 – 298, 311.; Les Amis de La Charité-sur-Loire (n°94) 2016, p. 18 – 19. 20 Mériée’s letter to Auguste Grasset (Avril 17, 1835; Juin 29, 1835; Juillet 27, 1835) – Parturier 1941, p. 417, 436 – 437, 446.; Les Amis de La Charité-sur-Loire (n°94) 2016, p. 19. 21 Mériée’s letter to Auguste Grasset (August 14, 1834). – Parturier 1941, p . 311.; Les Amis de La Charité-sur- Loire (n°94) 2016, p. 18. 22 Mérimée 1835, p. 24 – The tympana, as all sculptural decoration in the level of these houses, were walled up in their backsides and many of them were entirely covered by the masonry. 23 Mérimée 1835, p. 25, n. 1. 24 Mérimé 1835, pp. 24 – 25. 14 unknown objects by the then educated scholars. He firstly typologically described the monument and then he tried to classify, date and evaluate them. Therefore, in the case of tympana from La Charité, Mérimée classified bas-relief draperies’ execution and decoration as typical for the sculptures of the eleventh and the twelfth century and considered that their precision could be compared to the most important productions of byzantine art. He admired the perfection of their sculpting, especially the way the materials and embroideries or the ornamentation in general were implemented. His noteworthy findings also concern the polychromies of tympana, found in such a perfect state only at nimbuses, painted in blue and ringed with gold pearls or at one Greek cross painted in red. The rest of the bas- reliefs had no traces after coloring so he classified them as “never painted”. Yet he considered their incrustations by small purple disks or small green marbles fixed by iron spines in eyes of bas-relief figures like a contemporary taste of sculptural polychromy.25 Nevertheless, Mérimée’s formal and stylistic analysis showed his formation by the studies of the painting of neoclassical aesthetics at the beginning of the nineteenth century. So in these bas-reliefs he saw “incompatible absences of the imitation of the human likeness and wondered if sculptors of those times worked only according to their memory”.26 He also emphasized that the execution of the long slender figures from La Charité is very similar to the first works of the Egyptians and Etruscans, including equal errors and exaggerations. Mérimée also highly evaluated the great quality of archivolts which he considered to be antique, if they had been discovered on their own. In general, he evaluated the extremely rich local sculptural decors as characteristic for the style of the eleventh and the twelfth century.27

In 1835, one year after Mérimée’s visit, Auguste Grasset reported in an article Notice sur l’origine des bas-reliefs placés le 15 juillet 1835, par ordre du gouvernement, dans le transsept droit de l’Eglise de la ville La Charité-sur-Loire28 about the transfer of the bas-reliefs (lately called as the tympanum of the Transfiguration) to the transept of the church.29 He did not mention in this text anything about the second, still walled-up tympanum, the description of which he published later, in a re-edition of this text, where he classified it like some aged and well conserved bas-reliefs but without the same freshness as the transferred ones.30 He mentioned just a lintel part with scenes of the Nativity of Jesus and the Adoration of Shepherds led by Angels (later the Annunciation to Shepherds). The rest was not visible because the tympanum was nearly fully covered by a loft.

Grasset’s text from 1835 presented the first full description of the transferred tympanum, completed with a brief report about its installation in the church, where it was placed in order to look like it was originally located there, as Mérimée wished. He considered Jesus-Christ as the Eternal Father in the glory as the central figure, with a Greek crossed nimbus around his head, standing at his throne with a

25 Mérimée 1835, p. 22. 26 Auzas 1971, p. 52. 27 Mérimée 1835, p. 22 – 24. 28 Grasset 1835. 29 Grasset 1835, pp. 3 – 4. 30 Grasset 1871, p. 15. – The posterior re-edition is generally the transcription of the very first one with extended historical realities and more or slightly edited information. 15 book in his hand.31 Figures around him were noted as Evangelists and the others as apostles and scenes below were depicted such as the Adoration of the Magi and the Presentation in the temple. It is very important to note that, he did not order to transfer all the original archivolts to this tympanum because of possible difficulties connected with their size and the damage caused by the owner of the house.32 Grasset claimed, however, that he wanted to show the magnificence of the tympanum in its full ancient beauty to visitors, so it was installed together with its first and most preserved archivolt.33 Its original whole piece, which does not exist anymore, is “immortalized” as an engraving, added to the later edition of his text, where it is possible to see two capitals, supporting archivolts with reliefs of knights sitting on horses which has Mérimée already mentioned in his text before but without any closer specifications.34 [Fig.1.1] In fact, Grasset dedicated almost two thirds of the article to a “short analysis of the town’s history” dealing primarily with the history of the local monastery and its church’s architecture “to clarify” the origin and the walling up of these bas-reliefs, which happened, according to his later hypothesis, several years after their execution, in order to save them against further damage.35 That said he estimated the age of these bas-reliefs and the architecture to being constructed in the twelfth century.36 In general, the text from Auguste Grasset is rather informative, descriptive and historically- antiquarian without references or sources, but it represents a very precious record of the state of preservation and the approach to the conservation of tympana during the first half of the nineteenth century.37 His text is ended by brief recommendations for suitable future conservation so that there was no further damage. An example of careless renovation is exemplified in a painting of Saint-Croix which depicts a dense lime coloration instead of a shade of white and an awful slate which was used to renovate the roof which partially crushed the tower. He also mentioned the destroying of the ancient lateral portal of the church by a hammer, which has already been mentioned by Prosper Mérimée. An interesting point here is that Mérimée stated this identical incident shortly before his arrival to the town in 1834. According to Grasset, however, it had probably happened in 1829.38

A section of Mérimée’s text which dealt with the general description and analysis of bas-relief figures from La Charité, was also used by Stendhal in his own report of a visit to La Charité in 1838. His text

31 Grasset 1835, p. 9.; In 1871 he identified him just like "standing Jesus Christ in the glory“. – Grasset 1871, p. 14. 32 Grasset 1835, p. 10. 33 In the case of the first archivolt which seems transferred with the tympanum is necessary to note that probably its copy from plaster is placed at its original place, at the lateral portal of frontal tower. 34 Grasset 1835, p. 9.; Grasset 1871. 35 Grasset 1871, p. 13. 36 Grasset 1835, p. 10.; Grasset 1871, p. 15. 37 Grasset 1871, p. 6 – 7. 38 Grasset 1835, pp. 10 – 11.

16 is, however, more focused on a brief description of the church and town where he accidentally had to spend a night.39

The iconographic analysis of the transferred tympanum was thoroughly examined by Joseph- Napoléon Morellet40 where he named the main scene as the Theophany at Mont Thabor. He also claimed that the monastic frontage had two square towers, all decorated by sculptures relating to the Orient and the period of the Crusades and he also described the archivolts as Byzantine ones.

In 1841 Alexandre Dumas41 was taken to the church and to the house which was hiding bas-reliefs by Auguste Grasset. Dumas reiterated the story about the mutilations of a bas-relief scene by an upset soldier who spent a night in the “alcove with a horrible bed under bas-reliefs” next to him. Dumas recounted many new details about this incident and its circumstances as well as about the bas-reliefs’ location. His testimony is interesting in terms of historical interest despite the fact that the time sequencing does not fit well and the information is in terms of truth replete. That left a question which was actually presented in situ to Dumas and which he later reinterpreted. In addition the authenticity of these tales is difficult to verify as absolute truth.

In 1844 a major part of Mérimée’s study, more precisely the analysis of bas-reliefs, was paraphrased by Jean Jacques Bourassé42 in his descriptive chapter about La Charité which was focused on the architecture with a significant examination of sculptural decorations. Despite the fact that he copied Mérimée’s text about tympana he criticized his comparisons of these Romanesque “long and thin” sculptures to Byzantine and pagan art and he proposed to research the reasons for these forms of Romanesque Christian art in other sources. By that he substantially deviated from the general discourse of other contemporary and even later authors who uncritically adopted Mérimée’s conclusions.

In 1857 Georges Richard Soultrait published a study about the monastery of la Charité-sur-Loire in La Statistique monumentale du département de la Nièvre,43 and later Le Répertoire archéologique du département de la Nièvre, where he describes all monuments of the Nièvre region which he personally visited and among which he recognized La Charité as one of the most important Romanesque monuments of central France.44 Moreover, his text provided the first record of the look and state of preservation of sculptural decorations in the interior and exterior of the church, within the relief of tympana. Despite the fact that he studied tympana like a part of the architecture, he added new and different information. He presented the first full basic iconographic description of both tympana despite the fact that one of them was still trapped in the wall of the house. There Soultrait described Jesus- Christ sitting in the centre of the elliptical glory, blessing with his right hand and stretching his left hand out towards The Virgin Mary, with angels around (one with a cross on a long handle).

39 Stendhal 1955, p. 31. 40 Morellet, Barat, Boussiere 1838-1840, pp. 9 – 10. 41 Dumas 1841, p. 97 – 103. 42 Bourassé 1844, pp. 58 – 61. 43 Soultrait 1857 – 1863, p. 54 – 64. 44 Soultrait 1875, p. 76 – 82. 17

The four lintel scenes he described as the Annunciation, the Visitation, the Nativity and the Annunciation to Shepherds and pointed out the compositional execution of the Nativity scene, which was made “in a very noteworthy way.”45 He emphasized that The Virgin Mary’s bed has got decorated sides and legs and that The Virgin Mary has her head partially broken off at an otherwise very well conserved tympanum. On the other hand, he did not use the previous iconographic analysis of Morellet and Bourrasé for the main scene of the transported tympanum. Nevertheless he added information about the incrustation of the kings’ and The Virgin Mary’s crowns by colourful glass.46

The first iconographic recognition of particular figures from the transferred tympanum which Grasset called the Evangelists and Apostles, was recognized by Emile Montégut in 1873.47 Despite the fact that he largely amalgamated Mérimée’s and Grasset’s descriptive and analytical texts, Montégut recognized in the tympanum “standing Jesus” (not Eternal Father) and in two figures around him the prophets Moses and Elijah. He also named three figures around as The Apostles Peter, Jean and Virgin (later re- named as Jacob).48 His text presents a very substantial expression of his great dissatisfaction with the state of preservation of this monastic complex. While past authors generally just lamented about its dilapidated state, he vehemently criticized the negligence and ignorance of local inhabitants in regards to the local monastery. He stated that the monastery was of a “worldwide importance” as it functioned as a dwelling and its condition was so bad that he described it as “in a state of emergency”.

In 1899 Henri De Flamare published a record of one of the many regular excursions to La Charité.49 However he only described the scene of the Nativity and repeated the general characterization of the bas-reliefs as Romanesque. Nevertheless, the text is completed by probably the first contemporary photos taken by Le Corbeiller which show the location of the tympanum walled up into the back of the house and lintel scenes decorating the wall above a bed in the niche.50 [Fig. 1.2] His further very important testimony describes the interior of the frontal tower and its upper room, accessible for visitors.

45 Soultrait 1875, p. 79. 46 Soultrait 1857, pp. 56, 60. ; Idem 1875, p. 77. 47 Montégut 1873. 48 Montégut 1873, p. 908, n. 1. 49 De Flamare 1899, pp. 3 – 7. 50 De Flamare 1899, p. 4. 18

1.2. Studies about Tympana during the First Half of the Twentieth Century: First Comparative and Iconographic Interpretations

After the first documentary descriptions of newly found tympana which involved the removal of the plaster cast of the tympanum of the Transfiguration to The Trocadero museum in 188251 and the criticism of the behaviour of society to these antiquities, the changing scholarly approach brought new questions and topics during the first half of twentieth century.52 In regards to the research about bas- reliefs from La Charité it brought a crucial change of thinking. La Charité was previously a little known but magnanimous monastery and has become a quite frequently noted and increasingly studied subject. The formal-stylistic analysis slowly gained strength. There was an effort to determine exact dates and authorships. In addition the relationships between “regional schools” or theories and interpretations of meanings of scenes had become a key area of interest in research circles. This new focus was fully reflecting the attitude of the time to art historical methods and researches.53 In fact, they have slowly become the main lines of bibliography, dealing with tympana from La Charité, practically for the research in the last century. The beginnings of these later main debates and disputes about complex formal-stylistic and authorship questions, primarily focused on the age of local tympana and their relationship to the one at , has been set in this period. Consequently, the following subchapters will seek to avoid all encyclopedically rendered publications or modern tourists’ guides which only noted the existence of bas-reliefs as well as basic information about them or their descriptions.54

In 1902 Robert de Lasteyrie wrote a chapter about the Royal Portal of Chartres cathedral,55 where he pointed out that its relief figures from tympanum are more “Romanesque than gothic” in their usage of old iconographic compositions which can be found at other older monuments.56 He used their similarities with lintel bas-relief scenes from La Charité as an example of stylistic, formal and iconographic connections of Chartres’ double frieze with older Romanesque monuments.57 Lasteyrie was more interested in the theories of regional and Romanesque schools so,58 he examined other similar aspects of La Charité in relation to period monuments. He compared its tympana with reliefs from the Cathedral of Saint-Bénigne in and with the relief statues in the cloister of Saint- Trophime in Arles and noted several similarities in the execution of the detail. He dated these examples before the third quarter of the twelfth century (1175) or in the case of Dijon, even older.59 He concluded that reliefs of La Charité represented one of the most extraordinary examples of Romanesque

51 Carré 2010, p. 42. 52 Lymann 1987,pp. 49 – 50. 53 Lymann 1987, pp. 49 – 50.; Le Pogam 2010. 54 Boisville 1910, p. 40 – 44.; Serbat 1916, pp. 374 – 400.; Toscan 1923.; etc. 55 Robert de Lasteyrie du Saillant, a professor and a historian of art specialised besides at French medieval architecture and sculpture, studied at l’École des chartes.He questioned the repeated theory of the nineteenth century about direct Byzantine and oriental origins in many features of the medieval art. See Le Pogam 2010. 56 Lasteyrie 1902, pp. 1 – 28. 57 Lasteyrie 1902, p. 27. 58 This tendency of him could be also partially supported by his education directed by Jules Quicherat, who made a model of classifications of French Romanesque schools. - See Le Pogam 2010. 59 Lasteyrie 1902, pp. 58, 78 - 79. 19 sculpture in its final evolution and he considered La Charité as a certain but almost unknown bond between the atelier of Chartres and those of Vézelay and Burgundy.60

In 1905 André Philippe published the article L’Église de La Charité-sur-Loire, which could be considered as a pioneer of the first complex studies. It examines in equal measure, the historical context, the architecture, the state of preservation of the monastic architecture and its sculpted decorations within both the tympana and their iconography.61 In contrast to his predecessors, he mostly made reference to the used and already studied sources and published manuscripts, from which he utilized and summarized almost all existing information.62 So his description of the tympana on the whole, repeated previous cognitions which he reiterated in relation to the tympana in Chartres cathedral. Philippe emphasized the comparative compositional execution of the Nativity scene depicted in “curious form.” His observations such as naming the book held by Christ as the gospel-book or suggesting that the figure of Saint Joseph from the lintel has no halo are of interest. He accurately identifies all figures including a figure of The Virgin Mary, standing around Christ at the “walled-up” tympanum, as angels.63

In 1913 Jean Locquin dedicated a monograph to the region of Nièvre, dealing with local historical and cultural monuments.64 He designated also a chapter to La Charité-sur-Loire where he presented a section about both the bas-relief tympana. From his text it is not obvious from which sources he is quoting from but his examination of the sources seem to be very close to André Philippe’s analysis. Locquin chiefly wrote about the transferred tympanum and its iconographic interpretation enriched by a reference to the gospels.65 In terms of this thesis his own interpretation of scenes from the lintel in which the Virgin Mary is sitting at the perforated chair and “the Magi are advancing with their gifts are highly relevant. They indicate a genuflection in the symbol of respect and in the spirit of the Byzantine manner, they are holding coat-tails of their vestures. Likewise in the “Presentation of Jesus in the Temple”, an old priest is kneeling down and covering his hands with a cloth to receive Christ.”66

Another formal-stylistic comparison of tympana from La Charité-sur-Loire was made in 1914 by Victor Terret in his large publication La Sculpture Bourguignonne aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles ses origines et ses sources d’inspiration: Cluny67. He used the transferred tympanum from La Charité as an example of several demonstrated phenomenon, which were examined by him. He classified it, together with the tympanum of Saint-Bénigne from Dijon, as works following classical Greek tendencies and techniques which were used by sculptors from the Burgundy school. He also added that their author was probably acquainted with the perspective reductions, liberations from the symmetrical dispositions of figures and

60 Lasteyrie 1902, p. 79. 61 Philippe 1905, p. 494 – 495. ; Philippe 1906, pp. 28 – 31. 62 Philippe, pp. 3 – 13. 63 Philippe, pp. 28 – 29. 64 Locquin 1913, p. 81 – 92.; See Ryan 2012. 65 Locquin 1913, p. 88. 66 “Les Mages s’avancent avec leurs presents. Ils esquissent une genuflexion, et, en signe de respect, selon la mode byzantine, ils ont ramené le pan de leur robe sur leurs mains. De même, dans la Présentation au Temple, le grand prêtre ploie les genoux et se couvre les mains d’un linge pour recevoir l’enfant Jésus.” – Locquin 1913, p. 89. 67 Terret 1914. 20 the sloping of inclined lines.68 The depiction of the Presentation in the Temple was compared to Autun’s and Vermenton’s ones. He also stated that their execution proceeded from a concept of miniatures which is illustrated in byzantine gospel-books of how it is described in the manuscript of The Gospel by Matthew, which is preserved in the library of Saint-Gall.69 Moreover, Terret recognized in the iconography of the transferred tympanum the Transfiguration, depicting five figures mentioned by the Gospels,70 which were not mentioned by almost anybody since Morellet’s iconographic discourse. As the very first author he also classified the iconography of the still “walled-up” tympanum as The Glorification of The Virgin Mary (he related it by its iconography with examples from Notre-Dame-du-Pré in and in Anzy-le-Duc, today replaced in Hiéron de Paray-le-Monial).71 All figures in this tympanum the visibility of which was still limited by its immuring, were described, beyond Christ with The Virgin Mary, just as angels.72

Émile Mâle published a ground-breaking publication in 1922 L’Art du XIIe siècle en France: Étude sur les origines de l’iconographie du moyen }ge.73 It was reprinted several times and used on a universal scale as one of the most important, main dictionaries of medieval iconography during the twentieth century and beyond. This book significantly pays attention to the iconography of The Virgin Mary, liturgical dramas and the pilgrimage phenomenon. In addition a wealth of examples of monastic iconography is discussed. La Charité-sur-Loire is included briefly. Nevertheless Émile Mâle did not connect bas-relief scenes of La Charité neither with the cult of The Virgin Mary or her Assumption, nor with the phenomenon of liturgical dramas. Despite the fact that his theories about the origin of numerous compositions of iconography of the twelfth century (sourcing from manuscripts and oriental models) are already outdated, his chapters about expansion of topics from the pilgrimage art of roads from Italy and Spain or les jongleurs relationship to Romanesque sculpture are still used. There are equal problems with the dates that he proscribes. It is possible that he manipulated the dates and interpreted facts, because he strived to prove the priority of French monuments and the pioneering role of France in Romanesque art and also in liturgical dramas, imprinted in sculptures. Nevertheless, his chapter about the Romanesque portals offers a synthesis that has never been exceeded in "la pensée de l'église s'exprimant dans l'art".74

Thus, there is no wonder that in the second chapter of the book which is dedicated to the origins and sources of the iconography from the twelfth century Mâle, based on his study of manuscripts and its miniatures of different provenances, used bas-reliefs from La Charité as exemplifications of the genre. The Annunciation scene exemplifies the diversity of contemporary artists in regard to depictions of one biblical theme, mixing the inspiration from Carolingian, Oriental, Hellenistic and even more recent models from manuscripts. For this theme, it could also serve as an illustration of the coexistence of two

68 Terret 1914, p. 8. 69 „Infantem in ulnas suas porrigente sancta maria“. According to Terret the Burgundy school used iconographic conceptions from Books of Gospels of byzantine kind very often. – Terret 1914, p. 54. 70 He named all the sculpted figures as Moses, Elijah, Peter, Jacob and John placed around their Master, Christ. The same topic of the Transfiguration he also recognized at the big portal of Charlieu. – Terret 1914, p. 73. 71 Terret 1914, p. 103. 72 Terret 1914, p. 103. 73 Mâle 1922. 74 See Saueländer 2009. 21 main sources and formulas, Hellenic and Syrian, in the French art of the twelfth century.75 As well as the formula, which is used for the Visitation scene in La Charité (or for identical scenes from the occidental façade of Chartres and the portal of Notre-Dame in Paris). This iconography is shown as a compilation of two models from Syria and Jerusalem.76 For the Annunciation leading to the Shepherds scene he recognized several models principally from the Orient, Ancient Greece and the churches of Cappadocia from the tenth century, brought to France by miniatures, where the angel is standing at the same level as the shepherds holding the baton and the flute. As an example “par excellence” Mâle again listed the scene of La Charité, where they are clothed, following his words,” like antic French villagers”.77 In addition in the “Adoration of the Magi “scene Mâle found Ancient Hellenic formulas mediated to the art of the eleventh and twelfth centuries by the Carolingian art, rejuvenated in France by a change in the king’s contemporary formal attire and by the coronation. The scenes from the porch in Moissac78are also listed in addition to scenes from La Charité-sur-Loire. In a subchapter, studying the Transfiguration in the context of the reflection of Byzantine models of French in the twelfth century, Mâle broadly examined the scene from the transported tympanum from La Charité. He hesitated as to whether the universal formula is possible to apply in this case or if there is a transformation made by the author himself. He explored the possibility of whether Christ, the prophets and the disciples standing and sitting at the same level, merely resulted from the demands of the monumental architecture. Finally Mâle stated that this depiction had its model in the identical disposition from Cappadocia where a fresco is preserved from the tenth century in Tchaouch- In. It is possible that the author of the tympanum in La Charité could know the form from miniatures.79

In 1923 Arthur Kingsley Porter published his pivotal work: Romanesque Sculpture of The pilgrimage roads.80 Porter significantly elaborated on this theme. He slowly developed an academic approach based on the formal, stylistic and iconographical analyses and connections among historical monuments. In the case of La Charité, it meant the research about the relationship between its narrative scenes of tympana’s lintels and those from Chartres. Even though Porter refers to sources, publications and studies, his working methods are based mainly on comparisons and stylistic or formal analysis. He determined and suggested possible authorships, new dating or comparisons of examining monuments which were often very far apart. His extensive monographic publication was therefore perceived as a painstakingly treated, detailed corpus of Romanesque sculptures alongside pilgrimage roads, but also it was criticized for his methods based on stylistic comparisons made in situ or later from photography, completed by cited sources.81 Louise Bréhier emphasized that Porter did not leave the field of descriptions and seeking of patterns and models in sources or among the older monuments even in the case of the iconographical analysis and interpretations, based on similarities of details without any consideration of spreading models by ivories, miniatures or casts.82

75 Mâle 1922, pp. 46, 58. 76 Mâle 1922, pp. 115 – 118. 77 Mâle 1922, pp. 115, 117. 78 Mâle 1922, pp. 67, 430. 79 Mâle 1922, pp. 96 – 97. 80 Porter 1923. 81 Aubert 1933, pp. 326 – 328.; Bréhier 1924, pp. 132 – 135. 82 Bréhier 1924, pp. 132 – 135. 22

Porter profoundly developed the connection between relief scenes from La Charité and from the south Royal portal of Chartres, previously mentioned by Robert de Lasteyrie in 1902. He even enriched it by a new close comparison of identical scenes from the frieze which is to be found decorating the church Saint-Laurent-et-Saint-Vincent in Montmorillon. A direct comparison can be made in the manner of their execution and in the identical iconographical compositions of the Annunciation, the Visitation, the Nativity, the Annunciation to Shepherds, the Adoration of the Magi and the Presentation of Jesus at the Temple. The scene of the Nativity was a central note of comparison. Their identical but very peculiar rendition of the Virgin Mary’s bed, upon which is placed “a sort of shelf” carrying the newborn Child, or the study of Joseph’s figure standing behind the bed, whose garment according to Porter “falls over his left arm in the precisely same way” is clear proof of the comparison and possible imitation.83 Moreover, Porter claimed, based on stylistic and formal analysis, that the frieze from Montmorillon is older than the lintels from La Charité and Chartres. Porter cited Montmorillon as the place of the origin for this peculiar Nativity scene. He also noticed that the Adoration of Magi scene is missing in Chartres, but its depictions from Montmorillon and from La Charité are very close. He found several similarities with the façade of the cathedral in Angoulême, as well. Based on these findings, Porter considered that Monmorillon could be the “common ancestor” for bas-reliefs from La Charité and Chartres, which he classified as “the youngest ones”.84 He supported it by an observation that scenes from La Charité seem more archaic than the ones at Chartres and following a stylistic comparison between similar but probably older Majestas Domini from the tympanum of La Charité and the younger one of Dijon made before 1145, Porter dated reliefs from La Charité before 1145.85 He equally suggested that these similarities could have proceeded from one universal, but lost prototype and that reliefs in La Charité and in Chartres could have been made by a master of St.-Gilles. Beyond that, he pointed out the close relationship between the execution of prophets from the tympanum of the Transfiguration and the relief of Isaiah of Souillac. He also discussed other similarities of lintel scenes from La Charité. The Cluniac monastery in Souvigny, for example has the same iconography at the tomb of Sainte Magnance as is shown in the wooden doors of St. Marien im Kapitol in Cologne.86

In 1923 the tympanum, still remaining in one portal of the front tower Saint-Croix, hidden next to the adjacent house, was finally uncovered by the demolition of the hut. After that, several studies were published about the tympanum during the next ten years.

The first article primarily focused on a complex examination of this recently uncovered portal. It was published in 1924, by Louise Lefrançoise-Pillon.87 It brought a new possibility of a profound analysis and for an iconographic interpretation of the main scene of this tympanum. She hypothesized that it could show the Apocalyptic vision, the Last Judgement or the Ascension. In the main scene Lefrançoise- Pillon described Christ as sitting at a sort of “stepladder” with a long cushion, turned from three quarters, in an almond shaped aureole and blessing by his right hand following the Latin manner. She

83 Porter 1923, pp. 125 – 129. 84 Porter 1923, pp. 127 – 128. 85 The construction of Chartres may start after 1145. – Porter 1923, p. 128. 86 Porter 1923, pp. 128, 162, 279, 285, 292. 87 Lefrançois-Pillion 1924, pp. 212 – 214. 23 interpreted the meaning of the gesture of his left hand as the interaction with his mother, who is unusually touching the mandorla at the opposite side. According to the author, there are two angels at his right side, one of them with a cross of resurrection. In the part below, she recognized a depiction of genuflecting and of religious prayer in monastic robes with one angel in the position of the adoration. Nevertheless, the main contribution of this article lies in her iconographic interpretation. Lefrançois-Pillon compared this unusual composition with supposed models of other French monumental Romanesque Ascensions (in , Carennac, Mauriac or Chartres) and referencing to Mâle, she listed the Ampoule from Monza and illustrations of manuscripts as well. Finally, she ascertained that this scene is “at odds” with these models. She interpreted this tympanum as “the symbolic vision of Jesus Christ in his glory, blessing and welcoming the order of Cluny or the priory of La Charité represented by its dead founder, through the mediation of his mother.”88 As a consequence of her observations a noteworthy hypothesis was formed about the primal shape and location of this tympanum which had no doubt been relocated. Equally interesting is her suggestion connecting this tympanum with various receptions which caused La Charité to become the meeting point of different French schools and styles.89

Lefrançois-Pillon’s conviction of a theory of French regional schools of medieval art and their significant styles is evident also in her later publication about French sculptors of the twelfth century,90 where she used tympana of La Charité as an example of the Burgundy regional style in its disciplined and knowledgeable way, significant for their refined and cultivated compositions, directly connecting them with Chartres. She even emphasized the choice of scenes for the second tympanum in La Charité, showing bigger and nicer symbolism putting side by side the manifestations of the holiness in two lintel scenes of Epiphany from Christ’s childhood with a triumphal scene from his public life in the Transfiguration. In that she saw the real testament of these bas-reliefs in the arbitrary conventions of the Burgundy school.91

In 1928 Hermann Beenken reacted to Porter’s conclusions about formal, stylistic and authorship relations among the relief scenes of La Charité, Chartres and Montmorillon.92 Despite the fact that he appreciated Porter’s work and his study of these subjects in a wider context, Beenken could not agree with Porter’s choice of dates regarding the architecture and with his opinions on the similarities between Chartres and La Charité.93 In fact the whole of Beenken’s article had one main aim. Beenken sought to prove that reliefs from the Royal Portal of Chartres are older than reliefs from La Charité which he demonstrated through the formal-stylistic analysis. In fact it rather showed that both cases look like they were made simultaneously in really similar style, but different in details. In general, he classified all bas-reliefs of both tympana as created “in developing plastic unitary style of twelfth

88 “…une vision symbolique de Jésus-Christ dans sa gloire, bénissant, accueillant, par l’intercession de sa mère, l’ordre de Cluny, ou le prieuré de la Charité, représenté par son fondateur défunt…” – Lefrançois-Pillion 1924, p. 214. 89 Lefrançois-Pillion 1924, p. 214. 90 Lefrançois–Pillion 1931, pp. 133, 143. 91 Lefrançois–Pillion 1931, p. 184. 92 Beenken 1928, pp. 145 – 159. 93 Beenken 1928, pp. 145 – 146. 24 century”. 94 However, his desire for exact confirming dates for his conclusions led his research to contemporary Italy. He made a comparison of bas-reliefs of La Charité with examples of works from Antelami (around 1180) in the cathedral of Parma or in the hall of sculptures of Lodi (1163) and concluded that La Charité was established with tympana after 1170.95 He stated that the tympanum of the Transfiguration was made by two masters from different ateliers, probably working with local sculptors.96 Thanks to them these bas-reliefs should have embodied a kind of fusion of stylistic traditions from the schools of these masters and regional styles – the tradition of sculptures from the southwest and northern France was compared with local Burgundy ones. He also repeated Porter’s connection of prophets from La Charité with their possible model, Isaiah of Souillac and added several other connections following the execution of draperies at this tympanum. He concluded that the bas-reliefs of tympanum were made by an author from the southwest of France and the author of the inferior lintel came from Chartres.97 However, Beenken also significantly detected that there is a strong similarity between a figure of The Virgin Mary from the Nativity scene of Chartres, and the figure of The Virgin Mary in the Adoration of Magi scene from La Charité. He stated that they were sculpted in the same way but very probably by different sculptors, the Chartres’ master and the less talented copyist from La Charité.98 Among his other connections to consider are the sources of decorative inspiration, which Beenken saw in Moissac and Carennac, or possible connections with the portal of Saint Anne of Notre-Dame in Paris, which should imitate, by their “transformed style”, the master of Chartres.99

A study, published by René Louis in 1929, is focused only on iconographic examination and interpretation of the upper part of the recently uncovered tympanum.100 As one of the few, he personally examined this tympanum from the scaffold, built under the tower, after which he confirmed the hypothesis of Lefrançois–Pillion, that this tympanum was probably created for another portal because its original form was an elevated horseshoe (as at Neuilly-en-Donjon), later adapted for this portal by adding two crescents with angels at each side.101 He classified the style of this tympanum as primitive and marked by a decadent Gallo-Romanesque production also evident at the tympana of Autun and Neuilly-en-Donjon.102 The more elaborated details were considered by Louis as an impact of popular fashion in Languedoc and Burgundy, renewed by Cluny at the end of the eleventh century. He finished the study of the main scene by reacting at Lefrançois–Pillion’s conclusions, saying that this could be a scene of the mediation of The Virgin Mary. But he rather interpreted this iconography as the homage to The Virgin Mary from the Order of Cluny and the priory of La Charité. He abandoned the hypothesis about this scene as the Assumption, because the Virgin Mary is not carried by angels in the

94 Beenken 1928, pp. 152, 154 – 157. 95 Beenken 1928, pp. 158 – 159. 96 Beenken 1928, pp. 147 – 148. 97 Beenken 1928, p. 149. 98 Beenken 1928, p. 152. 99 Beenken 1928, pp. 157, 159. 100 Louis 1929, pp. 172 – 177. 101 Louis 1929, pp. 172 – 173. 102 René Louise trusted that Autun and Neuvilly-en-Donjon present the first examples of Romanesque school in Burgundy rising from the models captured in miniatures. – Louis 1929, p. 174. 25 presence of The Apostles and that she is not ascending from the depicted mountain.103 This mountain Louis associated with a famous mountain, Liban, which Church Fathers often connected with biblical figures of Mary. He argued for several citations about Mary as the Mont Liban, from the famous Song of Song and concluded that this scene could equally present the “Invitation to the Coronation“.104 However, René Louis radically changed the dates that he accorded to this tympanum, he proposed that it could have already existed in the year 1107 when Pope Paschal II consecrated this church to The Virgin Mary because its form would stylistically respond to fragments of a facade from Cluny, made in 1095 – 1113. He also stated that it could be used for a different project of a façade or another portal, meaning that this tympanum could have been installed at a different date because of its inspiriting iconographical content and for its beautifulness of execution.105 In the same year Louis also published another article speaking mostly about the history of La Charité-sur-Loire up to the year 1559.106 Louis dedicated the last part to this uncovered tympanum,107 where he briefly summarized his conclusions from his previous article. He deepened his inferences in a context of local history and even iconology when he interpreted the main scene as the Triumph of The Virgin Mary and also compared this tympanum with the theme of the Glorification of The Mother of God.108

All existing studies about La Charité prior to the mid twentieth century are symbolically and even literally summarized and concluded by the very first elaborate monograph uniting the contemporary historic, archeological and art historical approach in a publication by Pierre Beaussart, L’église bénédictine de La Charité-sur-Loire „fille aînée de Cluny“ : étude archéologique.109 He dedicated the vast part of his thorough study to architectural research of all ancient monastic debris with a new approach to current questions and considerable criticism to archive sources, chronicles and existing studies or the state of preservation of the monument itself.110 His really noteworthy examination, which he, as nearly the first researcher, tried to clarify and get some new and reasonable conclusions, represents chapters about frontal towers and a hypothesis about an existence of narthex and an inner façade as its maternal monastery in Cluny or other big Cluniac monasteries (Vézelay, Saint-Eutrope in Saintes, Saint-Philibert from Tournous). Based on existing studies he finally stated that there is a strong possibility that the monastic church of La Charité had a spacious narthex, probably rebuilt, abandoned or destroyed by the fire in 1204 and never renewed.111 He also doubted the contemporary position of tympana, and suggested that their location could be at the façade in the narthex. Beaussart pointed out the heterogeneity of the kind of stone of tympana and the frontal tower from the same epoch.112

103 Louis 1929, pp. 175 – 177. 104 Louis 1929, pp. 176 – 177. 105 Louis 1929, p. 177. 106 Louis 1929 [2], pp. 113 – 120 107 Louis 1929 [2], pp. 118-120 108 Louis 1929 [2], pp. 119 109 Beaussart 1929. – The shortened version of this monograph consists of extracts from his text, enriched by abundant photographic illustrations was published in memoriam of Beaussart in 1971. –Beaussart 1971. 110 Beaussart 1929, pp. 61 – 62. 111 Beaussart 1929, pp. 35 – 60, 107 – 108, 262. 112 Beaussart 1929, pp. 37, 50, 261. 26

Beaussart critically revised Grasset‘s conjectured about their walling-up and stated that it probably happened during the religious wars in the sixteenth century.113 His short notice about important restorations of tympana made by Mr. Georges in July 1927, about which there are no notes in future publications, are particularly significant.114 After his painstaking examinations of bas-relief tympana, he discovered the traces of lost colouring at the recently uncovered tympanum, this compared to studies by Mérimée and Bourassé. Additionally he also found traces of green and blue at the vegetation depicted at its formerly hidden lower part or at Joseph’s crook.115 As the first researcher after Grasset, he also mentioned two replaced and partially damaged capitals decorated by reliefs of knights on horses with waving coats, primarily carrying archivolts of the transferred tympanum. They were later transferred to the chapter hall.116 In the case of iconography, he practically mentioned all existing studies within the article of René Louis, published the same year. Despite the fact that he did not react to studies of Porter or Beenken, he also dealt with the topic of provenance and formal-stylistic relations of bas-reliefs from La Charité and Chartres as well. He agreed with Lasteyrie’s conclusion that La Charité is older than Chartres.117 Although, Beaussart was convinced of regional artistic schools and the local production, he searched primarily or new observations than for the stylistic-formal categorizations. After his own examinations of tympana, he noted that the four kneeling monks and the ascension of The Virgin Mary to Christ in aureole have rather a human stance than a ceremonial one which is in contradiction to contemporary compositions of the Ascension iconography. Beaussart interpreted that as a possible fantasy of the author or that he was inspired by an old and unknown model. However, at the base of existing analysis, he accepted the previous interpretation of this tympanum as the Glorification of The Virgin Mary.118 He noted the research made and bearing in mind the previous examination of the scenes from the tympanum of the Transfiguration, he classified the Adoration of Magi as the Greek-Syrian formula and he connected it by its style with tympana from Saint-André de Valence or Saint Bénigne from Dijon and by its formula with the relief from Moissac. He even pointed out the fact that The Virgin Mary has a crown on her head as in the scene of the Visitation in Chartres.119

After 1929, there were no publications or texts up to the middle of the century, significantly developing the research about bas-reliefs of La Charité. Nevertheless, in 1934 an article from Alexis Forel120 classified the simplified “naturel” of bas-relief figures of La Charité as announcing primitive Gothic poses and as the Gothic simplifications of Romanesque luxurious oriental draperies.

113 Beaussart 1929, p. 91. 114 Beaussart 1929, p. 93. 115 Beaussart 1929, pp. 82, 90. 116 Beaussart 1929, pp. 91. 117 Beaussart 1929, pp. 65 – 66. 118 Beaussart 1929, pp. 75 – 78. 119 Beaussart 1929, pp. 82. 120 Forel 1934, p. 176.

27

1.3. Recent Researches and Last Conclusions: From the Half of the Twentieth Century up to These Days

After the Second World War, at the beginning of the second half of the century, the progress in research about bas-reliefs from La Charité was still going through an apparent stagnation, which had already begun after 1929. Until the new research by Regula Raeber in 1964,121 the majority of publications, except the text noted further, were just repeating the existing conclusions, without any new contributions.122 Even later on, the extraordinary iconographic compositions of bas-reliefs and their outstanding execution and a specific likeness, meant that they were repetitively studied and used even more frequently as objects and examples in specialized studies about the local sculptural decorations,123 the architecture and sculptures chiefly in Nièvre and Burgundy regions.124 The existing discourse of the research focused on iconography and iconology of these tympana125 has also changed after the publishing of a monograph from Raeber. Consequently research has turned to a deeper examination of origins, interpretations and period contexts of these iconographic compositions, side by side with persisting formal-stylistic analysis still used for the research about the provenance of authors or for the extensive debates about their relationship with Chartres.126 Consequently the interest in sculptural decorations of La Charité has been constantly developing up to this point in time. In general, many publications, informative research on the tympana of La Charité, simply summarize and recapitulate all known information, basic facts and iconographic descriptions without any new contributions.127

In 1950 Joan Evans mentioned the iconography of the tympana from La Charité in the publication Cluniac Art of the Romanesque Period.128 Nevertheless, Evan’s albeit brief innovative interpretations should not be overlooked. At the portal of the Transfiguration Evans pointed out the relation between the Adoration of the Magi scene and a fragmentary scene from Souvigny and interpreted it like a worship of Christ, enthroned with his Mother by the pagan world. Evans also emphasized its specific mutual interconnection with the other scenes at this tympanum by the theme of the adoration of Christ. The Presentation of Jesus in the Temple scene, should show the Church of Ancient Law as Simeon accepting Christ by taking him from The Virgin‘s arms. The tympanum above these scenes should complete this cycle by the apparition of the transfigured Christ between Moses and Elias for the adoration of all Christians. Evans also pointed out that the traditional meaning of the Beatus’ Coming iconography was transformed here into a Transfiguration with prophets and apostles instead of

121 Raeber 1964. 122 Anfray 1951, pp. 7, 9, 16, 19, 23 – 25, 32, 33, 62 – 98, 101, 105 – 107, 119, 252, 277, 279, 281 – 287, 294 – 299, 301.; Christe 1955, pp. 38 – 39.; Lapeyre 1960, pp. 112 – 118.; Jouanique 1961, pp. 808 – 811. 123 Crozet 1965.; Fournier; Pain; Chagny 2007.; Garniche 2007; Barthelet 2016. 124 Pradel 1944, pp. 147-160.; Zarnecki 1979, pp. V1 – V12.; Stratford 1998.; Stratford 2012. pp. 15 – 30. 125 Vezin 1950, pp. 20, 65, 69, 70, 71, 79, 81, 85.; Beaudequin 1960, pp. 479 – 489.; Grosset 1964, pp. 53 – 61.; Stratford 2002.; Vaivre 2001, pp. 1031 – 1042. 126 De Francovich 1952, pp. 243, 294 – 300. 127 Réau 1957 - 1959, pp. 574 – 581.; Vaillant 1976.; Guillon 1993.; Guillon 2005.; Stratford 2010, pp. 189 – 192.; Diemer, Augustyn 2012, pp. 309 -312.; Vochelet 2015, pp. 19 – 31.; Lours, Maupoix, Geneste 2015, pp. 144 – 150.; Bertoni Cren 2013, pp. 19, 24, 124, 125, 187, 188. 128 Evans 1950. 28 angels.129 The second tympanum Evans classified as the Ascension turned to the Glorification of The Virgin Mary and her fulfilled glory in Heaven, indicated by the crystal sea and the trees of Paradise below the main scene and by the angels around it.130

In 1952 Alexander Willem Byvanck added his research to studies which were concerned with formal- stylistic execution of tympana from La Charité and provenance of their sculptors.131 He attempted to prove, based on his study of ancient sculptors of the Parthenon in the British museum that the manner of the hierarchy of masters in antique ateliers, discovered by him, is conforming also for Romanesque portals. As the best preserved example for his short analysis demonstrating, that also Romanesque portals had several authors lead by one master, very often the author of the main scene, he chose the “Tympana of La Charité”. Despite the fact that he only stated basic information about them and studied them from bad photographs, he stated that the Transfiguration scene is excellently done by one of the best sculptors of that time. He concluded his examination that both tympana of La Charité had several sculptors and that his article could contribute for the better understanding for the organization of sculptors’ ateliers in the Romanesque epoch. He mentioned also “the first restoration” of these tympana, but he did not provide further information.132

The research about the possible inner façade and primal positions of the tympana in La Charité had significantly shifted. This was demonstrated in an article from Harry H. Hilberry, where he also suggested a possible existence of the narthex.133 His research summarized all previous studies and partially proceeded from archaeological excavations of ruined parts of this building. On contrary to scholars who claimed that visitors of this church entered from portals at the frontal façade directly in front of the church’s nave, he concluded that La Charité was not built according to upcoming gothic trends. According to Hilberry, this monastic church had a spacious narthex and inner façade like its model mother church of Cluny, or its “contemporary sibling”, the basilica of Vézelay. He argued that the primal church nave used to be ended by a façade which is lost now and its place should be later reused for houses, probably with its material.134 He also named several theories about the primal likeness of the church’s plan and hypothesis, for example that it could have been rebuilt during the twelfth century. As proof of possible façade existence, he mentioned engravings of La Charité made in 1640 by C. Chastillon and in 1650 by Israël Sylvestre, showing debris of the old nave façade, which could have been built in the third bay, meaning that the church could have had seven bays and the narthex could have had three bays.135 Hilberry also hypothesized about the possible reconstruction of this facade and named several relative churches (Saint-Julien in Osmery, Chézal-Benoit, Moirax and chiefly Saint-Genès in Chateaumeillant) which could copy and so preserve the primal schema of the “lost façade” from La Charité.136 He also stated his hypothesis about the original positions of figures, now decorating the central tower which could have been placed in the blind arcade above the unadorned central portal

129 Evans 1950, pp. 28, 68. 130 Evans 1950, p. 68. 131 Byvanck 1955, pp. 144 – 146. 132 Byvanck 1955, p. 144. 133 Hilberry 1952, pp. 17 – 22. 134 Hilberry 1955, p. 17. 135 Hilberry 1955, p. 18. 136 Hilberry 1952, pp. 20 – 21. 29 of the lost façade. He suggested that the relief tympanum which was still on the frontal tower could have been made for one of the inner side portals on the “lost façade”, considering its original, different shape.137

In 1964 Regula Raeber published the first monograph primarily dealing with sculptural decorations of La Charité-sur-Loire, significantly and elaborately studying also both tympana.138 Her extensive and thorough dissertation practically examined the architecture of the whole monastic complex, archive documents, sources, history and the bibliography of this monastery, as well.139 The first half of her work characterizes a style and a provenance through descriptions and analysis of the architecture and sculptural subjects. The second half presents numerous comparisons for establishing the exact dating of examined and analysed parts of buildings and sculptural decorations, within tympana, through a very critical and exhausting questioning of their traditional, existing or discussed authorships, provenances, models and stylistic and iconographic origins. Practically, she suggested new hypothesis and solutions which as well as her new dating were proved by formal-stylistic analysis and comparisons which connected (by stylistic, form or iconography) these tympana with numerous contemporary monuments. Based on that, Raeber stated that tympana originated after complete re-creation of the monastic church, with early Gothic elements and its “gothic double-tower” façade, and that happened around 1120-1125.140 For the case of the provenance and style of tympana, Raeber in fact certified all the existing information. She agreed with the hypothesis that tympana were made by four different masters and she completed the stylistic research of them by several preserved comparisons from Cluny III, Autun and several scenes from the Angoulême cathedral. But only the tympanum of Transfiguration was considered as the work of a master from an atelier of La Charité. Moreover, according to Raeber’s evaluation, bas-reliefs of tympana represent sculptures executed in a more old-fashioned way than scenes from lintels, which were made in a developed style. But in spite of that, their style, execution and compositions should have followed the project of one master.141 The tympanum of the Transfiguration should merge elements of Languedoc and Burgundy and display theological themes important for Cluny in that period. The same iconographic connection with actual themes of Cluny should also have the tympanum of The Virgin Mary as well, but its master should be involved in the execution of the main tympanum of Cluny III. In this context we can see the crossing styles of Burgundy and Cluniac sculptors.142 Raeber also proposed that the sculptures of La Charité had not just the highest quality of execution but also the long-distant radiance and a certain emanation in the Loire region or a significant key position between Romanesque and Gothic style and between the art of Burgundy and L’Ile-de-France. She demonstrated that in numerous high quality comparisons of important monuments of these regions (chiefly in Nevers, Autun, Saint-Benigne in Dijon, Saint-Lazare in Avallon or Bommiers and Gargillesse).143 She equally examined a connection

137 Hilberry 1952, p. 22. 138 Raeber 1964. 139 Raeber 1964, pp. 19 – 59. 140 Raeber 1964, pp. 247, 250. 141 Raeber 1964, pp. 110 - 112, 214, 226. 142 Raeber 1964, pp. 247, 250. 143 Raeber 1964, pp. 250 – 252. 30

between La Charité and Chartres and Montmorillon with references to the predecessors’ conclusions and marked La Charité as the predecessor of Chartres.144 For the concerns of this thesis what is really noteworthy are Raeber’s extensions of iconographic and iconological research and interpretations of tympana which she significantly elaborated upon and incorporated the context of this church’s history. Beside her iconographic classification of lintel scenes proceeding from Mâle’s study, she also interestingly developed already suggested interconnections of meanings among lintel scenes and tympana by their juxtapositions which give them completely new, complex senses. Based on conclusions of Evans, Raeber evaluated the tympanum of the Transfiguration as the theophany portal dedicated to the worship of Christ. The main theme of its tympanum may theologically connect the Transfiguration, the Resurrection and the prefiguration of the Last Judgement and be completed by two scenes below of Christ’s revelation to the Kings of Gentils and to the Jews, Simeon and Anna.145 The tympanum of the Virgin should be completed by lintel scenes from her life where she is honoured by God.146 Moreover, the scenes at this tympanum should, according to Raeber, show the archangels Michael and Gabriel depicted as standing behind Christ. That forced her to think about a combination of the iconography of the Intercession and the Assumption and classified that as very close to a simplified scheme of the Deesis. She even found its possible model in one illumination from the Sacramentary of Worms and concluded that the whole portal is very probably a glorification of Mary, directly pointing to the name of the church: Sancta Maria de Caritate and corresponding so with a solid tradition of Marian devotion in the Order of Cluny since Abbot Odilon from the 10th century.147 She evaluated his tympanum as ground-breaking in terms of Gothic style because it depicted the intercession of Mary for the first time, in which she appears almost equal to her divine son. So, in this tympanum Raeber interpreted the beginning of the development which led to great Gothic Marian portals, depicting later the Coronation of the Virgin (cathedral in Lausanne, in Senlis). For Raeber, both portals could be a message of salvation of a man and a hope of redemption from death for believers.148 Raeber equally examined the questions about the possible narthex and the position of tympana but she adamantly stated that there was no narthex. The portals at the frontal façade should serve as direct entrances to the church nave and that bas-relief tympana were found at their primal positions.149 So, La Charité should be, according to her, the opposite of Burgundy churches with their clumsy narthex from the first half of the twelfth century (Cluny, Vézelay, Autun, etc.), and prefiguring later façades of Saint-Denis, Chartres, Notre-Dame de Paris, Reims, , etc.150 Nevertheless, it was not only these conclusions about architecture which led almost immediately to debates and polemics.151 Francis Salet immediately criticized her methods of dating based purely on stylistic analysis and comparisons proceeding from the similar objects and not-directly-related monuments all around

144 Raeber 1964, pp. 115, 116, 230, 236 – 244. 145 Raeber 1964, pp. 136 – 138. 146 Raeber 1964, pp. 113 – 118. 147 Raeber 1964, pp. 120 – 128. – She also thought about this scene as a possible depiction of the Passion, the Last Judgement or the scene of Heaven. 148 Raeber 1964, p. 251. 149 Raeber 1964, pp. 29 – 58, 97, 111. 150 Raeber 1964, pp. 29 – 36, 51 – 57.; Suter-Raeber, 1967, p. 41. 151 Salet 1965, pp. 345 – 349.; Vallery-Radot 1966, pp. 51 – 57. 31

France.152 Nevertheless he finally admitted that the tympana of La Charité could be dated to 1125, or rather to 1130 – 1135, because they could have been executed a while after finishing the new choir and the tower in 1115-1125.153

After three years Regula Suter-Raeber repeated her most important conclusions and findings in a summarizing article. Obviously she regulated some details by the later findings and opinions of critics of her reviewers, classifying her monograph in general as really significant.154

In 1966 Yves Christe reacted to Raeber’s iconographic analysis of the Marian tympanum.155 He confirmed Raeber’s naming of depicted angels as archangels Michael and Gabriel through a comparison with examples from Spain. Through this train of thought he also extended the already identified topic of the Intercession of the Virgin Mary at the moment of her Assumption, saying that it could also be related with the theme of the Second Parousia. Moreover, Christe enriched Raeber’s theory of the interconnection between this tympanum and the name and dedication of this monastery by its possible relation to the celebration of the Marian feast of the Assumption.156 Nevertheless, his attention was mainly focused at non-studied elements of this composition, especially on the luxurious but damaged leaves in the lower part of the tympanum which he considered as the Tree of life, a predecessor of the Salvation and the Redemption on the Cross. He confirmed that by its comparison with the similar motif of four angels from the façade of Angoulême, despite the fact that two angels at both sides of this tympanum are depicted in addition and probably were not part of the original composition.157 Furthermore, he compared it also with older examples from Verona and the bronze panels from San Zeno, which repeat the composition of the Second Ampoule from Bobbio with the Ascension of Christ in glory, held by angels above the cross-shaped Tree of Life. Although, there are no literal imitations, he saw among them strong iconographic connections and one common idea of the Salvation and adoration of the instrument of the Redemption, the Cross-Tree. He concluded that La Charité could have had as well as the majority of Romanesque tympana a multivocal spiritual program of several themes (the idea of salvation, embodied by the Intercession, combined with the Second Parusia and emphasized by the presence of the Tree of Life).158

Francis Salet also partially built on Raeber’s research in 1967, when he deepened and clarified several debatable moments of her work about sculptures from La Charité in his article about nearby Cluniac monastery in Nevers.159 He repeated existing (mainly Raeber’s) conclusions about tympana and he determined the tympanum of the Intercession of the Virgin Mary in favour of humankind as made in Burgundy style, in the style of the master from Autun, Gislebertus. The execution of the tympanum of Transfiguration he evaluated as “influenced” by the style of Languedoc. Salet also commented on the

152 Francis Salet, 1965, p. 348. 153 Salet 1965, pp. 348 – 349. 154 Suter-Raeber 1967, p. 30 – 54. 155 Christe 1966, pp. 221 – 223. 156 Christe 1966, p. 221. 157 Christe 1966, p. 222. 158 Christe 1966, pp. 222 – 223. 159 Salet 1967, pp. 162 – 184.

32 debated relationship between La Charité and Chartres by the statement that bas-reliefs of La Charité had to be older because they were executed most probably around 1130 – 1135 and their Languedoc and Burgundy elements have nothing in common with Chartres’ style.

Probably the most important elaboration of Raeber’s iconographic analysis was made by Marie-Louise Thérel in 1967.160 She closely examined the relationship between the creation of tympana‘s iconography of La Charité and Cluniac sacral texts in their historical context. As the first researcher, she asked for the reason why these very new compositions were depicted at these tympana in the juxtapositions with these lintel scenes. To answer this question Thérel elaborated on an idea of Regula Raeber161 about the inspiration for the tympana by sermons of Peter the Venerable, despite the fact that Thérel also criticized Raeber for a “quite forced connection” between the exegesis of his texts and the iconography of the portal of the Transfiguration.162 Nevertheless, Thérel concluded that bas-reliefs from La Charité could have been inspired by the writings, sermons and teaching of this Cluniac Abbot and that this connection is not wrong, because Peter the Venerable established the feast of the Transfiguration among great celebrations of the Cluniac calendar and moreover, he held the faith into the corporeal Assumption of The Virgin Mary.163 Based on preserved manuscripts and the collection of worship created by Peter the Venerable, proving his monastic spirituality in affinity to the Transfiguration or his devotion to the Light of The transfigured Christ, Thérel explained the choice of scenes for the tympanum of the Transfiguration. She pointed out that for the festive mass of this new feast, Venerable adopted the introduction from the service of the Nativity festival, which was used equally for an introduction of the Marian mass of the Epiphany and of the Presentation in Temple, called at the time the Purification of The Virgin. She reasoned that this new connection of these three scenes of theophany, implicitly connected by their liturgy about the Light, became equally explicit in later texts of Peter the Venerable prescribing the celebration of the Transfiguration for Cluniacs.164 The quite unique visual likeness and ambiguous composition of the Transfiguration, different from the model from Cappadocia or the other ones in French Romanesque art, Thérel interpreted as visually uniting two scenes of the theophany – the Ascension and the Transfiguration in one depiction. It should have been a collective remembrance of them where the theophany from the Mount Thabor prefigured the theophany from the Mount Olivet, a prelude of Christ’s triumph. She supported it by the fact that Peter the Venerable prescribed for them comparable liturgical celebrations. So, this tympanum could be a visual manifestation of different likenesses of the same Incarnated Light connected with four liturgical feasts as well as the visual celebration of an inauguration of the new one, the Transfiguration, to Cluniac monastic liturgy, established in its statutes since 1132. Thus, she re-dated this first depiction of three theophanies from La Charité between 1132 and 1135.165

160 Thérel 1967, pp. 86 – 103. 161 Raeber 1964, pp. 136 – 137.; Thérel 1967, p. 91 – 92. 162 Thérel 1967, p. 91. 163 Thérel 1967, pp. 91 – 92. – This feast was celebrated since the eight century in Orient, but on the West, it was not officially enrolled into the calendar of Latin Church until 1457. 164 Thérel 1967, p. 93. 165 Thérel 1967, pp. 93 – 95. 33

Thérel equally examined the tympanum of the Virgin Mary, where she evaluated lintel scenes as illustrations of Christ‘s incarnation continuing at the second portal by two epiphanies from Christ’s childhood. She emphasized the fact, already stated by René Louis, that angels at the sides of tympanum are joined later, which partially ruined the conclusion of Yves Christe about angels as guards of the Tree of Life.166 She also critically emphasized that in La Charité there could not be the typical Ascension, the Glorification, the Parousia or the Last Judgement or any other interpretations of this tympanum proposed so far. The non-traditional pose of Christ to Mary, their gesticulations, creating the natural centre of the whole and the form and the attitude of the Virgin Mary seemingly rising in bodily form to Heaven, following descriptions in liturgical texts, Thérel interpreted this as the possible Assumption of Mary who is welcomed by her son in heavenly Jerusalem. Her arguments for this interpretation are depictions of the luxury vegetation, trees of life and the spring of life, following the similar description of the heavenly Jerusalem from the Apocalypse (XXI, 10; XXII, 1 – 2). Noteworthy is also her connection of the Assumption with the Nativity of Christ (depicted by the lintel below), representing the unique privilege of God’s motherhood powering the Virgin Mary to her corporeal Assumption, Resurrection, Intercession and her embracing of her son’s glory.167 She also pointed out the Mediation of the Virgin between humankind (represented by monks) and her Son and God (which had a dogmatic base in the West, up to the twelfth century). Thus, Thérel concluded that this tympanum had to be also executed around 1132 – 1135 as was the first depiction of the corporeal Assumption of Mary and the illustration of the constantly liturgically built relationship between Mother and Son, which is, thanks to rarely composed iconography, the central scene of the whole tympanum. Thérel reasoned this importance given to the figure of The Virgin Mary by the contemporary development of the Mariology and the belief to her corporeal Assumption proved by citations from writings of Pseudo-Augustin and by a letter from Peter the Venerable, who supported this movement. Moreover, Thérel emphasized that the juxtaposition of lintel scenes of the Incarnation and the tympanum, depicting the corporeal Assumption, was in fact convincing all believers about The Virgin Mary’s privilege of the Resurrection through her physical relationship with Christ.168 Finally, Thérel proved that the tympana of La Charité depicted two great initiatives of Peter the Venerable: to establish the feast of The Transfiguration in the Order of Cluny and to manifest his faith to the corporeal Assumption of The Virgin Mary.169 The summarization of this article was also publicly presented and discussed at conferences on the 21 May 1969170 and in July 1972. After the second one, Thérel published an article that was in general a revision of the first one, providing comparable information.171 In 1984 she repeated these conclusions about the tympana from La Charité in her publication Le triomphe de la Vierge-Église.172

166 Thérel 1967, p. 96. 167 Thérel 1967, pp. 97 – 100. 168 Thérel 1967, pp. 100 – 103. 169 Thérel 1967, p. 103. 170 Thérel 1969, pp. 191 – 193. 171 Thérel 1975, pp. 733 – 744. 172 Thérel 1984, pp. 9 - 70. 34

In 1969 Yves Christe repeated all his conclusions about tympana’s iconography from La Charité, following only Raeber’s findings, in his publication dedicated to an elaborated study about the Romanesque portals.173 He did not incorporate any new and recent studies, not even the already published article from Marie-Louise Thérel. Instead of that he presented his previous opinions identifying the iconography from La Charité as definite and used them as arguments for his presentation.

Thérel’s conclusions and analysis were confirmed by an article from Philippe Verdier dealing with the origins and meanings of Suger’s “gothic“ iconography for the Coronation of the Virgin from the stained glass windows of Saint-Denis.174 Verdier in general made a reconstruction of Suger’s lost artwork through comparisons and a study of preserved contemporary examples. One of them represents the Marian tympanum from La Charité, which he described as „the coronation composed as the theophany“, where Christ is inviting and welcoming the resurrected Virgin Mary to his glory according to a then liturgy about her Assumption. He also used Thérel’s connection with texts from Peter the Venerable about the Virgin’s motherhood of incarnated Word illustrated by three scenes of tympanum’s lintel.175

Anyway, Verdier saw the depiction of the “Glorification of Mary” in La Charité-sur-Loire as the “predecessor“ of Suger’s iconography of the Coronation of the Virgin, “the main iconographic innovation of gothic art”, which was already considerably known in regards to the monuments in England.176

In 1980 Philippe Verdier published a monograph examining origins and the first development of the iconographic theme of the Coronation of the Virgin.177 Despite the fact that La Charité was of use as a particular example and he partially cited the study from Lefrançoise-Pillion, Regula Raeber, Yves Christe or Marie-Louise Thérel, Verdier brought several interesting observations about this very primal Marian iconographic conception. He was questioning the direction of the reading because the program of tympana ends by the north one with the Glorification of the Virgin, whereas the scenes at lintels should be read from north to south. He also emphasized a certain parallelism of a structural manner of these two tympana, where standing Christ in mandorla should make a counterpart to sitting Christ in Majesty, while prophets and apostles should make a plastic echo of The Virgin Mary, angels and monks. He even saw the central scenes of the tympana like parallels in their iconography, more precisely between the metamorphosis of The Virgin Mary’s body during the Assumption, and through Christ during the Transfiguration. Moreover, Verdier interpreted her Assumption of The Virgin Mary through the verses of the Song of Songs, reasoning with the composition of The Virgin Mary entering to Christ’s glory, and with an identification of luxury vegetation under the mandorla as signs of an enlightenment described in the citation from l’Ecclésiastique read at the day of Assumption. These leaves should create l’arbor bona and Verdier referred to a description of the Church following Liber Floridus and its

173 Christe 1969, p. 14, 61, 63, 85, 87, 88, 99, 100, 101, 103, 104, 124, 130, 131, 155. 174 Verdier 1976, pp. 227 – 236. 175 Verdier 1976, p. 229. 176 Verdier 1976, p. 236. 177 Verdier 1980, p. 23.

35 connection with the coronation of the Virgin. He also spoke about her privilege for the Assumption through the Incarnation and stated that this composition has not any relationship to Apocrypha about The Virgin Mary’s death and the Ascension.178

Adelheid Heimann represents a certain deflection from this main research discourse, following or reacting to iconographic studies from Regula Raeber and Marie-Louise Thérel. Her article is focused indeed on searching for one Romanesque master, the so called Master of Gargilesse, related also to tympana of La Charité.179 The main aim of her article discusses from the beginning about this unknown master as one of the greatest sculptors, comparable with the most important ones of his period. She highlights his work which is only preserved in three churches in Central France: in St.-Pierre de Bommiers, Ste.-Croix-Notre-Dame de La Charité-sur-Loire and in Notrre-Dame de Gargilesse.180 In Gargilesse he may sculpt fifteen of twenty-four capitals, uniquely innovating the theme of twenty-four Elders of the Apocalypse. In general, Heimann’s research proceeded from formal and stylistic analyses of these examples and their mutual comparisons. She characterized his personal style as connected with Languedoc, but younger then Souillac and Moissac, with a bigger sense of volume and depth. She suggested that this master could have begun in a great atelier, probably in La Charité and later, on his way home to the South, he established his own workshop in Gargilesse, where figures are reflective of a more mature style. After her comprehensive examination of both tympana from La Charité, she re- dated them around 1135 – 1145. As a consequence she concluded the debates about the precedency between La Charité and Chartres La Charité is of earlier construction than Chartres but is perhaps contemporary with Saint-Denis. Heimann also confirmed that the tympana of La Charité had four authors. However, as the author of the Transfiguration scene she determined the Master of Gargilesse. She proved that the nearly identical execution of the prophets from this tympanum and the Elders from Gargilesse, that they display the same Languedoc formation.181 Despite her thorough search for models for the Transfiguration, she concluded that the master probably did not directly proceed from any of them and that this composition could be caused by the space, he had to fill.182

In 2004 Séverine Hisquin wrote a diploma thesis, La Façade de l’église Notre-Dame de La Charité-sur- Loire: Recherches sur le Portail Sculpté de la Vierge, presenting the most recent and summarizing monograph of the last years.183 In contrast to the older ones, it is primarily focused on the examination of the rest of Romanesque façade consisting of the north tower from the twelfth century. A significant part of her thesis is dedicated to research about tympana, their history, placement, their provenance and especially to their iconographic and iconological programs in the contexts of the monastic liturgy and history of the Cluniac Order. Her work is, to some extent, truly exhaustive and in some ways it could be considered as a final summary and conclusion at the field of existing research, traditional questions and studies about tympana of La Charité. Hisquin mostly referenced and reacted to studies from Regula Raeber and Marie-Louise Thérel, whose ideas she developed, as well. Anyway, her work

178 Verdier 1980, pp. 24, 26. 179 Heimann 1979, pp. 47 – 64. 180 Heimann 1979, p. 64. 181 Heimann 1979, pp. 60 – 61. 182 Heimann 1979, pp. 62 – 63. 183 Hisquin 2004.

36 also brings new questions and points. As the very first, point she tried to critically examine the identity of the portal with “damaged Eternal-Father” from Mérimée’s report, about which she hypothesized that it could be that “entirely damaged” tympanum, also mentioned by Mérimée, or that one from the sixteenth century depicting saints and angels (which has been preserved up to now) at the south side of the façade.184

Hisquin also criticized Harry H. Hilberry for his reconstruction of the “lost” façade, where he should just “imagine” several non-preserved and even non-existing elements, as the second tower of the frontal façade.185 She agreed with the analysis from Regula Raeber which compares the façade of La Charité with the façade of the church Saint-Étienne in Never and the ancient abbey of Saint Denis, claiming that their portals served as the main entrances to the nave.186 She also repeated that the figures of the saints, apostles and Christ, decorating the tower above church crossing, were probably executed for another place.187 Hisquin also criticized several ambiguities and incorrect descriptions from Mérimée and Grasset and clarified that the first archivolt was transferred with the tympanum to the church and replaced by its copy from the twentieth century at the frontal façade. She also mentioned the plan of returning the transferred bas-reliefs back to the façade in 1929.188 Within that, she dedicated a certain attention to capitals decorated by knights, originally supporting archivolts of this tympanum. She interpreted one of them without any other explanations as possible depiction of the Emperor Constantine.189 In the examination of tympana, she confirmed and verified all main existing conclusions and traditionally repeated statements about them. And she concluded her formal-stylistic comparisons by her agreement with one of Raeber’s hypothesis, that the tympanum of the Transfiguration is an adaptation of these ones from Languedoc maintaining its autochthon style.190 Hisquin equally confirmed a comparison of the Marian tympanum to the fragments from Cluny III, reliefs from Souvigny, Saint-Menoux or Bourges and questioned the models, sources, history of iconographic compositions, interpretations and meanings of both of them.191 She also asked why these scenes were depicted by such unique compositions and juxtapositions to each other and she tried to clarify the role of not so much studied secondary figures.192 In the case of the tympanum of the Transfiguration, she authenticated Thérel’s study about the theological manifestation of the revelation of the divinity of Christ in front of the Gentils, Jews and Apostles. She also confirmed its connection to the theme of resurrection in the formula of the hidden Ascension, as well as the connection of the new feast of Transfiguration enforced by Peter the Venerable in Cluny around 1132.193 In the case of the tympanum of the Virgin Mary, Hisquin significantly extended the existing research about the tympanum devoted to her, its iconology of the corporeal Assumption

184 Hisquin 2004, pp. 12 – 16. 185 Hisquin 2004, p. 18. 186 Hisquin 2004, pp. 19 – 20, 100. 187 Hisquin 2004, pp. 29 – 30. 188 Finaly, there were placed back only external archivolts of this tympanum. – Hisquin 2004, p. 39. 189 Hisquin 2004, pp. 41, 100. 190 Hisquin 2004, pp. 53 - 54, 72. 191 Hisquin 2004, pp. 70 – 72. About execution of the scenes: Hisquin 2004, pp. 49 – 57. 192 Hisquin 2004, pp. 64 – 67. 193 Hisquin 2004, pp. 57 – 60. 37 and the Intercession by a new question about the theological parallel between a figure of the Virgin Mary as the Mother of God, the glorified Queen of Heaven, the Mediator and the figure of the Church and its eschatological meanings.194 Unlike Thérel, who did not relate this analogy directly to this tympanum from La Charité but to a younger one from the cathedral of Senlis,195 Hisquin’s main point was that also in La Charité this parallel could be possible. She classified this Marian iconographic innovation of La Charité as confusion between the figure of the Virgin Mary and the symbolical figure of Virgin-Ecclesiae caused by a peculiar juxtaposition and multivocal meanings of several representative themes of the period of the evolution of Mariology. She stated that this composition could represent the Triumph of the Ecclesiae at the end of times through the Triumph of the Virgin as well. She supported that by the depicted Trees of Life and the Spring of Life, indicated by the text of The Apocalypse, which gives this scene the eschatological character. Moreover, Hisquin suggested that in a composition of the Intercession of the Virgin Mary could be certain indications of the parallelism of the spiritual maternity of the Virgin Mary as a mother of Salvator and the maternity of the Ecclesiae as the mother of all Christians, later theologically identified as one the figures of the Queen of Heaven and the central figure of the Christian system. As possible proofs Hisquin marked the presence of kneeling dead Cluniac monks called by the voice of angelic trumpets and waiting for the eternal salvation in Heaven and their admission to the suite of the Virgin Mary. That should be, according to her, in perfect harmony with contemporary human fears, as well as with the epoch of the evolution of Mariology and Ecclesiology in which the Marian portal from La Charité would play a significant role, pronouncing the central positions of Mary in Gothic compositions. In conclusion she also formulated a hypothesis to ascertain as to whether these lateral portals’ aim was to be used as an announcement and a prefiguration for the topic of the central tympanum depicting the Last Judgement. Through her hypothesis she emphasized and deepened Thérel’s conclusions about the interconnection of Cluniac liturgical practices and about a didactic function of the iconographic programs, pronouncing Cluniac liturgy at façades. 196

Hisquin has published all the crucial conclusions of her thesis in two articles197 and her most important points were published by the periodical magazine of the association of Amis de la Charité-sur-Loire, in 2011. This brief article also completed her main conclusions through the explanation of Cluniac devotion and the history of veneration to The Virgin Mary and citations of texts from Peter the Venerable and Pseudo-Augustine about the resurrection of The Virgin Mary through her corporeal relationship to Christ.198

Summary The research about bas-relief portals from La Charité was initiated almost two hundred years ago by the personal observations of Prosper Mérimée and Auguste Grasset, published in order to provoke further studies about this monastery.199 The informative and descriptive texts from enthusiastic antiquarians from the nineteenth century, mainly reflecting Mérimée’s text, aimed to document the

194 Hisquin 2004, p. 80. 195 Hisquin 2004, pp. 81 – 96. 196 Hisquin 2004, pp. 99 – 103. 197 Hisquin 2004, pp. 55 – 62.; Hisquin 2005. 198 Les Amis de La Charité-sur-Loire 2011, pp. 10 – 12. 199 Lymann 1987, pp. 2, 10. 38 physical dilapidated state of the monastic church and to examine bas-relief portals as a part of architectural decorations and sometimes state their iconographic classifications. After the turn of the century this research discourse was enriched by a deeper focus on both tympana as well as by their more abundantly formal-stylistic analysis. The main questions slowly moved to dealing with the provenance, authorship and exact dating of these bas-relief portals. As the main research methods of the formal-stylistic examinations of their execution and comparisons with other, more or less related to sculptural examples of this period, sculptural exemplifications were used. Contemporary critical reviews stated that these painstaking formal-stylistic visual examinations sometimes led these researches to fields of unconfirmed and unverified hypothesis.200 Despite the fact that Arthur Kingsley Porter, Hermann Beenken or Regula Raeber consecrated parts of their texts to answer these questions and Raeber’s conclusions played a crucial role for future research about these tympana up to the twenty-first century, the acceptable solutions to these questions paradoxically brought future research focused more on their iconography and iconology, culminated in iconographic studies written by Marie- Louise Thérel and Séverine Hisquin.201 Thérel’s findings, later confirmed by Hisquin, which significantly developed the previous conclusions of Émile Mâle, Lefrançoise-Pillion, René Louise, Pierre Beaussart and chiefly Regula Raeber, suggested that the most convincing argument for the exact dating of these portals was after 1132, through their iconological connection to texts by Peter the Venerable.202 The case of authorship and provenance of these tympana is more complicated and has not been fully answered, as yet. Even the hypothesis about the master of Gargilesse from Adelhaid Heimann has not been further developed.203 In general, the majority of research concluded that all bas-reliefs are a product of the cooperation of several authors, probably four, or workshops who were active in the areas of Languedoc, Bourgogne and Ile-de-France and were related in this sense to the most prestigious works and monuments of the first half of the twelfth century. Regardless of the fact that the research about the tympana of La Charité could seem quite depleted when it comes to the field of fundamental and widely investigated questions. There are clearly some unanswered questions remaining. Research was not in majority attempted to find out more about the history or the primal position of these tympana because their spatial context had been stated rather than fully examined. Moreover, the existing iconographic researchers had not considered the perception of these tympana by pilgrims or their meaning for the spectators of the twelfth century. Only Thérel questioned the selection of their scenes and meanings in a contemporary context. Hisquin significantly developed her conclusions about the relationship of these scenes in regards to the contemporary context of Mariology and Ecclesiology. Last but not least, all existing research has mainly been focused on the iconography of the principal scenes of tympana, whereas the lintel scenes were merely examined as a part of the iconographical program or as examples of the period depiction of the cycle of Christ’s childhood. Their partial examination leaves a of unresolved questions. In conclusion it would seem that the researchers’ existing formal-stylistic or iconographic classification and interpretation has not sufficiently answered the complexities of the tympanas’ compositional peculiarities, nor their broader meanings in terms of a contemporary liturgical context.

200 Bréhier 1924.; Serbat 1965.; Lymann 1987, pp. 49 – 50, 159 – 161. 201 Porter 1923.; Beenken 1928.; Raeber 1964.; Thérel 1967.; Hisquin 2004. 202 Mâle 1922.; Lefrançoise-Pillion 1924.; Louis 1929.; Beaussart 1929.; Raeber 1964. 203 Heimann 1979. 39

II. The Monastery and the Tympana of La Charité-sur-Loire: From Preserved Manuscripts up to the Twenty-First Century

40

2.1. From Legendary Origins to the French Revolution:

The Construction of the Monastic Church

Primal historical sources as well as monastic archives of La Charité-sur-Loire had unfortunately the same lamentable fate as many other important documents and numerous French medieval monuments. They are mostly irreclaimably lost.204 Only relics of manuscripts and posterior monastic chronicles organized and written in the sixteenth and seventeenth century remain.205 Unfortunately, in terms of what this thesis sets out to discuss, there are no preserved detailed information about local sculptural decorations and about the liturgy. It is, however, possible to now read brief historical publications which teach readers about local monastic origins at La Charité-sur -Loire. The majority of the published works are found in the oldest preserved chronicle206 Histoire Cronologique du Prieuré de La Charité sur Loyre, Ordre de Cluny207, called as manuscript Girerd in the nineteenth century according to its actual owner, who obtained it under unknown circumstances. This most important preserved manuscript is in fact a compilation of older documents enriched by the monastic affairs at the

204 The majority of local archives were probably destroyed by the great fire of this monastery in 1559. But, their survived remains disappeared during the French Revolution. – Barthelet 2016, pp. 13 – 15. 205 Lespinasse 1887. – He collected and transcribed a great number of the most important and preserved acts, charts and correspondence from La Charité, since the eleventh to the seventeenth century, within the chart of foundation from 1059.; Archives of La Charité are predominantly situated in archives of Paris, Cluny, Nevers, Auxerre, Dijon or Bourges. 206 There are several older sources, but none of them is a chronicle, they are rather bureaucratic or ownership documents. Many of them are transcribed in the Lespinasse’s La Cartulaire (Lespinasse 1887.), or archived in the municipal museum of La Charité-sur-Loire. Jean Lebeuf found in the unpublished manuscript from the fourteenth century, archived in Bibliothèque Royale, three articles written by one author from the beginning of thirteenth century about a foundation and a dedication of the monastic church in La Charité (1°Prima fundatio Monasterii Caritatis ad Ligerim, p. 381; 2°Secunda fundatio, p. 385.; 3°Dedicatio ecclesiae Beatae Mariae de Caritate, p. 404). According to their subscription the chronicle of Richard, monk of Cluny and date 1216, he supposed that this author could be Richard de whose famous chronicle is preserved in Vatican’s Bibliotheca. – Lebeuf 1738, pp.376 – 416. There is also the epitaph of Simon d’Armentières (the prior of La Charité from 1275 to 1294). The second manuscript from La Charité, originated probably around 1671, did not bring anything new. Beyond these, several publications from the eighteenth century noticed crucial moments of this monastery or were written about its history, for example: Mabillion 1707.; Bernot de Charant 1709.; Lebeuf, Troche 1723.; Lebeuf 1743.; Gallia Christiana, 1770; etc. Unfortunately, none of them provide information about local bas-relief tympana. 207 The original of this manuscript is preserved in Bibliothèque municipale in Nevers, under the reference number: BN 1243 E2. In 1991, this manuscript was described including the primal form, grammatical mistakes and without critical assessment by the association “Les Amis de La Charité-sir-Loire”, which published it as Histoire Cronologique du Prieuré de La Charité sur Loyre, Ordre de Cluny. It is completed only by footnotes specifying names, dates and actions noted by the text. Unfortunately, the text still refers at original annexes of writings and documents missing there. They were published by René de Lespinasse in 1887. – Lespinasse, 1887.; Histoire Cronologique 1991.

41 turn of the sixteenth and the seventeenth century.208 The authorship of this manuscript was traditionally considered as unknown and ascribed to an anonymous monk or a group of monks from La Charité, who was well acquainted with the range and content of local monastic archives. Nevertheless, according to the last time that it was researched it seems that the likely author was Dom Henry Bertrand de Beuvron.209 This chronicle is in its essence a record of regional, historical, economical and administrative realities of the local priory and also of the town. According to general opinion, it constitutes an, unusual contribution because it depicts monastic life and the life of the town for centuries. Unfortunately, it is difficult to ascertain its veracity because this chronicle comes from the sixteenth and seventeenth century and is, in a sense, a repetition of older sources, the majority of which have been lost today. On the other hand, there are several studies which supported or slightly modified its dates and described events by findings from historical and archaeological research.210 Thus, testimonies from this manuscript likely to be probable. Nevertheless, writers have drawn upon this source since the eighteenth century up to this day.211

The foundation of a monastery

According to the testimony of the manuscript Girerd, a very first ancient monastery on the banks of the Loire was founded near a small village which used to be called Seyr212 by Rollon, in the department of Roussillon, “qui donum Dei aedificat, regnum caeli sibi praeparat”, around the year 700.213 The monastery was directed by the monks of Saint-Basil’s order and was consecrated to Saint Loup. Around 743, the same source stated that according to legend, it was destroyed by Vandals and renovated214 nine years later by King Pepin the Short.215 The Vandals were a tribe that disappeared in the mid sixth century, however, it is common to use their name in order to describe any violent population. It is more likely that the damage that occurred, were committed by the Normans.216 The renovated monastery

208 The author also used written memories and materials gathered by Dom Le Goust and Dom Noël Coquille in sixteenth century, using older documents, which all unfortunately disappeared, including the manuscript from Coquille. – Histoire Cronologique 1991, p. IX. 209 Jean-François Née de (1751 – 1838), a Parisian bookseller who became a judge in La Charité-sur- Loire, supposed that the author of this chronicle was Dom Henry Bertrand de Beuvron, the prior of La Charité from the second half of the seventeenth century. Despite the fact that Dom Jacques Dubois has disproved this ascription (Histoire Cronologique 1991, p. VII), a recent research confirmed La Rochelle’s hypothesis about Beuvron’s authorship of this chronicle as right. – Cerre 2016, pp. 5 – 8.; Barthelet 2016, p. 14. 210 Murielle 1992.; Henrion 2015. 211 The publications about the history of the monastery in La Charité: Leboeuf 1897.; Lebeuf 1723.; Lebeuf 1743.; Lebeuf 1738.; Aveline 1924.; Anfray 1951.; Bossuet, Renimel, 1980.; Gaude 1992.; Arnaud, Garniche 1995.; Arnaud 2002.; Barthelet 2016. 212 The name Sayr meant “the town at the hill” or also “place in the sun shine” in old language. – Guillon 2005, p. 7. 213 Histoire Cronologique 1991, p. 3. 214 Henrion 2015, par. 11. – However there is no exact year cited in recent articles about the history of the monastery. 215 According to Histoire Cronologique, it should be in 754. – Histoire Cronologique 1991, p. 4. So, it would be after eleven years and not nine. - Henrion 2015, par. 11. However, this disagreement is not crucial for the case of this thesis. 216 Gaude 1992, pp. 19 – 20. – Murielle Gaude claimed that the identity of these Vandals could be also Saracen.; Chauhan 2013. 42 should have been directed by an order from Saint-Benedict who was from the monastery of Saint- Étienne in Nevers under the constitution of Saint-Colomban. Unfortunately, after several years the repeated attack by the “Vandals” should have entirely destroyed the whole monastery again and so from that moment,217 the cloistral area near Seyr was abandoned until the second half of the eleventh century.218 The date of the foundation and rebuilding of a new monastery from the debris of the old one is not quite clear, because this chronicle mentions several authors who differ in terms of dates. Robert of Auxerre claims that the monastery was built in 1056, Claude Robert and Gérard Frasques noted that the monastery was established in 1059 by Geoffroy, Bishop of Auxerre, Guillaume I, Count of Nevers and by Bernard de Challent with his brothers Humbaut and Rainaud de Challent, lords of the Chateau of La Marche.219 Fortunately, recent studies have cleared this uncertainty up, by recognising that in 1052 the Lord of Seyr, Rainaud de La Marche, offered the lands of the ruined monastery to a Bishop of Auxerre, Geoffroy de , who confided the restoration of the ancient monastery to his friend Hugues, the Abbot of Cluny.220 In 1056 Hugues delegated the direction of the new monastery to his monks. They were led by Hugues’ disciple, Monk Gérard, who became the first Abbot of La Charité-sur- Loire and who was also buried there in 1102 “behind the grand altar of the great church, he had built”.221 The building of the new monastery had advanced sufficiently in 1059, because its foundation had been confirmed by a Charter of Foundation which happened several years ago.222 According to La Histoire Chronologique and past archaeological excavations, only ruins and destroyed churches dedicated to the glorious Virgin Mother of God had remained at the places of ancient monastery.223 The first Abbot Gérard adhered to that sentiment in the long-lasting extensive redevelopment of the new Cluniac monastery in the second half of the eleventh century. The whole monastic complex was gradually being rebuilt during the twelfth century. At first, buildings necessary for convent life were most likely erected around a cloister. There is also a strong possibility that the old destroyed church had been immediately renewed in order to serve for daily liturgy and services.224

217 Histoire Cronologique speaks about the year 771, but the recent articles noticed the period around 781. – Histoire Chronologique 1991, p. 4.; Henrion 2015, par. 11. 218 Histoire Chronologique 1991, p. 4.; Henrion 2015, par. 11. 219 Histoire Chronologique 1991, p. 4.; Henrion 2015, par. 13 - 30.; But according to Gallia Christiana the building precess started in 1059. – Gallia Christiana 1770. 220 Histoire Cronologique 1991, pp. 4 – 5.; Henrion 2018, par. 18. 221 Histoire Cronologique 1991, p. 33. 222 Henrion 2015, par. 9 – 10, 18 – 19. 223 Chronologique 1991, p. 5; Henrion 2015, par. 6 – 15. 224 The existence of this ancient church confirmed excavations of the foundations of the Saint-Laurent church, which was most probably built at its debris. Nevertheless, another ancient church (built around the tenth or the eleventh century) has been uncovered by archaeologies during the recent excavations (2014) made at the today’s parking area (called Sainte-Croix). The function of this church is not certain, but there is a theory that it could serve as a local parish and funeral church. However, it was partially removed and destroyed during the construction of the main church Notre-Dame. – Henrion 2015, par. 12 – 17.; Dumont, Henrion 2015, unpa.; Marie Barthelet 2016, p. 29.

43

The building process

The Histoire Cronologique also seems to serve as a main historic background which marks the general dating of the building phases of this monastery. Despite the fact, that there is more information about the donations, bureaucratic records and political problems than about the constructional process. Several crucial dating provided by this chronicle served to historical and archaeological researches to modify and specify, more or less, a constructional history of this monastic church. The architectural studies agree that a great project of this monastic church was progressively realized in several phases.225 The first one, during the directorate of the first Abbot Gérard, probably started before 1060 by the construction of an east polygonal choir. The generally accepted persuasion describes the first shape of this choir as consisting of one central apse with three lateral chapels at both sides, which was partially preserved at the arms of the transept from the eleventh century up to the present day.226 By this architectonic plan this monastic church would also partially correspond to a plan of its maternal model of the monastic church Cluny II.227 [Fig. 2.1] A smaller monastic church, situated behind the main one, had probably been established and constructed in the same time or slightly sooner. Nevertheless, its nave was probably prolonged up to the monastic chapter hall and a cemetery.228 It was dedicated, according to the Histoire Chronologique, to All Saints, which was also vulgarly called the Church of Saint-Laurent. It could function as a private monastic church intended only for contemplations and prayers of monks or as burial one.229 Exact dating of its foundation is unclear, but its building process probably finished by 1076. Then, one of the monastic founders, Geoffroy de Champallement, who donated relics of Saint Jovinien to this monastery in 1071, had died with a wish to be buried in this Church of Saint-Laurent.230 [Fig. 2.3]

The building process of the great church probably continued up to the end of Gérard’s directorate in La Charité, despite the fact that the monastery was partially damaged between 1060 and 1070 by an attack by the local lords from La Marche struggling to seize back their lost authority in this area.231 According to documents, the new monastery became very well-known in a very short time and aroused a great deal of interest not only from wayfarers, merchants or pilgrims but also from local people who left and ran away from their feudal lords to join the community around the monastery.232 Despite the fact that the new church was damaged by these lords while in the building process, their envy and desire for the restoration of their previous power did not end successfully. According to the chronicle from Richard, Monk of Cluny, the conflict ended in 1084 by a declaration that the monastery would be independent by

225 About building process of the monastery in La Charité-sur-Loire: Raeber 1964.; Henrion 2015.; Dumont, Henrion 2015, unpa.; Barthelet 2016, pp. 23 – 9, 37 – 42. 226 Henrion 2015, par. 18 – 30. 227 Conant 1965.; Schapin, Schote 2011.; Reveyron 2012. 228 Recent examinations, how was already noticed, discovered that bases of its choir consist of an old masonry which is dated to Carolingian era. That would mean that the ancient monastery before the Cluniac foundation had two monastic churches, one parish and funeral one (situated at the Saint-Croix area) and the second one (later called Saint-Laurent’s church) for the monastic community. – Arnaud 1995, pp. 312 – 315.; Henrion 2015, par. 16 – 32.; Dumont, Henrion 2015, unpa.; Barthelet 2016, pp. 25 – 26, 29. 229 Histoire Cronologique 1991, p. 8.; Arnaud 1995, pp. 313 – 315.; Dumont, Henrion 2015, unpa.; Barthelet 2016, pp. 61 – 65. 230 Chronologique 1991, p. 8.; Henrion 2015, par. 21 – 22. 231 Histoire Cronologique 1991, p. 12.; Henrion 2015, par. 18 – 19. 232 Histoire Cronologique 1991, p. 12.; Henrion 2015, par. 18 – 19. 44 the Pope. From this moment the village of La Charité-sur-Loire and the monastery were recognised.233 The construction continued with a transept and eight bays of the nave, predominantly between 1070 and 1080. In 1080 the Histoire Cronologique notes that Gérard retired to the dependent priory of Joigny and the management of La Charité was left to another Cluniac monk, Vuilencus.234 In that time La Charité probably constituted a highly visited and prosperous Cluniac monastery and belonged to the most powerful daughterly abbeys up until the beginning of the thirteenth century. The richness of this monastery, rising from donations of lands from local lords and French noblemen, could be ever more illustrious as a result of the Crusades. It is said that Crusaders passing to the Holy Land through La Charité-sur-Loire left a great many donations and sometimes also all their possessions and lands in a trusteeship of local monks in order to redeem their souls. Moreover, the advantageous position of the monastery in terms of pilgrimage and mercantile trails equally increased the wealth of donations.235 Last but not least this monastery used to have an important burial function which is proved by the findings of hundreds of tombs of men, women and children in the vicinity of its churches Notre-Dame and Saint-Laurent.236

The monastic convent used to have approximately two hundreds monks and around four hundreds “dependences” in all regions all around France, several abbeys in England, some in Italy, Portugal and in Constantinople.237 Moreover, the monastery in La Charité was endowed by numerous privileges and by the protection of kings and Popes or very close relationships with high clerics and the aristocracy of those times,238 which freed local monks from many obligations and provided them certain dominance in the region, where they were considered as local lords.239 Nevertheless, after 1080 the building progress was stopped abruptly in mid-build and left unfinished for several decades. According to Fabrice Henrion, the new building phase and even reconstruction of the choir should have been realized by the Abbot, Ode Harpin, from 1107 to 1130.240 How Histoire Cronologique notes, during the management of Vuilencus, a follower of Saint Gérard, the possessions of the monastery was were

233 The new monastery had become a centre of the adjacent town as well as its close neighbourhood and obtained a new name, La Charité-sur-Loire originated from a Latin expression for a Christian virtue Caritas. Histoire Chronologique explained this naming so, that local monks directed by Gérard punctually acted according to the monastic orders of Saint Benoit and literally observed and practiced saint customs of the Cluniac order, which meant piously performed acts of caritas every day to all poor people and persons in need, within pilgrims and wayfarers. The habit of local monks to give generous alms and to care of body and soul of everybody, regardless their social status instigated that people started to say “Allons à la charité des saincts pères”, which should also gave the name to this monastery. Also the heraldry of local monastic blazon should be formed by this renowned generosity of monks, because it consisted of three open purses with a gold lily on a blue field above them. It manifestly symbolised that local purses were opened for everybody and that the help did not deny to anybody. (The blazon of La Charité has changed in the modern history.) However, there were built a large hospital as accommodation for pilgrims or poor people and for noblemen there used to be apartments in monastic complex, already in times of Gérard. – Histoire Cronologique 1991, pp. 8 – 9, 12, 28.; Leboeuf 1897, p. 4 - 5.; Gaude 1992, pp. 19 – 50.; Henrion 2015, per. 19 – 20.; Barthelet 2016, pp. 61 – 65. 234 Histoire Chronologique 1991, pp. 28 – 31.; Henrion 2015, par. 27 – 28. 235 Histoire Chronologique 1991, pp. 13 – 28.; Gaude 1992, pp. 51 – 92, 126 – 150.; Barthelet 2016, p. 62. 236 Dumont, Henrion 2015, unpa.; Inrap 2011. 237 Histoire Cronologique 1991, pp. 27 – 28. 238 Histoire Cronologique 1991, pp. 9 - 29.; Gaude 1992, pp. 44 – 50, 75 – 79. 239 Ibidem. 240 Henrion 2015, par. 22. 45 significantly enlarged by many new dependences and donations as well as new buildings and properties which were significant for the next building campaign.241 The existence of the monastic church Notre-Dame is also affirmed by a preserved document confirming a consecration of the church by the Pope Pascal II in 1107 and its dedication to The Virgin Mary.242 Unfortunately, there are no notes in this document about the likeness or state of construction of the church. Anterior authors believed that in the moment of this consecration the church must have been nearly finished with its new choir.243 But most probably the reconstruction took place after the illustrious consecration, when Vuilencus relinquished the management of the prosperous monastery to the third Abbot, Ode Harpin who presumably started the second building phase. Surprisingly, the church was not finished immediately but essentially reconstructed. That demonstrates up to a certain point its temporal richness and also its ambitions. The impulse for this fundamental change is not exactly documented. It seems like La Charité followed the maternal model of Cluny, where the monastic church was rebuilt probably between 1080/1088 and 1130 to its final state, so called the” Cluny III”.244 That was radically enlarged on an improved floor plan with two transepts and the choir as a main ambulatory with radial chapels. The whole choir of La Charité looked as if it has been rebuilt following this model, probably between 1110 and 1135. Around 1130 the unfinished west part of the church was prolonged by two new bays and probably ended by two frontal towers with portal entrances opened opposite to a façade from the end of the eleventh century.245 [Fig. 2.2]

The fall of the monastery

The prosperity and the years of monastic enlarging and blossoming during the twelfth century was suddenly interrupted by the first big fire which partially destroyed the monastic church and buildings in 1204.246 According to the Histoire Cronologique, it was a punishment from God for a released approach of local monks to regular observances.247 It was just the beginning of a slow fall for this monastery that was up to 1209 increasingly indebted by its fifteenth Abbot, Guillaume, who was deposed and replaced, without an approval of Cluny, by Geoffroy the Second.248 Nevertheless, a guidance from the new Abbot, Geoffroy (1209 – 1212/1213), stigmatised even more serious acts. Besides accumulating other debts, he had started a rebellion against Cluny. The whole conflict ended after several years by replacing The Abbot, Geoffroy by Guillaume, the former Abbot of Cluny.249 The monastic church was renovated by the French King Philip the Second Augustus around 1216.250 Histoire Chronologique notes that “La Charité used to be abundant and very rich when it was blossoming in piety and in practising of virtues but since it was dropped to use these devotional acts, it

241 Histoire Cronologique 1991, pp. 32 – 34. 242 Histoire Cronologique 1991, p. 34.; Lebeuf 1738, pp. 376 – 416; 408 – 416. 243 Louis 1929, p. 177.; Hilberry 1955, p. 11. 244 Baud 2003. 245 Dumont, Henrion 2015, unpa. 246 Histoire Cronologique 1991, p. 56. 247 Ibidem. 248 Histoire Chronologique 1991, pp. 57 – 63. 249 Ibidem. 250 Histoire Chronologique 1991, pp. 56, 57, 62. 46 has fallen into a great poverty”.251 The priory has not retrieved its original grace, wealth and power. The monastery continued to suffer serious financial problems during the thirteenth century.252 From the fourteenth and the fifteenth century the monastery suffered from military conflicts allied with the Hundred Years’ War. But the most devastating destruction of this monastery came with the great fire in 1559.253 From the great monastic church only the choir with ambulatory with radial chapels, the transept, and one of the frontal towers with a part of a nave survived. The second church of Saint- Laurent only preserved its choir which was then forgotten until 1970.254 The main church was still used by monks but its restoration was finished not sooner than after 180 years, during which La Charité was strongly afflicted by the French Wars of Religion. Then the destroyed monastery became one of The Huguenots’ safe havens and later La Charité was turned to a fortified town of Catholic forces.255 The strongly damaged monastery waited for its restorations up to 1695, but the nave of the church was reconstructed just in the half of its original length and its floor, of several different levels connected by stairs which were aligned.256

The monastic complex today

The offenders responsible for our temporal inability to see the monastery in its original form is a result of, great fires and wars, as well as the French Revolution, after which the church and monastery were dissolved (in 1789) and sold to local inhabitants (since 1793).257 Moreover, in 1840 Prosper Mérimée had to personally come to La Charité again, to stop the road reconstruction from Paris to Nevers which planned to cut the primal nave of the monastic church in two parts. Mérimée called it “an act of vandalism” and made arrangements to inscribe the monastery on the list of “Historical monuments of France.”258

Remaining parts from the original church of the eleventh and the twelfth century represent the ambulatory and the transept of the church today. The central chapel of the ambulatory was rebuilt and enlarged at the cross plan during the fourteenth century.259 What was left from the frontal façade was just the north tower from the twelfth century (where Romanesque bas-reliefs were found) and the main gateway was reconstructed in the fourteenth and sixteenth century, together with one sculpted portal placed at the south side of the ruined façade.260 Beyond the main monastic church and fragmentary debris of Saint-Laurent, there are also several monastic buildings preserved, within the capital hall and the part of the primal cloister. The majority of them had been constantly rebuilt and modified up to the twentieth century. The material and space of debris from the monastic complex

251 “…La Carité qui, autre fois, pendant qu’il florissoit en piété et en la pratique des vertus, il estoit aussy abundant et richesses; mais que depuis qu’il s’est relasché de ces exercices, il est tombé dans une si grande pauvreté, par la faute de ceux qui en avoient le regime et gouvernement, … - Histoire Cronologique 1991, p. 62. 252 Gaude 1992, p. 162 – 167. 253 Histoire Chronologique 1991, p. 108 – 110. 254 Dumont, Henrion 2015, unpa. 255 Histoire Cronologique, pp. 106 – 121. 256 This former interior separation of the space by different levels of floor was caused by the location of the church in the hilly terrain, with what the construction had to originally deal. – Dumont, Henrion 2015, unpa. 257 Barthelet 2016, p. 71, 78. 258 Barthelet 2016, p. 78. 259 Dutel 2003, p. 72. 260 Hisquin 2004, pp. 12 – 16. 47 were used in adjacent houses of local people after the French Revolution.261 Even now, people still live in the walls of the ancient monastery, regardless of the conditions and the conservation of this historical monument. For example, the rest of the north, lateral nave from the eleventh century serves as a kind of terraced house (a tourist office is also located there), where owners live with the Romanesque columns and capitals incorporated in their attics. The lost part of the church naves (from the third to the sixth bay) is used as the parking area. [Fig. 2.4]

In 1998, the monastery of La Charité-sur-Loire was inscribed on the list of UNESCO as a part of the road plan of Saint-Jacques de Compostelle in France.262

261 Barthelet 2016, p. 23. 262 Guillon 2005, p. 18. 48

2.2. The Liminal Zone of La Charité – sur- Loire: Could There Be a Narthex Once?!

One of controversial topics abound in regards to research about the monastic church in La Charité-sur- Loire considers the question of the primal resemblance of the space behind the frontal façade from the first third of the twelfth century. Even though this thesis has not set out a solution to this problem for its main aim, the examination of this area constitutes a very important issue for the study about bas- relief portals and their primal position which haven’t been investigated thoroughly yet. Considering that a large section of the first bays of the church is perceptibly missing, there could be a high possibility that the original position of these portals probably used to be in a different place than where they were found.

The hypothetical existence of the narthex in La Charité-sur-Loire

A long-lasting debate has been ongoing since the nineteenth century between archaeologists and historians about the evidence which in turns proved or disproved the possible existence of the narthex in La Charité-sur-Loire. Viollet-le-Duc described a typical Cluniac narthex as a certain “kind of pre- church” proceeding from the spacious narthex from Cluny III which had six bays. He assumed that all great monastic churches of the Order besides Vézelay or Saint-Philibert in Tournous as well as La Charité displayed a narthex of six bays.263 This hypothesis was believed until the beginning of the twentieth century. Louis Serbat challenged this hypothesis and consequently modified the general thinking on this subject in his conclusion that the narthex could have originated from the utilization of the free space in front of the church nave from the first renovation in the eleventh century. During the second renovation, it was probably incorporated into the construction of the frontal façade.264 Beaussart contributed to the debate concluding that a narthex was probably in existence until the twelfth century. This concurs with an examination of the remains in the first six bays of the church as Viollet-le Duc believed to be true.265 Harry H. Hilberry proposed a different architectonic model. He stated that the nave from the eleventh century was completed by the façade, which is lost today, and was depicted by engravings of La Charité, made in 1640 by C. Chastillon and in 1650 by Israël Sylvestre. [Fig. 3.1, 3.4] Hilberry thought that the model of the seven-bay church with a three-bay narthex followed the model that Cluny II. had devised. [Fig. 2.1] He even made a visual reconstruction of the “lost” façade and about the missing material evidence. He claimed that “…there is a strong possibility that while they were salvaging material they took it all, including much of the foundation.”266 [Fig. 3.2] Nevertheless, his findings were disputed by Jean Vallery-Radot, who pointed out that thanks to an error, it was assumed that the third bay did not exist (but there are its remains, hidden in the masonry of a new house), which led to a conviction that it was constructed in the same level and the same period as the first two bays.267 Hilberry’s conclusions and visual reconstruction, proceeding from already mentioned

263 Viollet-le-Duc 1854 – 1868, tome VI, p. 411.; tome VII, p. 268. 264 Serbat 1916, p. 380. 265 Beaussart 1929, pp. 107 – 110. 266 Hilberry 1952, pp. 17, 18, 19, 21. 267 Vallery-Radot 1966, p. 52.; Vallery-Radot 1967, p. 44.

49 engravings from the seventeenth century, received another critique, when Kenneth John Conant reproduced them in his study.268 Jean Dupont reacted with a commentary that the incorporation of engravings from the seventeenth century to the hypothesised reconstruction of the “lost” façade from the eleventh century could be problematic because the depicted façade with its supportive lateral arch could be modified, and so it should not be considered as a reliable document for the reconstruction of the primal look of this façade.269 Regula Raeber contributed new discourse by her statement that La Charité-sur-Loire didn’t have the nave separated by the narthex like churches in Burgundy from the first half of the twelfth century (Cluny, Vézelay, Autun, etc.), at all. According to Raeber La Charité should be the direct opposite because bas-relief tympana were placed directly at the frontal façade, in the same way that they were already positioned in the façades of Saint-Denis, Chartres, Notre-Dame de Paris, Reims or Amiens after 1135. She saw the closest comparison of the façade in La Charité-sur-Loire with Saint- Denis. According to what she claimed, visitors saw bas-relief portals from a distance and entranced from the street directly into the spacious, bright, church nave which was reflective of the coming Gothic style.270 Nevertheless, Alban Dutel’s research in manuscripts from the seventeenth century (mainly in two volumes of the Manuscript Girerd), completed by examination of three engravings of La Charité- sur-Loire (made by Israël Silvestre, Claude Chastillon and Merlan before reparations of its monastic church in 1690 [3.1, 3.4]), confirms the previous conclusions of Hilberry and Conant.271 He stated that the written testimonies in 1685 describing the debris of the west half of the monastic church in La Charité appears that the engravings are at a certain point in the correct sphere. There used to be ruins of the wall closing the primal church, separating the nave from the hypothetic narthex or the space up to the frontal façade with the main entrance. Dutel ended by the statement that these theoretic conclusions should be verified by an archaeological research.272 Paradoxically, the archaeological answer is rather negative. In 2015, Fabrice Henrion stated that there was obviously no narthex in La Charité, following the Cluniac model, but he proposed that a partition of the liturgical space could be to some extent marked by staircases. He also noted that the decisive focal point rests in the recognition of the church façade from the eleventh century and its position, which was, according to recent archaeological reconstructions, probably between the second and the third bay.273 [Fig. 3.3]

The indispensability of the liminal zone and the case of La Charité

Already the early Christian shrines used to have an area of a transition called quadriportico or atrium destined for crowds of people somehow excluded from or waiting for the entrance to the main sacral space.274 In monastic complexes of the medieval period, it led to the building of the “crossing zones”,

268 Conant 1974, pp. 56 -59. 269 Dupont 1976, p. 72. 270 Suter-Raeber 1967, p. 41. 271 Dutel 2003, pp. 92 – 93. 272 Dutel 2003, pp. 87 – 93. 273 Henrion 2015, p. 211.; Dumont, Henrion 2015, nepa. 274 Gandolfo 1991, pp. 309 – 310.; Guardia, Mancho 2014, pp. 43 – 45.; Foletti, Gianandrea 2015.; Foletti 2018, pp. 108 – 110.; Foletti, Kravčíková, Palladino, Rosenbergová 2018. 50 very often embodied by narthexes or portal porches. This spatial point of the threshold, formed and emphasized by the architectural construction had several practical reasons and even more liturgical and spiritual functions.275 The main functions of narthexes in the monastic sphere during the twelfth century belonged to everyday utilization for local everyday life and civil administration as well as for pilgrims who already came to the monastery.276 These zones provided them with places for rest and were very often also the only shelter against the wind, rain and cold or the hot sunshine. They could stay there without any problems or fears and wait for the opening of the church or for the first contact with the local monastic community in order to be welcomed to the monastic hospice, dormitorium or other kinds of accommodation destined for them.277 Nevertheless, on the spiritual level, the liminal zone represents the area of the passing from the secular sphere to the sacral one. People crossed between the outside world, which can be possessed by the Devil, full of perils, evil, beasts and demons (so often depicted at corbels of medieval architecture or at portal porches), to Heaven on Earth, embodied by monasteries of which safety was protected by saints, angels and God: “Civitatem istam tu circumda Domine et angeli tui custodiant muros eius.”278 The space of narthex or other kind of liminal zone, could also represent the place of the first meeting with holiness, of the first contemplation (directed by the visual and narrative mediations) and probably also of the first prayers at the sacral area, very often famous for its precious relics of saints. Everything seen and heard during the passing or resting in the liminal zone, together with other factors from everyday life or pilgrimage, could serve in this way as the preparation of the believers’ perception of the spiritual experience inside the church.279

The idea of the monastic church without any narthex or entrance area during the first half of the twelfth century, when the popularity, power and wealth of La Charité-sur-Loire had been increasing, is therefore really difficult to imagine. Located at the crossroads, this monastery was very probably visited by crowds of pilgrims and travellers during the day which requires space for newly arriving people, desiring to entrance in. According to archaeological conclusions that there was a typical Cluniac narthex did not exist. Rather there existed two bays separated by different levels of stairs. It appears that the primal façade could be “recycled” and used as the natural division of the space between the second and the third bay by the second building campaign around 1107 – 1137.280 [Fig. 3.3] Did the first two bays of the new construction have a function of a local liminal zone? Due to its necessity in the context of Cluniac architectonic traditions and pilgrimage phenomenon as well as all existing findings about this monastic church, it could be quite possible to ascertain this to be true.281 If there was not a classical and spacious Cluniac narthex on one level of three or more bays (as used to be

275 Considering the quadriportico and atrium: Gandolfo 1991.; Considering the „crossing zone“ and the „threshold“: Bawden 2014, pp. 21 – 22.; In general: Guardia, Mancho 2014, pp. 37 – 48. 276 Foletti 2018, pp. 112 – 115. 277 Ibidem. 278 Heitz 1991, p. 334.; Bawden 2014.; Guardia, Mancho 2014, pp. 39. 279 Bawden 2014, p. 29 – 30.; Foletti, Gianandrea 2015, pp. 33-34. 280 The marks of the later construction of the frontal façade and first two bays in the twelfth century is easily visible also at the nowadays’ ruins. The sculptural decorations and the shape of windows at the gallery visibly differ from these ones at ruins of the north, lateral nave. – Dumont, Henrion 2015, nepa.; Henrion 2015, p. 211. 281 Baud 2003.; Voros 2004.; Stratford 2010.; Reveyron 2012.; Bawden 2014, pp. 20 – 32.; Foletti 2018, pp. 107 – 115. 51 in Cluny II, Cluny III or still persists in Vézelay),282 there could be a certain kind of a vestibule, an atrium or spacious porch opened by five entrances to two first west bays, with different levels of floor connected by stairs and ended by the modified primal façade from the eleventh century. The evidence of the position of the old, primal façade is not only represented on imprecise engravings. [Fig. 3.1, 3.4]283 It is also described in the text of Bishop Colbert in 1685 who saw behind the great portal of the frontal façade a graveyard on a small square place where portals of the parish church of Sainte-Croix284 and these ones of Notre-Dame existed.285 Another testimony of Moret, from the same period, described the area as a space where after the demolition of the great gable what was left, remained a wall, which was three feet high and placed between the great entrance portal and the old church nave.286 A certain clarification as well as a considerable credibility of these texts indirectly brings archaeological excavations (2011-2014) which uncovered the mentioned graveyard from the sixteenth and seventeenth century, nowadays hidden by the parking area called Sainte-Croix. According to their findings, the area of the cemetery was extended to the sixth bay of the church, up to its new façade from 1695.287 This would mean, for the case of the lost façade from the eleventh century and its later descriptions, that the graveyard, mentioned in the testimony “on a small square place”, was in fact located all over the area of the former church and even behind and around its primal, mutilated façade.

The “lost” façade and the location of bas-relief portals

Despite the fact, that it is generally claimed that La Charité-sur-Loire had five-portals on the west façade, decorated with five bas-relief tympana.288 A general comparison with Cluniac churches or cathedrals of this period has revealed that period sacral buildings had at maximum just three or less main entrances with bas-relief decorations.289 Probably no monumental façade with five decorated portals existed at that period in France.290 Even the church of Cluny III with its five naves had, following the preserved sources and fragments, decorated just the main entrance by one giant bas-relief portal (around 1115 – 1130), connecting the inner space of church with its three-nave narthex.291 And later Chartres, Saint-Denis or Notre-Dame in Paris all had three main entrances decorated by sculptures and those were already the case of the new architectonic aesthetic of the second half of the twelfth

282 Conant 1965.; Baud 2003.; Reveyron 2012.; Stratford, Vergnolle 2012, pp. 15 – 18.; Büttner 2014, pp. 146 – 147. 283 The engravings of La Charité-sur-Loire made by Israël Silvestre, Claude Chastillon and Mérian, before 1690. – See Dutel 2003, pp. 87 – 93. 284 The Sainte-Croix was a parish church founded around 1209 in the remains of the north lateral nave of the main monastic church Notre-Dame. It was used till 1791. – Dumont, Henrion 2015, nepa. 285 Girerd (manuscript), p. 147, 158, f° 388, 339.; Dutel 2003, p. 87. 286 ADN, 1-B: 1038 (devis de Lingre et de Moret). – Alban Dutel considered that the engravings from the same period, interpreted the location of the old nave façade between the third and the fourth bay. - Dutel 2003, p. 87 – 93. 287 Journal du Centre 2014. 288 Raeber 1967, p. 41.; Christe 1955, pp. 38 – 39.; Verdier 1980, p. 23.; Hisquin 2004 (article), p. 61.; Lours, Maupoix, Geneste 2015, p. 149. 289 Christe 1969.; Baud 2003.; Voros 2004.; Stratford 2010. 290 It has been highlighted already by Regula Raeber, that the external façade construction of five bas-relief portals has not any parallel in the period architectonic context. – Raeber 1964, p. 137, n. 131. 291 Stratford, Vergnolle 2012, pp. 15 – 30. 52 century.292 However, from the reconstructed church plan of La Charité sur-Loire is emerging that although the frontal façade used to be opened by five portals walled-up in the thirteenth or the fourteenth century, there were just three entrances from the first to the second bay.293 [Fig. 3.3] Unfortunately, it is not sure how many portals the primal, “inner” façade had exactly and if it corresponded rather with inner division of the church or the division of the first two bays. Did it have primarily five or three entrances? Or just a single one? In what way was this first façade used in the twelfth century? Harry H. Hilberry suggested that this “lost” façade had five walk-through portals which could be imprinted in the composition of church façades from Saint-Julien in Osmery, Chézal-Benoit or Saint- Genès in Chateaumeillant that related with La Charité-sur-Loire or its Abbots. [Fig. 3.5] Hilberry also speculated about the original position of sculpted figures of apostles and Christ, located as they are around the tower above the crossing of the transept. He proposed that they were primarily destined for the blind arcade above the main portal of the “lost” façade and because of that the central portal tympana may have been bare and the arrangement of the blind arcading slightly different.294 Thanks to archaeological reconstructions of the Cluniac monastic church of Saint-Etienne from Nevers, there is one more Cluniac example to compare.295 This three-nave church, finished by the frontal façade of two towers, built together with the crossing in the eleventh century, had just one main portal. Despite that, there used to be a two bay narthex or porch opened by five unadorned entrances, probably built later (1130-1171), slightly after La Charité. Its remains are visible in the façade and its disposition had been marked in the paving in front of the church because the porch was destroyed probably during the 17th century.296 [Fig. 3.6] Saint-Étienne demonstrates that the façade or the porch does not have to expose the inner layout of the shrine by the number of entrances. The same can be said for Cluny III. The aforementioned statement could represent a certain kind of a possible answer for La Charité-sur-Loire. Considering the architectonic similarities of these buildings, it would be quite possible that despite the number of entrances at the frontal façade, probably without any bas-relief tympana (and the reduction of their number to just three in the second bay), there could also be just three entrances to the main space of the church, decorated by three bas-relief tympana. The possibility that according to “Cluniac models” there would be just one main entrance to the nave from the eleventh century seems quite improbable due to the archaeological reconstruction of the church plan.297 An equally possible but audacious hypothesis would be that the old façade had kept its primal look or was partially rebuilt and new bas-relief tympana would decorate three entrances from the first to the second bay. Whatever it was, the essential conclusion is that there is a high possibility that bas-relief portals used to be only three in number. Thus, just the central one would be missing, today. The prevailing conviction, that preserved bas-relief tympana were originally a part of a cycle of five sculpted portals, directly decorating the frontal façade, probably has not proceeded merely from

292 Brown, Cabo, Sauvageot 2001.; Lheure, Erlande-Brandenburg 2010.; Timbert, Hartmann-Virnich 2014. 293 Dumont, Henrion 2015. 294 Hilberry 1952, pp. 21, 22. 295 Tichá 2018, pp. 215 – 224. 296 Zenner 1994, pp. 227 – 230.; Anfray 1951, pp. 54 – 55.; Locquin 1913, pp. 16-17; Morellet, Barat, Boussière 1840, pp. 114-116.; Tichá 2018. 297 Ibidem., Dumont, Henrion 2015. 53 their installation at the north tower where they were discovered, but also from the very first testimonies about these tympana published by Prosper Mérimée and Auguste Grasset. Both of them noted that there also existed “another tympanum decorated in the same style”, which had been hammered down before Mérimée’s visit by the owner of the adjacent house to the church. This closer unspecified testimony can actually suggest that there could be primarily other preserved tympana from the twelfth century placed at the frontal façade. According to the date stated by Grasset, this act of vandalism happened in 1829. However, its delineation seems to correspond with the officially documented local affair that happened in 1830.298 Then the owner of the house adjacent to the Passage of Madeleine (the lateral entrance to the transept of the monastic church directly from the street, La Grande Rue) decided to tear down a part of a wall to make a window. According to a document from Archives Municipales, he acted against the official ban from the city council and he destroyed a part of pilasters of the entrance portal where he annihilated all figures which were sculpted there.299 If all these testimonies are speaking in fact about one and the same incident, the destroyed “tympanum decorated in the same style”, mentioned by Mérimée and Grasset just like “the lateral portal at the right”, would not then be located at the right side of the frontal façade, opposite the uncovered tympana at the north tower, but in the passage directly connecting the right side of the church transept with the main street.300 Unfortunately, all these testimonies are not closer specified. Nevertheless, based on these realities, it would be possible to consider that this noted “tympanum” could be in no way related to these two preserved bas-relief portals or to the “primal decoration” of the frontal façade from the twelfth century. The likeness and the number of the entrances at the frontal and the inner façade relate with this study only partially, for the consideration about the original architectonic context of both preserved bas-relief portals because the frontal façade does not look like their primal location.301 The starting point for these doubts was in fact the observation of Louise Lefrançoise-Pillion who mentioned that the tympanum of The Virgin Mary (still at the north tower) was originally smaller (following the cutting lines). The fact that the shape of this tympanum perfectly fits to the arcade thanks to side tablets with sculpted angels was then supported by the detail examination of René Louise and Pierre Beaussart.302 In a comparison to the portal of the Transfiguration, perfectly shaped according to the arch, it seems like the tympanum of The Virgin Mary could be originally intended for a completely different primal place and installation. Unfortunately, no documents can specify, confirm or deny it. The today’s state of preservation and location of bas-relief portals from La Charité could be explained through the troubled and strongly military history of this town. There is equally the possibility that they were replaced from the church debris at the preserved tower after the first fire in 1204, or after the immuring of the frontal entrances. This new placement of bas-relief portals could also have a practical use for the outside exterior marking of the parish church Sainte-Croix, founded

298 Mérimée 1835, p. 25, n. 1.; Grasset 1835, pp. 10 – 11. 299 AM 1830.; Garniche 1995, p. 89. 300 Mérimée 1835, pp. 22, 25 n. 1.; Grasset 1835, pp. 10 – 11. 301 Lefrançoise-Pillion 1924, p. 214; Louis 1929, pp. 172 - 173.; Beaussart 1929, pp. 37 – 39, 50 , 261. 302 Ibidem.

54

probably before 1209 in the damaged north, lateral nave of the monastic church,303 with the main gate straight behind these former and walled-up entrances under the tower. It seems that thanks to their immuring tympana have not suffered any other serious “injuries”. According to Auguste Grasset, bas-reliefs could be walled up into the façade of the tower shortly before the period of the Hundred Years’ War, around 1325. He considered it as a possible hiding-place against the potential future destructions during the “never-ending” war conflicts, after which the tympana were forgotten.304 Nevertheless, Beaussart stated that it was possible that they could have been “walled- up” during the French Wars of Religion in the sixteenth century.305

303 More about the church of Sainte-Croix in: Dutel 2003, pp. 70 - 71, 74 – 75, 83.; Garniche, p. 86. 304 Grasset, p. 8. 305 Beaussart 1929, p. 91. 55

2.3. Preserved Bas-relief Portals in Their Visual and Iconographic Context

The general composition of bas-relief portals is almost identical. Both of them are constituted of an upper semi-circular tympanum with one main scene and a lower lintel presenting several narrative scenes. Lintels are in fact the only part, which narratively interconnect these two portals. Beyond that, they are decorated by the same Greek geometric ornament under the lintels, made in slightly different forms, as well as each part of bas-relief portals. Their archivolts are supported by abacuses and Corinthian capitals of a very persuasive classical look, which represent high qualities of execution not spoiled even by their partial damages. Together with leafy corbels under the portals, identically decorated by the same perforations like the capitals and abacuses, they invoke an impression that they are spoliated. But, they could be probably made in the same period as bas-reliefs. Unfortunately, each portal has just a pair of them and other capitals are missing. According to Grasset’s drawing of the Transfiguration portal, there used to be a pair of capitals with riding knights, which were later replaced or lost.306 [Fig. 1.1] No testimonies exist about the other capitals of the second portal but anyway, there is no guarantee that these capitals and archivolts made an original whole together, as they do today.

The Portal of the Transfiguration

The portal, replaced together with its first archivolt (decorated by zig-zag lines and pearls) into the south arm of the church transept, has remained in its new position from 1835 until the present day. In comparison to the portal of The Virgin Mary, its tympanum has just one register, fully occupied by the depiction of the Transfiguration of Christ at Mont Thabor. Christ with a cruciform halo, standing at some kind of dais in the mandorla decorated by a zig-zag shaped ribbon and perforated dots, constitutes the natural centre of the whole composition. He is touching by his right, blessing hand “his glory” and in his left hand he is holding a book which looking like a codex or the Holy Scripture. Prophets of the Old Testament, Moses and Elijah, are standing by his sides, holding scrolls and evidently the older one is pointing at Christ by a finger. Three figures of apostles, Peter, Jacob and John, are piously kneeling behind prophets, hands covered by cloths. They are looking at Christ, amazed and trembling, with humbleness in their faces, caused by the miraculous vision in front of them. All figures are barefooted. A very extraordinary moment of this tympanum represents very abundant draperies making ornamental folds, V shapes and whirls swirling around as if they are themselves alive around the bodies of figures. Their floating in rich, decorative, unnaturally shaped curves is by its high executive quality incomparable with other bas-reliefs of these two tympana. As a result this scene could be evaluated as the best masterpiece of all of them. Although perfectly done draperies of lintel scenes below this tympanum represent their appropriate associates. Another interesting point is the zig-zag decoration, here used also at the archivolt around the tympanum and the line, separating the tympanum and the lintel below.

306 Grasset 1835, p. 9.; Grasset 1871.; Beaussart, p. 91.; Hisquin 2004, pp. 41, 100. 56

Compared with the portal of The Virgin Mary, the lintel here is composed just from two scenes, “the Adoration of the Magi” and “the Presentation in the Temple”, which are even detached by a divider. Moreover, each scene is presenting several peculiarities. “The Adoration of the Magi” is showing in fact a royal audience, where the Magi (depicted as kings) are approaching to The Virgin Mary, depicted as a reigning, crowned queen sitting at the throne with her divine son on her knees. He was unfortunately decapitated and only his cruciform halo left, but he could be crowned as his mother. He is stretching out his hands to the kings, who are bringing the gifts. The closer examination of the kings reveals that just one of them has covered hands: it is the youngest and beardless one in the middle, with a completely different crown. The other two kings hold their gifts in their bare hands, even the first and oldest one, nearly in touch with Christ, whose knees are indicating the genuflexion. The likeness of Joseph, standing behind this scene, is quite dissimilar and more noble than his portrayal at the second portal. It seems likely that a different sculptor created the scene so the different likeness of Joseph as the ceremonial character of the scene is probably intended. The same Joseph is holding doves (destroyed today) in the following scene in the Temple. There is small Christ presented above the altar by his mother to old Simeon, who has his hands covered by a piece of cloth. Behind him is standing Anna with a damaged head. All figures apart from Joseph and the Kings have halos. [Fig. 4.1]

The Portal of The Virgin Mary

Still in existence at the place where it was discovered more than two hundred years ago, bas-reliefs, characteristically called “the portal of The Virgin Mary”, decorate the lower part of the north frontal tower. The tympanum is divided into two registers. The upper part depicts a heavenly scene with a very peculiar composition. Its centre constitutes the mandorla of Christ in majesty, decorated by the line of tiny binds with perforated dots and a multiple wavelet around its lower half. The position of sitting Christ renders him with his throne uniquely turned from three quarts to his left side. He is stretching his left hand through mandorla and by his gestures of blessing (by the right hand) he is welcoming another figure, touching his glory, The Virgin Mary. By the symbolic communication with Christ, The Virgin Mary occupies a central space and her absolutely extraordinary execution deserves that. She is in fact shown as flying, ascending in her physical nature up to heaven, to the kingdom of her son. Behind Christ’s glory, two angels are standing which were named by anterior research as Archangels Michael and Gabriel. One of them, probably Michael, is holding a cross at a long shaft and a gesture of blessing by the right hand in the same way as Christ. On contrary Gabriel, closer to the mandorla, is pointing with his right hand at Christ.307 Moreover, it looks like he is subtly touching the mandorla of Christ. Both archangels were perhaps standing in the clouds, which are indistinguishable today. The bottom part of this tympanum which was completely destroyed thanks to the walling-up into the floor of the house during the nineteenth century depicts several abundantly expanding plants with various kinds of leaves and perforated dots. There used to be probably six kneeling and praying monks around them, three and three at each side, from whom (at the spectator’s right side) one is flying to the heaven with The Virgin Mary and the second is placed, according to older studies, at the mountain or a hill (not visible at all, today). Three monks are completely erased and their existence

307 These angelic figures were named already by Raeber 1964.; Christe 1966.; Thérel 1967.; Hisquin 2004. – See the Status questionis 57 reveals just several dull silhouettes, nearly non visible. By closer examination of lateral added parts with mutilated, sculpted angels blowing the horns with sculpted wavelets, flowing around them, it would be possible to think that they did not make a part of the original composition. The iconography of this tympanum embodied a frequently debated puzzle in the past. Principal interpretations named it as the apocalyptic vision, the Deesis, the Ascension, the Last Judgement, the Second Parousia or the Glorification of the Mother of God.308 Nevertheless, the last studies interconnected this tympanum with the concept of the corporeal Assumption of The Virgin Mary, her role in Intercessions and with the concept of the Virgin-Ecclesia.309

However, the bottom lintel makes an equivalent to Marian tympanum by episodes from the life of The Virgin Mary and the Incarnation of the Word of God manifested in four illustrations of the Annunciation, the Visitation, the Nativity and the Annunciation to Shepherds. All these depictions present The Virgin Mary almost identically as at the tympanum, dressed in Byzantine maphorion and with a halo perforated by dots. But the archangel Gabriel from the scenes of Annunciations, classically sculpted in antic vestment, visually differs in physical features from his supposed image at the tympanum. His bodily constitution is slightly lighter, finer and more charming in lintel scenes. That could be caused, according to anterior formal-stylistic examinations, by the local cooperation of several masters.310 As it has been already said, due to the fact that for this portal we aren’t sure of either the original intentions for its installation, or the reason or date of its potential reconstitution, there should be no wonder when it comes to the stylistic diversity of its parts. Moreover, considering the amount of damage to this tympanum, from the lintel scenes The Nativity is probably the most destroyed one. There is missing the head of The Virgin Mary, Joseph’s arm and the head of new-born Christ (just a cruciform halo left). The ox with the donkey or the next scene of The Annunciation to the Shepherds is also damaged. Nevertheless, it is very probable that a lot of the damage was caused after the discovery of these bas-reliefs, when they have become an inner decoration in the bedroom of the adjacent house built under the north frontal tower.311 If we are to concur with the texts, first photographs and indications from the nineteenth century that the portal of the Transfiguration was probably situated somewhere in the area of stairs, it would be possible to hypothesize that the tympanum of The Virgin Mary probably played the main role in the story from the Mérimée’s and Grasset’s texts about the soldier who may have decapitated the central figure of the “Eternal-Father” as a result of his uncomfortable accommodation.312 However, due to the ambiguous descriptions of the identity and location of that damaged bas-relief scene and the fact that we can no longer see any damage to this tympanum in the present day, the further hypothesis about what really happened and what was then reinterpreted by published texts, could lead more to misunderstandings than to relevant conclusions. On the other hand, Marie Barthelet stated that the broken head could

308 Terret 1914.; Lefrançoise-Pillion 1924.; Louis 1929.; Raeber 1964.; Christe 1966.; Salet 1967. – See the Status questionis 309 Thérel 1967.; Hisquin 2004. – See the status questionis 310 Lefrançoise-Pillion 1924.; Beaussart 1929.; Byvanck 1952.; Raeber 1964.; Salet 1967.; Hisquin 2004. – See the Status questionis 311 Mérimée 1835, p. 24 – 25.; Grasset 1835, p. 9 – 10.; Hisquine 2004, p. 16. 312 Mérimée 1835, p. 25, n. 1.; Grasset 1835, pp. 10 – 11.; Dumas 1841, pp. 97 – 103. 58 probably be reattached back or replaced by a copy, following common habits of the politic of restorations in the nineteenth century.313 Unfortunately, there are no documents to proof or deny this theory. [Fig. 4.2]

The adornment

In spite of formal or stylistic differences, various elements indicate that both tympana and lintels belonged somehow to a comprehensive complex of a sculpted program, probably completed in the same period. Beyond the continuing narration of lintel scenes, portals are also related by similar colourful glass incrustations and a high number of perforated ornaments and decorations. The dark eyes’ incrustations (the figures at tympana) and green ones (the figures at lintels and crowns of the Kings and The Virgin Mary), emphasized mainly by authors of the nineteenth century, has been partially preserved.314 Moreover, halos of angels and saints, described by Prosper Mérimée as decorated by gold pearls have not been preserved at all.315 Despite the lack of documents and material evidence, the fact that these portals were adorned with preciously looking materials and glass, represents a quite unique testimony of contemporary production.

The evidence of blue and green polychromy has been documented just at the portal of The Virgin Mary where they still remained at the halo of The Virgin Mary and The Archangels or at the cruciform of Christ’s halo and his beard. The fragments of blue and green were found at the vegetation under the mandorla, at Joseph’s crook or at the cross (coloured in red) held by one of the archangels.316 Although, nobody found any trace after the painting of bas-reliefs of the second portal, the possibility of its polychromy seems to be very plausible: the contemporary bas-reliefs used to be coloured to look like vivid scenes.317 [Fig. 4.1d, 4.2d]

The visual context of portals

The carving of bodies, faces, hair and beards as well as draperies and the furniture are executed with a high quality, finely, richly and in cases of lintels quite classically. In some moments there is almost an impression that clothing is transparent and the body under them is almost visible. Considering these extraordinary qualities of sculptural executions, moreover exceptionally preserved, there is no better comparison for these bas-reliefs than to count them among the important exemplars of the Cluniac production, chiefly in the first half of the twelfth century.318 As already mentioned, the varying stylistic executions and iconographic origins of portals from La Charité-sur-Loire substantiate quite complicated

313 Barthelet 2016, p. 76. 314 Mérimée 1835, p. 22.; Grasset 1835, p. 9.; Soultrait 1857, p. 56, 60. ; Idem 1875, p. 77. 315 Mérimée 1834, p. 22. 316 Bourassé 1844, pp. 58 – 61.; Beaussart 1929, p. 82, 90. 317 The most famous Romanesque portals with polychromy is possible to see at the cathedral of Notre-Dame in Lausanne (Kaumann 2012.), at the monastic church of Saint-Foy in Conques (Bonne 1985.), or in the twelfth century also at the monastic church of Cluny III. (Castandet, Rollier-Hanselmann 2013.); Guardia, Mancho 2014, p. 41, 47. 318 Salet 1995.; Stratford 2010. 59 questions already largely researched by all previous studies.319 Therefore, this study seeks to examine the portals of La Charité-sur-Loire only in their essential visual context. Due to the geographic location of La Charité-sur-Loire and its close relation to Cluny – which had “daughterly” abbeys not just in France but also almost all around the then world320 – the most relevant examples, demonstrating the straight visual connections and several commune formal peculiarities to compare them with portals of La Charité, would be chiefly from the Cluniac sphere in Burgundy and Languedoc with several non Cluniac cases from L’ Ile-de-France and Centre-Val de Loire (Bourges).

Firstly, it is necessary to emphasize that the priory of La Charité-sur-Loire had imitated its “motherly” monastery in Cluny III (1088 – 1130) not only by the architectonic forms and the plan of the monastic church and complex, but also by its sculptural decorations. More precisely, the tympanum of The Virgin Mary is largely comparable with sculptural fragments of the main portal (probably around 1120 – 1130) and several preserved capitals (1109 – 1113) of Cluny III.321 The execution of bodies and chiefly draperies of figures in all mentioned cases could be considered as very close, if not identical, given to their quasi flat ornamental folds of vestments falling down in decorative turns, closely tracing their bodies or similar decorative tiny folds at garments. Their close relation also support evident similarities of several other elements such as nearly identical faces of fragmental figures and relief ones from La Charité-sur- Loire and their jewelled decorations of vestments (collars of archangels and Christ from La Charité) or the identically shaped mandorla of Christ at the tympanum of The Virgin Mary and several mandorlas of Liberal Arts at capitals of Cluny III. [Fig. 5.1] Noteworthy is also the element of the cross at the long shaft in the hand of the blessing archangel from the portal of The Virgin Mary, identically occurring at the keystone of the narthex east bay in Cluny III, where is held by the Agnus Dei, similarly depicted also at one bas-relief plaque placed in the choir of the monastic church in La Charité-sur-Loire.322 [Fig. 5.1a] The other case represents the tympanum of the Transfiguration. Its visuality is more related to the Cluniac production of Languedoc. The comparison of its prophets with reliefs of Isiah from the Cluniac monastic church in Souillac (1120 – 1135) and Jeremiah from the façade of Cluniac abbey in Moissac (1120 – 1130), has been largely examined.323 Anyway, let’s emphasize that the mode of the treatment of the hair, beards and vestments could be classified as strongly close. Moreover, figural reliefs from Souillac, within its sculpted column, or the main portal of Moissac represent more than one very close visual relation with figures, faces or with garments of bas-reliefs from La Charité-sur-Loire. The similarity of figures and faces continues also in several capitals of the Elders of the Apocalypse (probably around the middle of the twelfth century) of the Romanesque church Saint-Laurent-et-Notre- Dame from Gargilesse-Dampierre (archdiocese of Bourges) or at the old Romanesque portals (north

319 See the Status quaestionis 320 Baud 2003.; Voros 2004.; Stratford 2010. 321 Considering the more precise information about dating: Biay 2011, pp. 62 – 63.; About the tympanum of Cluny III. – Stratford 2012, pp. 15 – 18. 322 Fournier, Pain, Chagny 2007, p. 117.; Stratford 2012, p. 21. 323 The more recent comparison made Séverine Hisquin in 2014, who concluded that the master of the Transfiguration scene from La Charité had a significant knowledge of the Langedoc style, but he cannot be considered as the master or the member from workshops of Souillac or Moissac, because his style is autochthon and visibly differs. Hisquin 2014, p. 51 – 54.; In 2016, Barthelet, based on Heimann’s conclusions, connected the Transfiguration scene with the Master from Gargilesse. – Barthelet 2016, p. 51.; Heimann 1979, pp. 61 – 63.; See the Status questionis 60 and south entrance of transept) of the cathedral in Bourges.324 [Fig. 5.2] There are visible quite tight formal relations of figures, features and draperies, up to relative-made heads of prophets, Joseph, archangels or Christ from La Charité-sur-Loire with Biblical scenes at capitals at the south entrance of the cathedral in Bourges. Moreover, there are almost identical forms and use of ornamental decorations (zig-zag lines, labyrinths, pearls etc.) around the south and the north portals above entrances to the transept of the cathedral in Bourges.325 [Fig. 5.2a] Whereas draperies of the portal of The Virgin Mary, are floating and falling in quite a mimetic way, just with minimal artificial waving, vestments of the Transfiguration tympanum constitute strongly decorative and artificial flat folds enlivening static figures by waving and coiling. The similar ones, but more elaborated and luxurious, are decorating the figures of Jesus and the Saints at the main portal from Vézelay (1130 – 1150) and in the identical simplification, as in La Charité-sur-Loire, at the small figures at archivolts around this portal and at the lateral portals.326 [Fig. 5.2b] The similar formal moments are also possible to see at the main portal of Autun (1130 – 1135).327 [Fig. 5.2c] Equal similarities of formal-stylistic character, mainly of draperies, figural constitutions and other features are possible to see at period Romanesque tympana, for example in Donzy-le-Pré (mid twelfth century) or from Anzy-le-Duc (now in the museum in Paray-le-Monial), Charlieu, Avallon, Saint-Menoux, Saint- Gilles, Arles, , Angoulême or in the connection of Christ in majesty from la Charité-sur-Loire with Majestas Domini from Saint-Bénigne in Dijon.328

Lintel scenes have many features also related to already noted Cluniac bas-relief portals or to fragments of ancient Romanesqu bas-reliefs from the Cluniac monastic church in Souvigny, or from Saint-Lazare in Avallon. However, their formal and visual execution, supported even by the design of furniture decorated by perforations, meant that they used to be put in strong relations with reliefs of the Royal portal of Chartres and the monastic hospital of Maison-Dieu (church of Saint-Laurent-et-Saint-Vincent) in Montmorillon.329 [Fig. 5.3] The very similar compositions of almost all lintel scenes and general formal connections led many generations of authors to speculations about their kinship and “commune” authorship, completely ignoring their quite noticeable variations.330 Nevertheless, recent conclusions claim that they had rather similar iconographic and compositional models which are lost today than a straight interconnection by one atelier or its sculptors.331 Nevertheless, thanks to this relation and executional qualities, bas-reliefs of La Charité were connected even to the “royal style” of

324 Souillac: Knicely 1997.; Moissac: Angheben 2014.; Gargilesse: Heimann 1979.; Bourges: Joubert 2011,pp. 202 – 203. 325 Joubert 2011, pp. 202 – 203. 326 Büttner 2014.; Le Gallic 2012. 327 Balcon-Berry, Berry 2011, pp. 50 – 67. 328 Stratford 2010.; Joubert 2011, pp. 204 – 207.; Hansen, Hartmann-Virnich 2014.; 329 Lapeyre 1960.; Crozet 1965.; Stoddart 1987.; Among the chief comparison of the similar scenes from La Charité, Montmorillon and Chartres could be rated: Lasteyrie 1902.; Porter 1923, p. 125 – 129.; Beenken 1928.; Beaussart 1929, p. 288.; Raeber 1964, pp. 114 – 116.; Hisquin 2004, pp. 49, 50, 61, 67. – See the Status questionis 330 Among the chief comparison of the similar scenes from La Charité, Montmorillon and Chartres could be rated: Lasteyrie 1902., Porter 1923, p. 125 – 129.; Beenken 1928.; Beaussart 1929, p. 288.; Raeber 1964, pp. 114 – 116.; Hisquin 2004, pp. 49, 50, 61, 67. – See the Status questionis 331 The most recent: Hisquin 2004, p. 67. – See the Status questionis 61

Ile-de-France or to the period of the “turning” and classified as “early Gothic”.332 Considering the style of draperies and a high extent of ornamental perforations and drilled dots at both portals which could also be incrusted by shining colourful pieces of glass, it must be said that they could look like very precious, luxury, costly and inexpressibly splendorous objects to see.

Despite the fact that the bas-relief production of La Charité-sur-Loire has been compared to many others period works and its style was defined as the sculptural workshop or the “Burgundy school”, blended with other “regional styles” or authors (four in minimum) coming from different workshops that are called ateliers in French, it would be rather better to classify these formal-stylistic similarities as products of the Cluniac area. The generally fixed dating of these bas-reliefs after 1132 or to the second quarter of the twelfth century seems appropriate.333 Anyway, Souillac and Moissac, Vézelay, Avallon, Souvigny, Charlieu and many others used to be Cluniac abbeys as La Charité-sur-Loire was, so they seem all to have had a quite straight forward relationship (not just administrative, but probably also artistic).334 There is no wonder that all of them naturally followed a similar aesthetic style and let’s say “general sampler of forms”, replicated with bigger or smaller local and qualitative differences or modifications, spreading through craftsmanship and in the artistic production of the Order and of non- Cluniac objects. Consequently we can in two portals at La Charité various formal and stylistic peculiarities connected with a wide sphere of monastic and sacral artworks from the period of the Cluniac Order and the associated ateliers of France at that time.

The portals in the period iconography

Thanks to today’s knowledge of monumental sacral architecture after the first half of the twelfth century, the existence of decorated lateral bas-relief portals with narrative scenes does not seem in any way peculiar for us.335 Nevertheless, there are not many preserved lateral portals in France of the first half of the twelfth century, beyond examples found in Vézelay, for example probably in Dijon, in Bourges (but removed above lateral entrances to the transept in the thirteenth century), in Saint-Gilles, or already “early gothic” Royal portal in Chartres.336 Their low number could be caused by complete destruction and by lost testimonies about them, of course. As it has been already said, there are no documented façades with five sculpted bas-relief portals in that period in France, as was suggested many times in the case of La Charité-sur-Loire.337 In fact, there are just single, great portals, sometimes completed by lateral sculpted decorations at the sides of their porches, so they constitute something like a triptych together (Moissac, Souillac or Beaulieu-sur-).338 Furthermore, by the comparison of iconographic programmes of these “triptych” porches and at preserved Cluniac portals of this period (within the iconography of La Charité), it is obvious that the

332 Lefrançoise-Pillion 1931, p. 143, 186.; Forel 1934, p. 176.; - See the Status questionis 333 The authorship by four authors, chiefly: Byvanck 1955.; Raeber 1964.; Heimann 1979.; Hisquin 2004.; About datation: Thérel 1967, pp. 95, 101. – See the Status questionis 334 Stratford 2010. 335 Duby 1984.; Pérouse de Montclos 2011. 336 New-Smith 1975.; Stoddart 1987.; Stoddart 1973.; Brown, Cabo, Sauvageot 2001.; Le Gallic 2012.; Büttner 2014.; Timbert, Hartmann 2014.; Hansen, Hartmann-Virnich 2014.; Joubert 2011. 337 Raeber 1967, p. 41.; Christe 1955, pp. 38 – 39.; Verdier 1980, p. 23.; Hisquin 2004 (article), p. 61.; Lours, Maupoix, Geneste 2015, p. 149. 338 Klein 1990.; The naming for the roman portals as the triptych used in: Angheben 2014, p. 61. 62 topics of lateral portals and sculpted panels are quasi identical. For example in Moissac, it is possible to see all scenes from the life of The Virgin Mary and the childhood of Christ (as at in La Charité at both lintels of lateral portals) at the right lateral panel of the porch.339 Just the scene of “the Annunciation to Shepherds” is replaced by “the Flight into Egypt.” [Fig. 6.1] So, all lateral or lintel programmes obviously show Theophany or Eucharistic scenes through depictions of Christological and Marian life and triumph, which is completed by the main eschatological vision at the great central portal showing an apocalyptic vision, “the Majesties Domini “or “the Last Judgement”, how it still persists in Vézelay or in Moissac.340 [Fig. 6.2] On the contrary, the different situation represented the main portal in the narthex of Cluny III which was probably not completed by lateral ones (in spite of the five-nave church) and which represented the giant Majesties Domini (1115-1130, destroyed in 1810). Moreover, its lintel showed the spiritual and political links manifesting the unity of the abbey and the papacy.341

By sculpted testimonies of the triumph of Christ and The Virgin Mary in tympana, verified through the lintel scenes depicting the Incarnation of the Word, the Resurrection and the Intercession, the portal of The Virgin Mary and the portal of the Transfiguration from La Charité-sur-Loire very well fit in general iconographic concepts of contemporary portals’ programmes.342 In the context of preserved examples emerged equally a certain termination of their iconographic programme, showing that their original number could be really just three. If so, the whole programme would be abridged just by the loss of the main portal, which could probably be a theophany or eschatological representation such as the” Majesties Domini”,” the Ascension of Christ”,” the Second Parusia” or “the Last Judgement”, completed with appropriate eschatological meanings interpreted and propagated by period liturgy and sermons.343 Considering the fact that the main content, given out by lateral portals from La Charité-sur-Loire, does not lack anything or deviate from the common context of complementary iconography at other preserved portals of this period, this deduction could seem very probable. If this hypothesis were not true and the original iconography of La Charité-sur-Loire were split among four lateral portals, they would have to continue with the episodes from Christ’s life, dealing with his Passion and the Crucifixion, as it is depicted at the façade of the Cluniac monastery in Saint-Gilles. Nevertheless, the depiction of Passion and Crucifixion sculpted at monumental façades from the first half of the twelfth century are really rare and known rather from the south France than from Burgundy.344

Nevertheless, in general it could be said that in spite of a certain common theme and in terms of traditional characters in the scenes of the Annunciation, the Visitation, the Nativity, the Annunciation to Shepherds, the Adoration of Magi and the Presentation in Temple, depicted in diverse variations and range almost at every monumental bas-relief decorations of that period, their iconographic compositions and constructions could be very unique and sometimes even innovative.345 The lintel scenes of the monastic church in La Charité-sur-Loire could be an example of such peculiarities. However, their iconography of the standing Virgin from the Annunciation scene, the hugging females of

339 Klein 1990, pp. 317 – 330.; Angheben 2014, pp. 61 – 63. 340 Le Gallic 2012.; Klein 1990, pp. 317 – 330.; Angheben 2014, pp. 61 – 63. 341 Stratford 2012, p. 18. 342 Christe 1969, 22, 104 – 105, 154 – 155, 181 – 185. 343 Christe 1969, pp. 154 – 155, 181 – 185.; Klein 1990.; Angheben 2014, pp. 61 – 63, 79. 344 Mâle 1922, p. 30 – 31.; Stoddard 1973, pp. 143 – 153.; Hansen, Hartmann-Virnich 2014. 345 Christe 1969, pp. 11, 104, 155, 181 – 185.; Klein 1990.; Angheben 2014, pp. 61 – 63, 79. 63 the Visitation, the Nativity scene depicted with The Virgin Mary as sleeping in the bed with a cradle of the new-born Christ above or the scene of the Annunciation of Shepherds have been described by Émile Mâle as the iconographic composites representing the echoes and translations of ancient Hellenic, Syrian and Palestinian models, proceeding from manuscripts, Ampoules from Monza or famous artistic objects and works, blend together in new unique iconographic forms of Romanesque French artistic production.346 However, in the light of the research of the last decades it is no longer possible to hang on Mâle’s conclusions as authoritative ones. Primarily because of more recent research, focussing on the iconography of the Romanesque portals, the search for models of French monastic art in the Oriental formulas has for the moment ceased. The focus now is on local milieu, considering for example as possible sources and centres, stimulating the period artistic production the most important French monasteries and their workshops and in general in recognising the Carolingian and Otonian culture (following the classical models of the Late Antiquity).347 Furthermore even if the lintels scenes from La Charité represent for the first glance the prevalent and highly frequented period theme in the context of preserved Romanesque bas-relief portals, their reciprocal juxtaposition with both tympana above, gives them a new, deeper meaning. As Marie-Louise Thérel nicely demonstrated, lintel scenes illustrating the Immaculation and the Incarnation of the Word served as the justification of the tympanum of The Virgin Mary, depicting an innovative iconography of unique privileges of the Mother of God (her corporeal Assumption, Resurrection, Intercession and Glorification).348 This iconography reflected a developing concept, which has not been already fully approved in the contemporary Europe. As a result, this tympanum is often classified as a sign of the contemporary rise of the Marian cult, developing Mariology and the contemporary evolution of the strong belief in the corporeal Assumption of The Virgin Mary. This belief was based on the writings of Pseudo-Augustin and promoted by Peter the Venerable in the Cluniac religious community around 1132.349 Séverine Hisquin extended the possible meaning of this tympanum scene by the interpretation of The Virgin Mary as the symbolical figure of the Ecclesiae, giving the whole scene an eschatological character.350 This tympanum of The Virgin Mary is so very unique, without any parallel, model or followers. At tympana in Vézelay, Donzy-le-Pré, Bourges or in Chartres The Virgin Mary is rather shown as a hieratically enthroned Mother of God, adored by the Magi, angels or saints.351 [Fig. 4.2, 6.3] Finally, given the reciprocal semantic correspondence of the lintel scenes and the tympanum, it would be even possible to think that they could be probably primarily intended for the commune installation. The identical intellectual interconnectedness is further alluded to by Thérel in the compositional construction of the portal of the Transfiguration, in which Mâle saw Byzantine iconographic models and also the relation with the identical disposition from the fresco from the tenth century in Tchaouch-In in Cappadocia.352 Nevertheless Thérel noted, this concept differs from eastern

346 Mâle 1922, pp. 46, 58, 67, 96, 97, 115 – 118, 430. 347 Poilpré 2014, pp. 15 – 20. 348 Thérel 1967, pp. 96 – 103. 349 Thérel 1967, pp. 96 – 102. 350 Hisquin 2004, pp. 91 – 100. 351 Chauliat 1939, pp. 88 – 90. New-Smith 1975.; Stodart 1987.; Stratford 2010.; Joubert 2011, pp. 202 – 203.; Le Gallic 2012.; 352 Mâle 1922, pp. 96 – 97. 64 models and also from other French examples because it is in fact uniting two scenes of theophany, fusing the Transfiguration and the Ascension, in one depiction as a collective remembrance of them. So, there is the theophany from Mount Thabor prefiguring the theophany from Mount Olivet, a prelude of his triumph. She supported it by the fact that Peter the Venerable prescribed for them comparable liturgical celebrations. In fact, the Transfiguration used to be nearly unknown in the west monumental iconography so far and was introduced to the Cluniac visual repertory by Peter the Venerable and to statutes of Cluniac order also in 1132.353 Moreover Thérel interpreted the iconological interconnection of this scene with the two epiphanies at the lintel (“The Adoration of the Magi” and “The Presentation in the Temple”, called then “the Purification of The Virgin Mary”) as three equal scenes of the Theophany or as one great theophany, prefiguring the Resurrection and introducing the new feast to the Cluniac liturgy.354 As Thérel also stated, the Transfiguration scene and its unusual composition, moreover placed as the main theme on the lateral tympanum, did not have many parallels in contemporary monumental art. As one known, but lost example from Spain at that time she stated the tympanum of the Transfiguration on the west portal of Saint Jacob from Santiago de Compostela and another well- known monumental depiction was the Transfiguration in the apse of the Saint Catherine at the Mont Sinai.355

These multilayers of meanings and complicated iconography could certainly provide an interesting contemplation of the scenes and support the hypothesis that the primal location of these bas-relief portals should be in the liminal zone of the first two bays of the church. There the spectators would have enough time and space to properly study their fascinating and complicated scenes.

353 Thérel 1967, pp. 91 – 96. 354 Thérel 1967, p. 103. 355 Thérel 1967, p. 89. 65

III. “Through the Eyes of the Time” The Possible Interpretations of Bas-relief Portals of La Charité-sur-Loire

66

3.1 The Perception and Reception of Bas-reliefs in the Twelfth Century

“And he was transfigured before them: and his face did shine as the sun, and his raiment was white as the light.” – Matthew 17:2, about the Transfiguration on Mount Thabor

Could spectators of the twelfth century become a part of such theophany in a personal sense? Did bas- reliefs scenes of portals function as triggers of spiritual vision animating static bas-reliefs into dynamic visions full of light, voices and movement? And how should the bas-relief portals from La Charité-sur- Loire be read and comprehended in the context of their period?

To see these portals through the eyes of people of the twelfth century is difficult in our age. For modern onlookers visually spoiled by multimedia overload is complicated to perceive and conceive the experience of people nine hundred years ago. If we could view these tympana in their original place through the eyes of a spectator at that time, what would we see from their perspective? Definitely not what is visible for today’s disinterested visitors of the church, for whom these tympana are just destroyed, silent, colourless and stiff decorations reflecting the liturgy of that time and illustrating the Holy Scripture. Or worse, when they see them only as the conventional aesthetic Christian motives destined just to fill the empty space of tympana. However for the perception of spectators in the twelfth century they could be full of colours, movement, even a super terrestrial shine and voices, animating each scene. Unfortunately, to the modern eye which is accustomed to visual effects, stimulations and movie shots of the last century it is quite hard to imagine the world without artificial visual effects. The world of images, sculptures and luxury artistic objects limited only for spaces of sacral architecture and palaces owned by the most powerful social classes. Moreover, to imagine at least infinitesimally the perception of this time and seeing of the bas-relief scenes, it exaggerates to read them in their natural and original context of period texts, local habits, cults, feasts and liturgy, the historical realities and chiefly in the context of their original architectonic placement, completing their sacred character and inner content.356 Unfortunately, the tympana in La Charité-sur-Loire are not even in their original positions. But, let’s try to reconstruct the moment of entering to the liminal zone of La Charité-sur- Loire in the twelfth century. By what may be the spectators enriched after the stay in front of the inner entrances to the monastic church, probably decorated by same bas-relief portals, which we can examine also today?

By whose eyes?!

In the twelfth century, the Benedictine monastery in La Charité-sur-Loire used to be publicly well- known as the place where piously performed acts of charity were available to all people in need every day, for example pilgrims and wayfarers regardless of their social status.357 The local renowned generosity of distributing alms and care of the body and soul to all its visitors instigated that people started to say “Allons { la charité des saints pères”, where help was not denied to anybody.358

356 About the proper reading of bas-relief tympana: Saueländer 1992, pp. 22, 29. 357 St. Benedict's Rule, 53. – Doyle 1948, pp. 73–74. 358 “Let’s go to La Charité of saint fathers.” – Histoire Cronologique 1991, pp. 8, 9.; Barthelet 2016, p. 62. 67

Considering the aforementioned realities and the geographical location of this monastery at the crossroads of main roads, there would be no wonder, if the visual rhetoric of the bas-relief portals, placed probably in the liminal zone of the monastic church, would be primarily destined for crowds of visitors who frequently came to this monastic church, during their passing through La Charité-sur- Loire on their way to different French regions or to Rome, Santiago de Compostela or to the Holy Land. Moreover, in this period, according to Saueländer, the number of people visiting churches increased. Thus the Church had to search for new strategies of communication: the main visual medium was monumental sculpture, an “eminently public form of imagery”.359 According to Peter Klein, that was relevant also for the other cases of the Cluniac sphere. He demonstrated that in the example from Moissac, where the sculpted program of the main church portal was also destined for a wide public but chiefly for the coming pilgrims.360 Based on that and due to a limited volume of this thesis the notion of the “period eyes”, developed by Michael Baxandall, will be applied to understand the possible meanings of bas-relief tympana from La Charité-sur-Loire for the pilgrims in the twelfth century.361 This notion of a different way and perspective is made even more pertinent as the pilgrims had a unique status of people “on the road” and living “on the edge”. It gave them, according to the studies of Victor Turner, further developed in the recent book Migrating Art Historians, a completely different perception of the secular world as well as of the sacral images.362 Therefore, the pilgrims were more than other spectators of Christian society in this period searching for holy presence in the material world.363 As a consequence, their consciousness was more focused on spiritual values and, in certain cases, contemplative incentives, in order to meet the Divinity and to obtain the redemption for their souls.364 Nevertheless, the slow process of this mind-modification, a necessary prerequisite for the proper spiritual contemplation of holy objects, could be activated before the start of the pilgrimage itself, by the first decision to undergo it or by an order. The next step of changing an individual perception was the routine of walking itself and meeting with the holiness at sacred places, which pilgrims already knew about before they visited them, from the tales of clerics and travellers on the road or from the repetitive iconography of the theophany and eschatology visions at relief tympana of churches along the road.365

Between two worlds: in expectations of the last things of man

Today it is nearly impossible to intuitively understand the reactions and feelings of a medieval spectator in front of Romanesque portals. We are even strongly limited in our knowledge about them which proceeds merely from the intellectual reconstructions of the Middle Ages.366 As a result we must, at least as much as the period sources of this time allow, try to comprehend the mental and corporeal state of medieval pilgrims at the moment when they were viewing bas-relief portals so that we can hypothesize about what they could see.

359 Saueländer 1992, p. 17. 360 Klein 1990, pp. 343 – 344. 361 Baxandall 1988, pp. 29 – 108. 362 Turner, Turner 1978.; Foletti 2018, pp. 32 – 48.; Foletti, Kravčiková, Palladino, Rosenbergová 2018. 363 Graboïs 1998, pp. 12, 53, 54, 208. 364 Graboïs 1998, pp. 35, 41, 68, 88, 207. 365 Webb 1999, pp. 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 22, 83.; Foletti 2018, pp. 25 – 54. 366 Klein 1990, p. 348. 68

First of all, let’s point out that, the personal motivation of medieval people who decided to set out on hazardous long-distance travelling presented a kaleidoscope of miscellaneous fears and wishes. The most frequent motivation was to visit holy and miraculous places and shrines and to see and touch and venerated relics of Saints. In addition to the aforementioned reasons as to why people of this epoch went on pilgrimages were spontaneous devotion, effort to remedy and eliminate sins, a faith of curing various diseases and disabilities or the supplications to saints, praying for their intercession and for the redemption of penitents’ souls.367 Moreover, in the twelfth century people were already frightened of purgatory.368 The pilgrimage could also be seen as a reaction to miracles and fulfilled prayers or wishes and vows made to saints.369 Or, it used to be the penance imposed on people by the ecclesiastical (or other) authorities as a punishment not only for the heresy or crimes.370 Diana Webb significantly noted, that “with the twelfth century we approach what can, for convenience, be regarded as a new phase in the history of western pilgrimage. The ancient belief, that pilgrimage carried with it the promise of forgiveness of sin taken on greater precision in the form of the indulgence.”371 Honorius Augustodunensis even profoundly criticized all pilgrimages made for different motivation other than penitence.372 Apart from these motivations, a person departing for a pilgrimage, seriously motivated or not, was also obliged to settle up all their earthly matters as if they were leaving forever and should never come back home.373 These essential life-changing factors, to say goodbye not only to former lives, customs, social status, property and families and to become to some extent exiled and apart from ordinary society, could in some way certainly affect the mental state and perception of ordinary and “earthly things”.374 Leaving familiar culture and going to lands known just by being famous, miraculous or terrifying stories, also meant that the only thing left to pilgrims was their soul, faith and hope in a fulfilment of the journey to ensure the redemption of their souls. Thus significant emotion that most people experienced, departing and undergoing the pilgrimage, could be fear combined with devotion, hope, expectations and later a certain kind of ecstasy from meeting the divinity at saintly places.375 These factors were probably exacerbated during the exhaustive route traversed by the pilgrims through dreadful and inhospitable areas where people could also be accompanied by their constant fear from various perils or the damnation of their soul caused by the bodily and spiritual baits or servants of evil, always waiting for the weakness of a human will.376 In these strange lands it could be practically everywhere out of the walls of Christian monasteries and holy places. In France, these “dangerous zones” could be represented by the dark forests (and therefore perceived as demonic) which, as Jacques Le Goff noted, provoked perceptiveness in people at this time more in symbolical way than by their real dangerousness.377 In spite of that, many serious threats existed at this time on pilgrimages, wild animals or natural disasters, freezing winter weather or just ordinary thunderstorms. In addition fatal

367 Webb 1999, pp. 4, 15, 16, 19, 22, 28, 44, 51, 64.; Graboïs 1998, p. 67. 368 Webb 1999, p. 15. 369 Webb 1999, pp. 19 – 22, 64. 370 Webb 1999, pp. 14, 15, 51. 371 Webb 1999, p. 28. 372 Honorius Augustodunensis., In: Lefèvre 1954, pp. 172 – 173.; Le Goff 1991, p. 146. 373 Graboïs 1998, p. 81.; Webb 1999, pp. 22, 26, 29, 30, 133. 374 Turner, Turner 1978, pp. 1 – 39. 375 Turner, Turner 1978, pp. 10 – 13.; Webb 1999, pp. 12, 20, 29, 30, 39, 40.; Graboïs 1998, pp. 155 – 208. 376 Goff 1991, pp. 148, 170 – 172.; Webb 1999, p. 83. 377 Goff 1991, p. 148. 69 accidents occurred during the journey, and people suffered all kind of injuries and diseases or were attacked by evil people. Thus reaching monasteries or cities could cost, if not life itself, the life- hazardous and sometimes painful and frightening experiences full of self-penance and supplicatory praying. Consequently the monastery represented “not only a place of prayer and meditation, it was even an open asylum against the encroachment of the barbarism in all its forms.”378 That should be regarded twice for the case of La Charité-sur-Loire because as the divine charity embodied by the local monastery on earth, how it proclaimed its name, it used to certainly be perceived as the safe place for the body and soul, protected by the saints and God.379 Like other monasteries in this period, La Charité- sur-Loire belonged among the isles of hope and the right faith, between which pilgrims crossed for long days.

“I am the gate; whoever enters through me will be saved.”380

A parallel can be seen between the example of a pilgrim, who left ordinary life and everything he had by departing on a journey, and an example of a pilgrim who is entering into the shrine under the bas-relief portals. During both of these moments the pilgrims physically and mentally move between the borders of two fundamentally different worlds. In the first one the individual is leaving his former social status and embracing his new role as a pilgrim, spending all his days walking “on the edge” between towns and forests, to lands known and strange, even between the life and possible death. In the second case, the pilgrim is moving between the world outside and inside the church, terrestrial and transcendental, concrete and abstract dimensions, and by passing over the “threshold” of the shrine, he is leaving behind himself the whole secular, evil world and entering to the heavenly monastic area.381 Thus, if it would be possible to imagine the moment when pilgrims finally reached the monastery in La Charité- sur-Loire and waited there tired, maybe also wet, freezing possibly injured, they could possibly be in the state of mind composed of all noted factors and inner processes of leaving. Based on that, they could practically undergo a process of a symbolic death, firstly, when they left their secular life382; secondly, when they left the secular world in the moment of passing through the liminal zone, dominated by the portal scene of the Last Judgement or other eschatological and apocalyptic visions from the end of times. After that they entered heaven on earth represented by the holy area, full of concentrated holiness and spiritual welfare, where they could pray for the salvation of their souls in the space creating the illusion of the incomparable magnificence of Paradise, waiting for each faithful believer at the end of his life. The moment of the stay and crossing through this “pre-spiritual” space constituted so a crucial while of a ritual action preparing the individual perception of the pilgrim according to the

378 “Une abbaye n’était pas seulement un lieu de prière et de meditation, c’était encore un asile ouvert contre l’envahissement de la barbarie sous toutes ses forms.” (Auguste Thierry) – Leboeuf 1897, p. 3. 379 One testimony of the text from the end of the twelfth century, which Jean Lebeuf connected with monk Richard from Cluny, described a placement of numerous saint relics to the gilded dome of the main tower above the church crossing. They were intended to protect the whole monastic area and the town La Charité- sur-Loire against disasters, accidents, their enemies and demons or the wrath of heaven (adversity of weather as were storms, thunders or windstorms). – Lebeuf 1738, pp. 408 – 416. 380 “Ego sum ostium, dici dominus, per me si quis introerit, salvabitur.” – John 10:9. 381 About the liminal zone and threshold between two spheres: Guardia, Mancho 2014, p. 39.; Foletti 2018, pp. 107 – 115. 382 About the leaving the society: Webb 1999, p. 84, 133 – 134.; Graboïs 1998, pp. 81 – 83. 70

generally required expectancies indisputably defined by visual rhetoric of bas-relief tympana, for the entering the shrine.383 That would be naturally applied to these pilgrims who were truly piously undergoing the pilgrimage and came into the liminal zone of the monastic church in La Charité-sur-Loire and stood there. As Diana Webb stated that was not self-evident for everybody in the twelfth century. There are testimonies of criticism on superficial pilgrimage, when people just quickly visited the church without any contemplative halts or proper venerations, as well as pilgrims who stood in the church, but were more astonished by the material splendour of the precious holy objects than their spiritual worth.384 From a pilgrim’s testimonies it emerges, contrary to extensive descriptions of the interiors of churches, holy objects, relics and their veneration, that bas-reliefs programs were not often mentioned in details.385 So, there could be a question of how much the scenes of sculpted portals were important to the people chiefly looking forward to the holy treasures inside the church? And how much two lateral portals were observed in La Charité-sur-Loire, or if there used to be the central giant sculpted portal? On the other hand, it is important to point out, that the local monastic church was not open for pilgrims and visitors all day long, as it is nowadays. In the twelfth century the monasteries were probably open for just a few moments of the day. Moreover, when the monks were praying nobody was allowed to enter the monastery.386 As a consequence this means that the pilgrims and visitors to the monastic church had to in certain cases wait in front of closed doors sometimes even for several hours. Furthermore, as Ivan Foletti stated, these zones may have functioned, in monastic contexts, equally as the place of “a brief ritual of welcome and exorcism” enabling pilgrims to enter into the sacred space, as was prescribed by Saint Benedict’s rule.387 It would mean that, in these zones pilgrims did not only go through the ritual segregation from the evil world behind the walls of the monastery, but also through the rite of the exorcism, made by a kiss of peace from a local monk before entering into the monastic church.388 Thus, this pre-sacred space with its pictorial rhetoric could be comprehended also as the place of “spiritual purification” lead by the scenes of the bas-relief portals, instructing about religious truth, conveying more quickly and efficiently more information, than hearing a spiritual lecture or reading sacred texts (in the case of literate pilgrims).389 In this light, the unbelievably beautiful formal execution of lateral tympana in La Charité-sur-Loire and their multivocal iconography could very probably constitute a very important informative medium for pilgrims, who stopped in front of each portal for a long while and let it narrate to them, because as Sauerländer stated, the sculptures made stones and the architectural monuments speak.390

383 Angheben 2014, p. 62.; Guardia, Mancho 2014, p. 39. 384 Webb 1999, pp. 32, 240. 385 Graboïs 1998, pp. 155 – 170. 386 Foletti 2018, p. 113. 387 Foletti 2018, p. 113.; St. Benedict's Rule, 53, in Doyle 1948, pp. 73–74; Gaillard 2015. 388 Foletti 2018, p. 114. 389 Webb 1999, pp. 244, 245. 390 Sauerländer 1992, p. 19. 71

The hidden for nowadays eyes – The vivid images

Before the creation of the bas-relief portals in La Charité-sur-Loire after 1132, Hildebert of Lavardin (1056 – 1133) in his Sermon on the Last Supper defined two types of perception, the “eyes of the flesh”, open to evil and to the temptations, and the spiritual “eyes of the mind” leading to the exaltation of God.391 Around 1131, Hugh of St. Victor defined three characteristics of vision to span this corporeal and spiritual vision, because according to him, everything that is not seen by eyes will not be remembered by the soul because the mind is not able to understand it. In his On the Sacraments of the Christian Faith he characterized these three kinds of “seeing” as the “eyes of the flesh”, the “eyes of reason” and the “eyes of contemplation”. According to him, the “eyes of the flesh” perceive the materiality around, the “eyes of reason” enable us to see the reality in the soul and the “eyes of contemplation” enable individuals to access God at the end of time. The same text also warned about the misleading perception by the “eyes of reason”, thanks to the Fall of men clouded and suppressed by the eyes of the flash, preventing the “eyes of contemplation” from seeing.392 Whereas Bernard of Clairvaux (1090 – 1153) demonstrated in his De Conversione the change of the perception “by eyes”, in the example of the monk who stood in the physical enclosure in the monastery, the sphere where his eyes could turn their sight inward. After this conversion the monk’s “sight will become keen so he will be able to turn his gaze towards the brightness of glistening light."393

Despite the fact, that there still persists the question of how much these theological concepts were usual in the daily perception of the sacral images by ordinary pilgrims, due to the multi-meanings layers of both tympana in La Charité-sur-Loire these concepts may be considered for hypothesizing about their “reading”. According to the definition from Hugh of St. Victor,394 the bas-relief portals could function at pilgrims in three gradual levels. First, they attracted the “eyes of flesh” by their magnificent look. Their colours, “glittering eyes” eyes of each figure and probably also very rich geometric ornaments around, could serve for aesthetic and joyful feast of pilgrim’s eyes. On the other hand, their strikingly innovative iconography of the Transfiguration and the Assumption of The Virgin Mary, hidden for the first glance in visual matrixes generally known for different themes,395 stopped the spectators in front of the portals by asking for their meanings. As Sauerländer very accurately stated, the Romanesque bas-reliefs used to be like “a poster in stone: not very subtle but extremely moving,” analogically comparable with nowadays advertisement, alluring the spectators by the inviting images referencing at the mystery hidden inside the shrine.396 When people came closer to look at extraordinary works of art, the educative function of portals, destined for the “eyes of reason”, started to work. At that time the epic character of each scene aided this, referring to advanced semantic interpretations. Their complex comprehension required a

391 Hildebert of Lavardin.; Dale 2007, pp. 109, 118. 392 Hugh of St. Victor, in Deferrari 1951, pp. 165 – 166.; Dale 2007, 109.; Kessler 2000. 393 "..et acuitur visus, ut intendere possit in serenissimi luminis claritatem…" – Bernard of Clairvaux, sermon 11, sec. 23, 4:96, in Leclercq, Talbot, Rochais 1957.; Translation: See Saïd 1981, p. 58.; Dale 2007, pp. 111, 1118. 394 Hugh of St. Victor, in Deferrari 1951, pp. 165 – 166.; Dale 2007, p. 109. 395 Thérel, 1967, pp. 94 – 98. 396 Sauerländer 1992, pp. 17, 18. 72 certain intellectual formation, which was not available to everybody. As a result these complex iconographic programs worked at several levels. They kept the attention during their decoding by the illiterate spectators and impressed the educated audience by the depth and richness of their meanings which were reflected by the more or less known theological concerns of their age.397 Thus, bas-relief scenes from La Charité-sur-Loire for pilgrims who possessed the basic knowledge of episodes from the Holy Scripture would be their illustrations narrating about the Incarnation, the life of The Madonna and Christ’s childhood on lintels and about the heavenly triumph of The Virgin Mary and Christ at the tympana. The advanced interpretation of these scenes could be provided by local monks and the learned pilgrims could recognize them on their own. Due to the fact, that the theme of the Transfiguration and even more the corporeal Assumption of The Virgin Mary were not known regards to general repertory of bas-relief tympana at this time, it is highly probable that the only source of their recognition for pilgrims could be their interpretation by local monks. Until that moment, the pilgrims who had not already seen identical iconographies could comprehend them in the entire range of meanings, according to their individual visual and textual knowledge, experienced liturgy or different skills of interpretation in general.398 Whereas the Transfiguration scene could be known from the Holy Scripture, the tympanum of The Madonna could be a real puzzle. Moreover, each spectator could see that there were several semantic links referencing to various meanings and concepts to think about. A certain idea of the richness of such interpretations provides also the existing research about this tympanum and its various conclusions about its iconography which could provide several examples that this scene could evoke. The central scene of Christ in mandorla with the ascending Virgin could bring in mind the Resurrection of The Virgin Mary, her Ascension and the Heavenly Triumph,399 or the Glorification of The Virgin Mary,400 emphasized by the presence of archangels and the symbols of Heaven, seen in the motive of great leaves like the trees of Paradise or of the waves under the Christ’s mandorla, indicating the rivers of life.401 However, thanks to these blessings and pointing archangels, one with the cross of the Resurrection, known from the Cluniac compositions at that time of the Agnus Dei, this scene could made the pilgrims think also of the Redemption and Eucharist, another frequent topic of lateral portals.402 But, together with the kneeling monks in the lower register of this scene their apparition gives the whole eschatological character associating the Last Judgement, the Parousia, the Intercession of The Virgin Mary403 or the symbolic vision of Jesus Christ in his glory, blessing and welcoming, the order of Cluny or the priory of La Charité-sur-Loire, through the mediation of his Mother.404 [Fig. 4.1, 4.1d, 4.2, 4.2d]

397 Christe 1969, p. 16. 398 Baxandall 1988, p. 29. 399 Louis 1929 [2], p. 117. 400 Terret 1914, p. 103. 401 Raeber 1967, p. 49. Hisquin 2004, p. 102. 402 Christe 1966, p. 222. 403 Raeber suggested that it could be equally Deesis: Raeber 1964, p. 120 – 128. 404 Lefrançoise-Pillion 1924, p. 214. 73

In front of the “eyes of reason” was so demonstrated several ways leading to the chief matter of this portal, the heavenly triumph and the privilege of The Virgin Mary, entrancing to Heaven as the Mother of God, later probably deepened by the explanations of this scene from local monks.405 Beyond this mediated interpretation of this scene as the manifestation of the corporeal Assumption of The Virgin Mary, promoted by the then Cluniac Abbot Peter the Venerable,406 this composition could serve as the illustration for two other interpretations. As Hisquin interpreted this scene we could also read the reference of the Immaculate Conception via the symbolic compositional schema of the iconography of the Tree of Jesse.407 It could be evocated by the great vegetal leaves in the bottom part of the tympana, twisting its sprouts under the feet of all figures and Christ’s mandorla”. Or there could be illustratively explained to the listeners the relation and parallelism between the figure of The Virgin Mary and the figure of Ecclesia in a context of its eschatological meaning prefiguring the Last Judgement and the Triumph of the Church at the end of times through the local depiction of the Triumph of Virgin.408 How Thérel demonstrated, the scene of the Transfiguration could be interpreted as the Ascension of Christ and so referenced it to Mount Olivet. Moreover, the scene of the Transfiguration could also be related to the audience of that period via its prefiguring of the Resurrection or the Last Judgement.409 However, thanks to the “official” interpretations the educative, exegetic and liturgical connections of this tympanum as the trinity theophany can be explained. They were interconnected by the contemporary sermons and writings of Peter the Venerable in order to inaugurate the new feast of the Transfiguration to the Cluniac statutes, calendar and to the liturgy.410

In conclusion, considering the strong belief in the purification of the soul by the pilgrimage,411 it meant that the pilgrimage could purify the inner sight of pilgrims and opened, at least partially, their “eyes of contemplation” providing the new “spiritual seeing”.412 Probably in the similar way that Bernard of Clairvaux described it in the example of the monk living in the sphere of the monastery.413 That would also confirm Turner’s statement that: “The innocence of the eye is the whole point here, the “cleansing of the doors perception”. Pilgrims have often written of the “transformative” effect on them of approaching the final altar or the holy grotto at the end of the way.”414 Moreover this ecstatic state of mind, in which pilgrims could became active participants of transcendental visions, was also induced by the physical and mental state of pilgrims after their journey, which made them “vulnerable to such impressions”.415 Nevertheless, at the moment when their mind was working with the visual incentives provided by tympana, their imagination could animate the whole bas-relief portals as the real dynamic scene.

A better insight in regards to these processes could be provided by the testimony of the pilgrim’s guide Codex Calixtinus from the twelfth century, describing the west portal of Saint Jacob’s cathedral in

405 Foletti 2018, p. 115. 406 Thérel 1967 96 – 103. 407 Thérel 1967 96 – 103., Hisquin 88 -89, 92 – 93, 102 – 103.; Lepape 2009, pp. 134 – 135. 408 Thérel 1967, pp. 96 - 103.; Hisquin 2004, pp. 88 -89, 92 – 93, 102 – 103.; Lepape 2009, pp. 134 – 135. 409 Lefrançoise-Pillion 1924, p. 212.; Raeber 1964, pp. 113 – 118. 410 Thérel 1967, 91 – 96. 411 Beaud 2013, p. 22. 412 Kessler 2000. 413 Bernard of Clairvaux, sermon 11, sec. 23, 4:96, in Leclercq, Talbot, Rochais 1957.; Dale 2007, p. 111. 414 Turner, Turner 1978, pp. 10 – 11. 415 Turner, Turner 1978, p. 11.

74

Santiago de Compostela, which is unfortunately lost today416: “This one is larger and more beautiful than the others and more admirably worked, with many steps outside, and adorned with various marble columns, and various forms and in divers ways, and is sculpted with images of men, women, animal, birds, saints angels, flowers and various works of this kind. […] Above, however, the Transfiguration of the Lord just as it occurred on Mount Tabor is marvellously sculptured. And there is the Lord in a dazzling white cloud, His face shining like the sun, His robe glittering like snow and the Father above, speaking to Him; and Moses and Elijah, who appeared with Him, telling Him of the end which would take place in Jerusalem. There, in truth, is the Blessed James, and Peter and John to whom, before all others, the Lord revealed His Transfiguration.”417 How could be already now apparent, the pilgrims’ texts (in general) copied to a large extent the Biblical sources and narrations, citations taken over from previous authors or from pilgrims’ guidebooks. Thus, they were not only based on their own descriptions and experiences, so their verity and the communication value about the perception of holy objects is highly questionable.418 Moreover, as Anne Courtillé stated based on the example from England, there very probably circulated the iconographic manuals to proper comprehension of the sacral images in the twelfth century.419 Based on that, this testimony from the pilgrim’s guidebook could be to some extent perceived as the instructive example how to rightly see, read and interpret this Biblical scene than as the record of “personal” contemplation. On the other hand, similar texts like this could equally affect the perception and seeing of sacral images by pilgrims in a certain way, according to contemporary recommended modes of “ the right” perception and reading of iconographic themes. It could be also reasoned by the fact that this noted description could also relate to another scene with the same iconography, (if the reader didn’t know that this is about the portal in Santiago, it would be applicable at the tympanum from La Charité- sur-Loire. Anyway, the vivid reflection of such imaginative vision, mediated by external sources and interpretations or not, could last and probably even escalate in the memory of pilgrims for a long time after. So, the sculpted and painted images of liminal spaces were not only the illusions chiefly made for activating the “spiritual eyes”, but they were also illustrative images shaping the mental powers and the imagination, gradually rising from the contemplation of the images, which enabled the spectators to

416 Christe 1969, p. 102. 417 The Chaptre IX of Codex Calixtinus: DE PORTA OCCIDENTALI: Porta occidentalis habens duos introitus, pulcritudine, magnitudine et operacione alias transcendit portas. Ipsa maior et pulcrior aliis habetur et mirabilius operatur, multisque gradibus de foris, columpnisque diuersis marmoreis, speciebusque uariis et diuersis modis decoratur immaginibusque hominibus, feminis, animalibus, auibus, sanctis, angelis, floribus, diuersisque generum operibus sculpitur. Cuius opera tanta sunt, quia á nobis narracionibus comprehendi nequeunt. Sursum tamen dominica transfiguracio qualiter in Monte Thabor fuit facta, mirabiliter sculpitur. Est enim Dominus ibi in nube candida, facie splendens ut sol, ueste refulgens ut nix, et Pater desuper loquens ad ipsvm et Moyses et Elias qui cum illo apparuerunt, loquentes ei excessum quem completurus erat in Iherusalem. Ibi uero Beatus Iacobus est, et Petrus et Iohannes quibus transfiguracionem suam pre omnibus Dominus reuelauit.“ – Gerson [et al.], 1998, p.77. 418 Graboïs 1998, p. 155. 419 Courtillé 1998, p. 71. 75 visualise Biblical teachings, culminated in the intuitive vision of the comprehensible reality.420 Thus, the images were aimed at reviving mystical visions not just via their material illustrations, but especially through their animation by the spectators’ imagination, which made from them the matter of peculiar personal vivid visions.421 There is also a significant factor for how these processes used to be by the knowledge of the exegesis at the time or Biblical narrations. The author of the pilgrim’s guidebook in fact delineated the scene that he had seen at the tympanum in the words of the Holy Scripture, and animated so their still sculptures to vivid narrations, to the extent that his description is more like a citation from Matthew’s Gospel (Matthew 17: 1 – 4). It could finally confirm that these static bas-reliefs scenes may have been really seen as very vivid depictions of a stunning dynamic action, based on the audience’s knowledge of Biblical narrations and liturgy, linked to his imagination.

The audience of our age will probably never be able to see things from the perspective of the pilgrims of the twelfth century. Transfigured Christ’s face shined as sun or his radiating of light in the same way as how it is depicted in the New Testament, seeing the tympana from La Charité-sur-Loire through the “period eyes”, their scenes would be fully colourful, shining and speaking by the voices and sounds in an unbelievable vivid narration, stimulating the meditation on the Biblical stories.422 For example, at the portal of the Transfiguration of La Charité-sur-Loire is missing (for modern eyes) all that light and shine radiating from the transfigured Christ, described by Matthew’s Gospel and depicted by illuminations. [Fig. 7.1] But, closer and longer watching of this scene reveals that there is a certain “symbolic minimalism” working. All the zig-zag elements decorating Christ’s mandorla, the dividing border between the tympanum and the lintel below or the zig-zag ornaments decorating the archivolt423 around this tympanum substantiate the radiant shining of light emanating from the transfigured Christ. Even the postures of the prophets and apostles around him look like they are moving as a result of energy radiating from him. This is further supported by the polychromy and incrusted eyes of the figures, especially in the case of Christ, when “his face did shine as the sun” (Matthew 17:2). The same could be seen in the case of the dramatic movement and communication between Christ and the prophets and the apostles. Their draperies, gestures and sights in fact indicate a dramatic moment of Christ’s revelation, which the imagination of then spectators at the time could even complete with the voices and dialogues between the figures of prophets, apostles and Christ, without any necessary inscriptions, as they were known for this episode from the Holy Scripture.424 The composition may lead spectators far over its framework, from the illustrated divinity of Christ to the contemplative meditations upon the mystery of his Incarnation, Christ’s life and the Redemption. This is even supported by the complex direction of the movements and sights of all secondary figures at the portals, devoutly and fascinated by looking at the central figure of the transfigured Christ, who became homo spiritualis”.425

420 Martine 2014, p. 243.; Christe 1969, pp. 11, 18. 421 Christe 1969, pp. 11, 18.; Focillon 1931, pp. 14 – 15. 422 Baxandall 1988, p. 41. 423 Considering Grasset’s report and the decoration of this archivolt, identical with other period and related examples, there is a high posibility that this archivolt could be originaly made for this tympanum. - Grasset 1835, p. 10 – 11. 424 Matthew 17:1 – 13; Mark 9:2 – 13; Luke 9:28 – 36; John 1:14, 3:2. 425 Christe 1969, pp. 65, 183, 184.; Dahl 1978, p. 186. 76

In this moment the deeper revelation of Christ’s heavenly greatness and his true divinity (supported by the lintel scenes of the Incarnation and the Epiphany) is clearly stated. It should be perceived, according to Yves Christe, as a pretext of symbolically uncovering the real nature and atemporal reality of Christ in front of the believers, placed so in the presence of God.426 Based on this concept, the triumphal apparition of Christ at the tympanum of the Transfiguration could have a conception following the direct vision facie ad faciem from the end of time, known from the depictions of Christ from the great contemporary tympana.427 In other words, the pilgrims in the liminal zone of La Charité-sur-Loire could perhaps contemplate God in front of local portals in the depiction of the Logos Incarnate and through the corporeal beauty of His Son, mediating the proper vision of God. It may direct the spectators to chiefly reflect on the divine presence in the soul and in all things, which lead their spirituality to rise from the visible to the invisible and from the sensible universe to the knowledge and real comprehension of God. Considering the fact, that both tympana of La Charité-sur-Loire practically represent the depiction of Christ in an eschatologically final scene completed by dogmatic scenes at the lintels, it would be possible to say that both of them were created as contemplative objects which may emotionally move their audience absorbed by their visions and participating at their Theophany.428

Considering the general synergy between the scenes of the Romanesque tympana, if we consider the models and themes of the images depicted in the choir of the same shrine,429 it would be possible to claim that the tympana from La Charité-sur-Loire were prefiguring the content of visual rhetoric inside. Based on that, could these same tympana make an echo at the liturgy and ritual acting, performed inside the church? Moreover, looking at these portals through the “period eyes” of pilgrims, what should be the most important moment for them? And with what scene could they really identify themselves? That could be revealed in the case of La Charité in the closer examination of the lintel scene of the Adoration of the Magi.

426 Christe 1969, p. 11. 427 Christe 1969, pp. 11, 63. 428 Christe 1969, pp. 20, 22,23, 37, 183.; Kessler 2004, pp. 170 – 171. 429 Christe 1969. p. 11. 77

3.2. Between Liturgical Dramas and Relief Representation

A Statue of The Virgin Mary

The scene of the Adoration of the Magi from La Charité-sur-Loire has not obtained sufficient attention yet. Besides its determination as an illustration of the Epiphany, one of the most important liturgical celebrations of the year, when Jesus’ “revelled” or “appeared” in front of the Magi, it has been just iconographically classified.430 The question is, why we should wonder about the meaning of this scene more than usually, when it seems at the first glance as pretty ordinary composition?! Besides the noticeable pomp, diplomacy and the high quality elaboration of this ceremonial scene, there is indeed another striking moment attracting the attention: the likeness of The Virgin Mary. Her figure is arousing the real impression of royal nobility, depicted in a noble dress with a royal crown on the head. She is uprightly sitting on a decorated throne, holding small Jesus on her knees and calmly welcoming the Magi, just by her affable smile and look. Nevertheless, this depiction of her is in high contrast to other bas-relief scenes, where she is as more ordinary, dressed in maphorion. [Fig. 4.1d, 4.2, 4.2d] Could it evocate something else than its existing interpretations? And why could this iconography be so important? There is nothing left for us than to look at this largest lintel scene from La Charité-sur-Loire more closely and give it the attention which it was created for, not just by its volume, naturally attracting the glance of its spectators, but also by its composition and luxurious execution (incrustations). It could make all believers stare at it, probably as long as at chief tympana’s scenes.

The iconography of the Adoration of the Magi up to the twelfth century

The composition of this scene from La Charité-sur-Loire seems like it is reflecting the oldest models of Late Antiquity, illustrating a very laconic passage about the Magi from Saint Matthew’s Gospel (Mt 2:1 – 2:12). He in fact identified them just as the Magi “from the Orient” coming to Bethlehem in order to adore the new King of the Jews and of the whole world, predicted by old prophecies. Nonetheless, the Gospel provides neither their names or number, nor any other precise information about them. In the first centuries, the visual tradition of the Magi was not definite, so they were depicted in several different numbers, all dressed in the same, often Oriental (Persian) robes with Phrygian bonnets on their heads and without any individual features.431 But, they were always proceeding in a row, holding their gifts, to the enthroned Virgin Mary with Christ on her knees, depicted in profile as it is shown by examples from Roman catacombs or sarcophagi during the third and the fourth centuries, at the mosaic from Ravenna (ante 524 A.D.) or at the bas-relief scene from La Charité.432 [Fig. 7.2]

The Magi were generally known, thanks to their Phrygian bonnets, as the pagan priests of the Mithraism or Zoroastrianism, or as the wise men from Persia, the first trustworthy witnesses of

430 Thérel 1967, pp. 91 – 96. – For more: See the Status questionis 431 Mâle 1922, pp. 64, 66, 67.; Trexler 1997, p. 56.; Élissagaray 1965, pp. 11 – 17, 26 – 30.; Cumont 1932, pp. 81 – 105.; Lepri 2011, pp. 4 – 21. 432 Massara, pp. 205 – 211.; Lepri 2011. 78

Christ’s arrival.433 Their individualization, the fix number, their different costumes or royal resemblance have been caused by the later exegesis of Christian scholars.434 They were trying to precisely concretize these mysterious characters, constituting a symbolical link between the Old and the New Testament.435 Already in the second century, the Bishop of , Irenaeus, formulated a metaphorical interpretation of their gifts as myrrh for the mortal man, gold for the terrestrial king and incense for the God.436 It had been taken over to the liturgy, where it persisted as the link for the evocation of the Roman imperial triumph, now used for the celebration of Christ.437 The origin of the Magi was clarified by Tertullian (160 – 220), who identified them by the Psalm 72:10 – 11 speaking about the kings of Tarshish, Sheba and Seba.438 According to Trexler that was very early adopted by the liturgy of the feast of the Epiphany on 6th January, as a prediction of the Magi by the classic Old Testament, from which people should learn that the Magi were “as good as kings” following the Tertullian’s suggestion.439 The later Apocrypha (the Protoevangelium of James or the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew), provide more details about Christ’s arrival or about the Magi.440 Nevertheless, the naming of the Magi as Melkon, Baltazar and Gaspar, noted in an Armenian version of the Gospel of the Childhood, was not regularly used up to the twelfth century.441 Nevertheless, since the fourth century, the exegesis interpreted the Adoration of the Magi as the testimony and evidence present of Christ’s divinity and as the argument against heretics, pagans and Jews.442 The definitive stabilization of the iconographic formula, known up to the day, has been constituted by the Pope Leo I (440 – 461).443 In his eight sermons on the Nativity, he declared the number of the Magi as three, according to the amount of the gifts mentioned in the Gospel, and described the Adoration of the Magi as the vocation of the Gentils whose sign is the star.444 Already since the sixth century, there is an illumination preserved in the Gospel of Etchmiadzin, where the Magi are differentiated by age as the three ages of man.445

As crowned Kings the Magi were depicted in manuscripts since the ninth century and the feast of the Epiphany received the name Festum Trium Regum, but up to the tenth century there still persisted their depictions with the Phrygian bonnets.446 The Magi as the crowned Kings with their individual facial features, contemporary noble dress, age, name, origin and even race have been constantly

433 Cumont 1932; Massara 2000. 434 Massara 2000. 435 Élissagaray 1965, pp. 11 – 12.; Trexler 1997, pp. 9 – 10. – Primarily the feast of Epiphany and the Nativity or the Epiphany of the Baptism were celebrated together, on 6th January, but after the fourth century, they were separated and the Nativity were fix on 25th December. – Mâle 1922, p. 60. 436 Irenaeus of Lyon, in Rousseau 1974, pp. 104 - 105. 437 Cumont 1932; Young 1933, II, p. 32.; Beaud 2013, p. 6.; Forsyth 1972, pp. 28 – 29, 59.; Trexler 1997, pp. 15, 21. 438 Tertullian, in Braun 1994, pp. 126 – 127.;Trexler 1997, p. 12. 439 Trexler 1997, p. 12. 440 Protoevangelium of James in Buvon, Geoltrain 1997, pp. 81 – 104.; Pseudo-Matthew, in Bovon, Geoltrain 1997, pp. 117 – 140.; 441 Élissagaray 1965, pp. 19 – 22.; Young 1933, pp. 30 – 31. 442 Beaud 2013,p. 6. 443 Leon I., in Dolle 1964, pp. 79 – 81, 211 – 291. 444 Élissagaray 1965, pp. 22, 24.; Young 1933, pp. 30 – 31. 445 Codex Etschmiadzin, in Buschhausen 2001. 446 Trexler 1997, p. 56. Young 1933, pp. 30 – 31. 79 depicted since the twelfth century (Melchior as the oldest one, bearing gold, Gaspar as the youngest one with frankincense and Baltazar, the darker one with myrrh).447 Because of that their depiction has started to be considered, according to Richard C. Trexler, as the “expression of a total political order.”448 Moreover, this iconography has been enriched in this period by the figure of Joseph, staying behind the throne of The Virgin Mary, as the witness of this Epiphany. His presence should testify the maidenhood of The Virgin Mary and the royal family line, divinity and humanity of Christ as a descendant of the Old Testament royal family of David and Salomon.449 That is how the bas-relief scene is definitively portrayed in La Charité-sur-Loire. As Gabriel Beaudequin demonstrated in the examples of this scene from Autun, Vézelay, Neuilly-en-Donjon, Anzy-le-Duc and Fleury-la-Montagne, monasteries not so far from La Charité-sur- Loire, this iconographic composition was created with antic and early Christian traditions or later with liturgical dramas.450 There was equally a certain characteristic impact of the original creativity of Romanesque art as well as a certain effort for progress to humanisation, realism and vivacity of this scene. This theme was very widespread and depicted at all kinds of religious Romanesque monuments all over France, sometimes in very unique and peculiar ways.451 Venzin characterized the attitude of covered hands by the long coats of the Magi, which is possible to see also at the figure of the youngest king (the middle one) in La Charité, as the expression of the humbleness to the enthroned Virgin Mary and the small Christ. He classified this gesture of double veneration of the Magi, depicted in La Charité, Moissac or Bourges in contemporary costumes, as following oriental manuscripts and old visual traditions of Persian rituals, known from ancient sarcophaguses or ivories.452

The liturgical dramas and the iconography of the Adoration of the Magi

Until the present day, there has not been provided any explanation for the fact that The Virgin Mary in “The Adoration of the Magi” scene from La Charité-sur-Loire is depicted as the queen. Recently I have suggested a hypothesis, that this depiction of a crowned Virgin could represent an echo at the hieratic statue of The Virgin Mary, placed in the choir of the local monastic church Notre-Dame.453 To verify this hypothesis it is necessary to answer the question why its echo may be placed just in the bas-relief scene of the Adoration of the Magi at the lateral portal? I would like to suggest the explanation of this iconographic peculiarity by its possible link with Christmas play about the peregrination of the Magi to the Bethlehem, called Officium Stellae.

Despite the fact that authors writing about liturgical dramas have connected this Christmas play neither with the liturgy of La Charité-sur-Loire, nor with its relief scene of the Adoration of the Magi, this relation should not be excluded. This lack of scholarly examination of this scene could be caused by the missing documents of local liturgy and also by the composition of the relief scene itself. It does not fit, in

447 Élissagaray 1965, p. 28. 448 Trexler 1997, p. 57. 449 Beaud 2013, p. 11. 450 Beaudequin 1960. 451 Beaudequin 1960. 452 Vezin 1950, pp. 20, 65, 69, 70, 71, 79, 81, 85. 453 Kučerová 2018, pp. 315 – 330. 80 fact, in characterizations stated by Mâle, which were used for the identification of the iconographic relation between the Adoration of the Magi scene and the Officium Stellae for several decades. According to him, the iconography of the Adoration enriched or modified by the liturgical drama has emerged since the second half of the twelfth century.454 Contrary to the ancient composition depicting the Magi, holding gifts and approaching one by one in a line to The Virgin Mary with Child, like it is in La Charité-sur-Loire, the iconography innovated by the drama may show the Magi in a completely new and individual attitude. Mâle demonstrated this change in the example of the Adoration from the bas- relief lintel at the portal of Saint-Trophime in Arles. The first Magus is kneeling in front of The Virgin Mary, the second one is turning back to the third one and pointing at the star by his hand and the third one is expressing his astonishment. The similar example shows also the lateral tympanum of Saint- Gilles.455 [Fig. 7.3] However, it must be emphasized that this bas-relief scene from La Charité-sur-Loire is dated in the first half of the twelfth century,456 and the very first liturgical dramas probably existed in France in the Carolingian times.457 Ergo, there is a high probability that the scenes of the Adoration of the Magi could serve at a certain semantic level as the reference to this liturgical drama already before the date determined by Mâle. In this light, it would be possible to hypothesise that the scene from La Charité- sur-Loire could reflect the climax of the Officium Stellae play, in its own unique, maybe superannuated, way:

Scribe to Herod: „Sir, we see in the prophecies that Christ will be born in Bethlehem, the city of David, as it was predicted by Isaiah: Bethlehem, you will not be the smallest of the princes of Judea, the leader will arise from you, who will reign over my people of Israel; he will purify his people from their sins.” … The Magi: See! The predicted star on the east The bright one leads us again, About which Balaam told That it will arise from the nation of Judea; Which our eyes Full of awe, dazzled by its bright light.“ … „We are, who you see, the kings of Tarsis, Arabia and Sheba, bringing gifts to Christ, to the King, to the born Lord, whom, led by the star, we have come to honour.“ The Midwives: „ See, here is the Child, whom you seek; now come on to him and adore him, because he is our redemption.“458

454 Mâle 1922, p. 140. 455 Mâle 1922, p. 140 – 141. 456 Thérel 1967, p. 95. 457 Martine 2014, p. 231. 458 Translated parts derive from the basic and extant version of Officium Stellae, apparently from the French- Norman liturgical office from the twelfth century. It emerged probably from the play Officium Pastorum and it 81

About the visual portrayal of this play is possible to find out some information in rubrics, the detailed notes describing the scenography of this drama. Thanks to them it is known that the Magi were very often personally performed by clerics in the twelfth century.459 They shall be costumed like the Magi in colourful robes or silken tunics, crowned as the kings and holding vases in their hands as symbols of their gifts.460 According to rubrics, the drama begun in front of the main altar, where the Magi came from three sides of the building to demonstrate, that they are coming from different regions.461 After their meeting and mutual reception, they sung together a passage of the Stella fulgore nimio, facing the congregation, they also sung Eamus ergo. The version of this play from the cathedral in Nevers enriched this moment by the scene with the King Herod, to whom the Magi advanced without any introduction, after their singing. They probably met him near to the choir entrance. The rubrics describe Herod as a calm character, fully informed about the mission of the Magi. He should chiefly inquire how they knew about the new born King. When the Magi told Herod, that their journey is led by the star, he sent them to find the Child and asked them for their report about him on their way back.462 This star, which led further steps of the Magi, singing Ecce stella in oriente, to the praesepe, was probably strung above the altar. They met there other clerics playing the midwives, standing at sides of the altar.463 When the Magi told them that they are looking for the new born King, the midwives shall point to the altar, where was the hidden imago464 of Madonna and new born Christ, uncover it and say: „Ecce puer adest quem queritis.“465 This dramatic climax ended by the scene of the adoration of Child by used to be performed after Matins or before the festive Mass of Epiphany, on the very last day of Christmas, on the Twelfth day. – Karel Young, The Drama of the Medieval Church, II, Oxford 1933, pp. 59 – 61. The text was translated with a kind help and an advisement of Mgr. Libor Švanda Ph.D.

The Latin original: … Scribe ad Herodem: „Vidimus, Domine, in prophetarum lineis nasci Christum in Bethleem, ciuitate David, Ysaia sic uaticinante: Bethleem, non eris minima in principibus Iuda, ex te enim exiet dux qui regat populum meum Israhel; ipse enim saluum faciet populum suum a peccatis eorum.“ … Magi: „Ecce stella in oriente preuisa Iterum precedit nos lucida, Quam Balaam ex Iudaica Orituram dixerat prosapia; Que nostrorum oculos Fulguranti lumine perstri

Obstetrices: „Ecce puer adest quem queritis ; iam properate et adorate, quia ipse est redemptio nostra.“

459 Young 1933, II, pp. 36, 41, 45, 48 – 53. 460 Young 1933, II, pp. 30 – 32.; Evans 1950, p. 95.; Forsyth 1972, pp. 27 - 29, 54 - 59. 461 Trexler 1997, p. 66. 462 Young 1933, II, pp. 50 – 51.; Élissagaray 1965, pp. 35 – 36. 463 Young 1933, II, pp. 50 – 53.; Forsyth 1972, p. 55. 464 Following the rubrics from Nevers and – Young 1933, II, pp. 46 – 53.; Forsyth 1972, p. 55 – 57. 465 Young 1933, II, p. 47 – 55. 82 the Magi and the donation of gifts. In the majority of texts, there is no detailed specification about the precise installation of this scene. It could be localized around the altar in the choir, in the transept or around the praesepe laid somewhere in this area.466

Despite the fact, that the liturgical drama Officium Stellae used to be very popular and well-known in the twelfth century and preserved in numerous versions, any of them is connected with La Charité-sur- Loire.467 Thus, would it be even possible to verify that the composition of the local Adoration scene was somehow related to this liturgical play? In as much as no sources exist, which would precisely testify the local liturgical life or equipment in the twelfth century, there is nothing but to leave at the field of hypotheses based on period examples. In the first place, it is necessary to point out that the day of Epiphany constitutes one of the very important feasts of the Christian year.468 In the twelfth century it culminated by the festive Mass, very frequently introduced or extended by the performance of the liturgical drama. Considering the fact that liturgical dramas were not originally more than a different form of the festive liturgy, enlivening the sermon by the literal dramatization of what was preached by the priest,469 the idea that liturgical dramas could be played in La Charité-sur-Loire seems quite probable. Moreover, they were not an official part of the service, so secular churches like Benedictine’s monasteries were free to adopt plays according their will.470 Furthermore, there are preserved sources about the Officium Stellae play from the eleventh and the twelfth century from the cathedral in Nevers, the close neighbouring city.471 And last but not least, there is a certain match between the description of the imago mentioned by drama’s comments and the portrayal of The Virgin Mary with Christ on her knees, as well as between the information from the rubrics about the scenography of this play and the bas-relief scene from La Charité-sur-Loire, where the clothing of kings or the shape of royal gifts corresponds with its description by rubrics of this play.472 Secondly, it is necessary to consider the contemporary approach to liturgical dramas, especially in the Cluniac sphere, about which Edith Armstrong Wright stated that “there are no extent plays from Cluny itself or from any of its priories, although St. Martial of and Fleury, perhaps the two most important churches in the history of the liturgical drama, were both reformed by Cluny.”473 But, she equally stated that the Cluniac strict discipline and conservatism for uniformity of services and the resistance to innovations, partially slackened at the beginning of the twelfth century, which could probably cause its eventual positive attitude to the liturgical dramas, because there is no evidence about

466 The „uncovering“ scene is transcribed in detail in rubrics of this drama from Rouen. – Young 1933, II, pp. 46 - 47, 50 – 55. Forsyth 1968, pp. 220 - 221.; Forsyth 1972, pp. 55 – 57. 467 Young 1933, II, p. 29 – 102. 468 Young 1933, II, pp. 29 – 33. 469 Mâle 1922, p. 125.; Élissagaray 1965, p. 32. 470 Wright 1936, p. 9. 471 Young 1933, II, p. 50 - 58.; Forsythg 1968, p. 220 - 221.; Forsyth 1972, p. 55 – 57.; Nevers - Paris, Bibl. Mazarine, MS 1708. – Both cities are distant around 26 kilometres, approximately a half of day by walking. Despite the fact that the preserved record of Never’s liturgical drama relates to the episcopal cathedral and not to the church of Saint-Étienne, which was under the administration of Cluny since the eleventh century, like La Charité-sur-Loire was, it is possible to hypothetically think about the eventual similarity of their liturgical practices, manner of the feasts or the scenography of liturgical plays, because they were historically related. 472 Young 1933, pp. 50 – 58. 473 Wright 1936, pp. 10. 83

Cluniac chief disapproval with them.474 That would equally affirm Joan Evan’s conclusions about liturgical dramas in Cluniac monasteries. She stated that there may be made the transition from liturgy to drama within the scheme of permissible and variable additions to the Mass itself and not by the changing of its original formulas.475 Moreover, she also pointed out that the liturgical drama had a direct influence upon contemporary art, especially on sculpture, where is noticeable their aesthetic impact, enriching the unchanging rituals of this period.476 Especially about the Officium Stellae she emphasized, that from the representations of this liturgical play in bas-reliefs is clearly evident that the main dramatic point of this ceremony lays in the sculpted image of The Virgin Mary with her Child set upon the altar. And that from several sculpted representations depicting this dramatic use of these statues is even obvious that the Virgin and Child are isolated from the other personages by a great ciborium, like it used to be set above an altar in the church. It is possible to see that at examples of these sculpted scenes above the doorway of the transept of the cathedral in Bourges, above doorways of the monastic church in Saint-Gilles and of the priory Notre-Dame de Donzy.477 [Fig. 6.3, 7.3] The link between the liturgical dramas, Marian statues and relief scene of the Adoration of the Magi from the bas-relief portals of churches and cathedrals, where the Officium Stellae was played around this statue,478 had already been mentioned by Émile Mâle and later confirmed by Illene H. Forsyth and Jean-René Gaborit.479 The potential interconnection of Marian statues, liturgical dramas and relief scenes is not only supported by the similar age of the majority of them, or their notable visual likeness, but also by the records of the plays, ceremonial parades and processions. Chiefly in Rouen, Vézelay, Clermont-Ferrand, Pompierre and Germany or in Spain, was using the Marian statues as a sort of requisite for liturgical dramas probably extended and was already popular at the beginning of the eleventh century.480 How Forsyth very interestingly observes, reliefs often display the fact that the Magi do not worship a vivid being, but an imago because Madonna is used to be depicted “en face”, reflecting the resemblance of the statue the way onlookers could see her exposed in a church or during the play itself.481 But, it must be emphasized that at the relief of La Charité-sur-Loire enthroned The Virgin Mary sitting more in profile in a quite vivid interaction with the Magi and there is no star or ciborium above her. Thus, would it be still possible to think that the scene from La Charité-sur-Loire could be a certain sort of testimony about the lost liturgical life of this monastic church?

474 Wright 1936, pp. 9, 20 – 21, 25 – 27. 475 Evans1950, p. 90. 476 Evans 1950, p. 91. 477 Evans 1950, p. 95. 478 The adoration and donation were performed also in the symbolical presence of Madonna with the Child, in front of the empty altar. – Young 1933, II, p. 36, 46 - 49.; Forsyth proves the using of a vicarious imago through the absence of detailed descriptions in rubrics, describing characters performed by humans. The employment of a statue in Epiphany drama was documented by numerous examples. - Forsyth 1972, p. 49 – 59. 479 Mâle 1910, p. 262 - 267.; Forsyth 1968, p. 219.; Gaborit, Faunières 2009, p. 15. 480 Forsyth 1968.; Forsyth 1972, p. 2 - 3, 29, 30, 45 – 59, 148, 149.; Rouen – , Bibl. de la Faculté de Médecine, MS H 304.; Clermont-Ferrand, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 145, fols. 130V-134V.; Durand 1884, p. 20 – 24.; Mâle 1910, p. 261 - 270.; Cahn 1961.; Gersten 2011, p. 118 – 142. 481 Forsyth 1968, p. 218 - 219.; Forsyth 1972, p. 52. 84

Probably not imperatively. As Julian Martine stated, a bas-relief reference at the liturgical drama Officium Stellae, reduced just into one single scene, is a relatively frequent phenomenon, visible almost at all period monuments. On the other hand, this emphasises the most important climax scene of the Adoration of the Magi from the whole cycle, moreover hidden in one lonely detail of the bigger narrative sculpted complex, makes Martine question their connection with liturgical dramas. She concluded by the statement that this scene would not have to be always connected with liturgical dramas because its origins and its visual models proceed from the New Testament and the cycle of Christ’s childhood, which had been depicted since Late Antiquity.482 On the other hand, based on the already noticed arguments and analogies, it would be possible to conclude, that the scene of the Adoration from La Charité-sur-Loire does not have to be the literal transcription of the local liturgy or of the Officium Stellae. Nevertheless, it could be considered as a very probable visual reference at the climax of this famous liturgical drama played around the statue of enthroned Madonna in Majesty. Thus, in this light this bas-relief depiction could equally serve as a certain echo of such statue, placed inside the monastic church in La Charité-sur-Loire. Moreover, the Cluniac Benedictines culture in the twelfth century, as Jacques Le Goff described, was filled with emotionalism inspired by magnificent churches, marvellous liturgies, the pomp of ceremonies, or thriving on splendorous robes and bizarre ornaments.483 In this light it would seem nearly inconceivable for the abbey of La Charité, “La fille aînée de Cluny“, to not celebrate the day of Epiphany with all appropriate splendour available, to which this very famous liturgical Christmas drama could be rated, for sure. Not to mention the necessity of appropriate liturgical equipment for these festive celebrations, among which the statue of The Virgin Mary should not to be absent.

The statue of Virgin Mary

Hieratic, beautiful, severe, untouchable, miraculous and completely out of the earthy dimensions, maybe like that could seem the statue of Virgin Mary to its contemporary spectators. Naturally attracting the attention for the first glance, it should not be overlooked by anybody who entered the main church space of La Charité-sur Loire and raised numerous stairs up to the choir area where it could be placed. Of course, if there ever was a Marian statue like this. Nevertheless, despite the fact that no statue of Madonna in Majesty preserved in La Charité-sur -Loire and no accurate documents speaks about it, its existence may be considered for several reasons. Primarily, there is the principal dedication of this monastic church to The Virgin Mary, which placed it under her direct protection, how it could be illustrated also by one of the local bas-relief tympana.484 Due to Evan’s words, that “…most Cluniac priories of any importance seem to have had a reliquary statue of a patron saint or the Virgin of wood, either coated with metal plates of with painted gesso of left plain…“ and that the inventory of Cluny in 1382 included a remarkable number of such statues of Cluniac patrons, among which were noted also five statues of The Virgin Mary, all covered by

482 Martine 2014, p. 236, 237. - He made a research and approved a significant interconnection between liturgical dramas and sculpted scenes at façades of French churches, built mainly in the twelfth century. 483 Le Goff 1991, 100 – 102. 484 See the Status questionis – Lefrançoise-Pillion 1924.; Louise 1929.; Raeber 1964.; Thérel 1967. 85

the silver which was probably made in the thirteenth century.485 There is a serious possibility that also in La Charité-sur-Loire at the beginning of the twelfth century may have been an example of such statue. Furthermore, there are documented or preserved numerous Marian statues all over France, from the same period or perhaps even earlier.486 Unfortunately, research about them faces a lack of documents and evidences, like it is in the case of La Charité. Many of these statues were destroyed during the French Revolution, so they are known just from sources or undocumented fragments.487 Despite the fact that examples of freestanding Marian statues or documents about their existence abundantly come from the eleventh and chiefly from the twelfth century, they could have appeared at the end of the eighth century. Probably the oldest documented example in France is dated around 946, the golden Marian statue from Clermont-Ferrand. According to Ilene H. Forsyth, there are preserved around 200 Marian statues, created approximately after 1100.488 And how demonstrated the dissertation of Nadia Bertoni Cren, just in the region of Burgundy survived almost over thirty of their examples, created during the eleventh and the twelfth century.489 Due to the fact, that not just the maternal monastic church in Cluny possessed more than one Marian statue, not speaking about the golden Virgin of Cluny,490 but also that nearly every church, chapel, monastic church or cathedral possessed its own Marian statues in the period from the eleventh to the twelfth century,491 there left no doubts about the possibility that in La Charité-sur-Loire there was perhaps one example. The last but not least reality to consider about its possible existence proceeds from a testimony from the end of the twelfth century. This manuscript describes the consecration of the local monastic church by Pope Paschal II in 1107, following a narration of its very old participant. Beyond the description of this occasion, the major part of the text is dedicated to detail informing about all present relics. It says that Pope Pascal II personally placed to the main altar, dedicated to the Holy Trinity, Saint Cross, Mary, mother of Christ and to martyr Saint Ignace and other saints, the venerable relics, consisting of a piece of True Cross, the hair, pieces of clothes and the tomb of The Virgin Mary, a tooth from Saint James, brother of Jesus and a rib of the martyr Saint Ignace. Nevertheless, it should be emphasized that other splendid reliquaries, treasures and relics may be exhibited “ad pedes Iconiae virginalis”492 placed at the main altar. Unfortunately the description does not provide more information or clarification about this Iconiae, in front of which were placed relics like a casket with a crystal ampule with the blood leaked from a miraculous image of Christ, a fragment of True Cross, fragments

485 Evans 1950, pp. 12 – 13. 486 Laurentin, Oursel 1988.;Forsyth 1972, pp. 3 – 5.; Bertoni Cren 2013. 487 Forsyth 1972, pp. 36, 99, 102, 105. 488 Their provenance is not only French, but there are also preserved examples from Belgium, Germany, England, Switzerland, Spain, Italy or Scandinavia. – Forsyth 1968, pp. 215, 220.; Forsyth 1972, pp. 3 – 4, 7, 23.; Gersten 2011, pp. 108 – 111,118 – 120.; Laurentin, Oursel 1988.; Mathon 2011, pp. 16, 17. 489 Bertoni Cren 2013. 490 This statue is unfortunately lost, but it should depicts Virgin as sitting at the silver chair with a jewelled crown at her head, with crowned small Christ at her knees, holding a golden floweret. – Evans 1950, pp. 12 – 13, 27. 491 Mathon 2011, pp. 17 – 18. 492 Marie-José Garniche translated this part of Richard’s text as „at the feet of the statue of The Virgin“: “…au pied de la statue de la Vierge…” - Garniche 2007, unpa. 86 of Christ’s creche and Saint Sepulchre, a stone from Mont Calvaire, The Virgin Mary’s hair, pieces of clothes and tomb or many others.493 Even though these notes could seem trustworthy, it is necessary to emphasized that the text was written almost a century after the consecration and should come from a narration of an elder who claimed that he has been personally present at this occasion. Even if the noted testimony is true, there is still a certain time lag, which could cause some imprecisions, changing details and overstating common requisites, misrepresenting and stylizing the narration based on well-known common routine and usual rituals. It confirmed also the critical study from Gaude Murielle which characterized this text as strongly overstated to demonstrate the splendor, the importance and the magnificence of this occasion, after what the prestige of this monastery even increased.494 Unfortunately, there is not much detail information about relics from other sources. The Histoire Cronologique beyond relics of Saint Jovinian, donated to La Charité-sur-Loire by Geoffroy d’Auxerre in 1071, mentions them in the third quarter of the twelfth century as closely unspecified, numerous and exposed in the great church.495 Thus, the brief notion from the manuscript describing the consecration in regards to the existence of the Marian Iconiae in La Charité-sur-Loire, whether it used to be a statue or not in that time, represents quite precious testimony. In spite of the uncertain veracity of this document, it indicates that Marian Iconiae represents in this period a very important liturgical object. Therefore, the hypothetical existence of the Marian statue in the monastic church of La Charité-sur-Loire could be considered as highly probable, because it seems like the Marian Iconiae belonged among the precious liturgical equipment of this monastic church, maybe even before its consecration to The Virgin Mary in 1107.496

The likeness of the statue

If such a statue once existed in La Charité-sur-Loire what could it look like? Would it really be possible to think that the bas-relief scene of tympanum shows it as its literal imprint? Or do the bas -reliefs of the enthroned and crowned Virgin Mary merely relate to a formula that was used at the time? At the preserved examples of Marian statues is possible to see that they basically reflected the same formal and iconographic schema and common technical measures. These statues are not life-sized and many of them are quite small.497 The sculpted Virgin Mary is usually depicted as rigidly sitting on an ornamented throne in a certain kind of royal pose, looking directly in front of herself, while she is holding the little Jesus, by both hands. Sometimes The Virgin Mary holds a sphere in her right hand.498 The figure of Jesus may look like a small adult, underlining the majesty of the whole sculpture, separated in its own universe from the living reality around it. Visually this kind of statue immediately pointed out its highest majesty, sovereignty and gravity look, representing The Virgin Mary with the

493 Lebeuf 1738, p. 376 – 416; 408 – 416. – Jean Lebeuf connected the authorship of this manuscript, preserved with two others in Vatican Bibliotheca, with Richard, monk from Cluny, following its inscription. In spite of that, the authorship is rather unknown. 494 Gaude 1992, pp. 42 – 44. 495 Histoire Cronologique 1991, pp. 51, 61, 93. 496 About the consecration: Histoire Cronologique 1991, p. 34. 497 Forsyth 1968, pp. 214 – 216.; Mathon 2011, pp. 16 – 18. 498 Later, in the thirteenth century in hands of sculpted Virgins appeared the apple symbolizing her status as the new Eve and her role in the Redemption. Then these statues were holding also the lily as the sign of the modesty and during the later period, they had in theri hands also a small bird as the reference of the Passion. – Mathon 2011, p. 18. 87 little Jesus as imperators of the world.499 That is very often emphasized by royal crowns at their heads which were made from one piece of wood or they were added later. Jesus is very often pictured as blessing by the right hand and sometimes he is also holding an opened book.500 But, unfortunately in many cases figures of Jesus are lost, destroyed or remade, in spite of the fact they were made often with Virgin from one piece of wood. Generally, many of these Marian sculptures is possible to see today just in their strongly reduced or changed state of preservation and most of them were partially or fully destroyed or robbed of their rich decors, wrongly repaired, renovated, cut up or transformed to reliquaries, if they were not originally one.501 Nevertheless, their abundant preservation, regarding their dimensions and their material (wood without exceptions) could be a result of their popularity and importance for the believers who overwhelmed them with devotions, adorations and worships or any other kinds of attention, they were made for.502 [Fig. 7.4] Their active function in the liturgical life and in the church space would explain their remarkable constructional composition, practical for any kind of transport or ceremonial manipulation. Typically, characteristic is their intentional multi-viewability.503 All preserved Marian statues from the twelfth century were carefully carved on all sides which made them independent, freestanding sculptures, according to Gersten, following the visual tradition of roman emperors, manifesting the impersonation of the human and the god together.504 That was emphasized even by their materials. All parts of their wood core used to be richly decorated with the polychromies and the precious metals, stones and gems.505 It was often intensified by the fact, that these sculptures contained important relics and were publicly well-known and perceived as miraculous and precious objects not just from their installation in the church, but also from their incorporation in the festive ceremonials and processions during the year, where they played the main role and were always a part of the public cult and veneration.506 Despite the fact, that in the twelfth century Bernard of Clairvaux together with other monastic writers condemned the using of images in monasteries as “unseemly and spiritually distracting.”507 The popularity of these statues unstoppably increased, and because of that they were nearly constantly changing their place following the liturgical requirements. They used to be installed and exposed anywhere in the church area and during the festive ceremonials also at the main altars. In La Charité such statue could stay in central radial chapel, or at the special pedestal or single column placed behind the altar or somewhere in the elevated choir of the church.508 Marian statues used to be placed also in crypts, but due to the fact, that in La Charité very probably had not been any, this

499 Fosyth 1972, pp. 22 – 24, 88 – 91.; Gersten 2011, pp. 108, 112. 500 Forsyth 1972, p. 23.; Mathon 2011, pp. 16 – 19. 501 Forsyth 1972, pp. 2 – 5.; Mathon 2011, pp. 18 – 19. ; Bertoni Cren 2013. 502 Forsyth 1968, pp. 215 – 216.; Gersten 2011, pp. 134 – 136. 118 – 122, 128. 503 Forsyth 1968, pp. 215 – 216.; Mathon 2011, pp. 16 – 17. 504 Gersten 2011, pp. 20, p. 94. 505 Very well preserved example from Burgundy represents the statue of Madonna covered by metal from Beaulieu-sur-Dordogne from the twelfth century. – Forsyth 1972, pp. 3, 15, 195-197.; Enaud 1961, p. 86.; Bertoni Cren 2013, pp. 116, 129. 506 Forsyth 1972, pp. 8 – 16, 31 - 43.; Gersten 2011, pp. 120, 123. 507 Smith 2006, p. 171. 508 About placing practice of these statues at the single column in the choir area, according to examples from Clermont-Ferrand and Orcival, see Forsyth 1972 p. 39. 88 otherwise common placing is excluded.509 The absence of the crypt in La Charité, moreover in the eleventh century, when the pilgrimage paths were forming and also the monasteries along them were attracting the attention of the pilgrims through various relics and holy objects,510 could also indirectly indicated, that there used to be intended something else. The collection of relics and the statue of Virgin, maybe with relics inside as well,511 could be the answer to the question, by what was this priory alluring for the period pilgrims, if not just by its advantageous location at the crossroad of main roads and its famous reputation about its charity. Moreover, La Charité-sur-Loire during the eleventh and the twelfth century was going through the period of the prosperity and wealth, about which still give some evidences the rich sculpture decorations. Due to their richness and luxury and to the greatness of the whole monastic complex, it might not be mistaken to believe, that the local freestanding statue of Virgin could be not just perfectly carved, but also very luxuriously decorated by the most precious materials, jewels and precious stones. Thanks to that, this hypothetic statue maybe became a victim of the wars or later confiscations which misused its richness for their own profit, no matter her spiritual worth or the cultural hereditary. That could happen already around 1419, if not earlier, during the Hundred Years’ War, when La Charité was briefly under the management of Captain Perrinet Grasset, the lord from La Motte-Joscerand. Following to Histoire Cronologique, he robbed and transported away all jewels, reliquaries, garnitures and all the most precious furniture from the local monastery and its church.512 Unfortunately, the identity of stolen objects was not specified. The last thing to consider, in thinking about the likeness of this very probably existing Marian statue in La Charité, is the preserved statue of the Vierge de Tamnay, made probably in the first quart of the twelfth century.513 [Fig. 7.5] This very mutilated Marian statue has been preserved in Musée de la Porte du Croux in nearby Nevers, since 1874 thanks to the donation of its former possessors. From the original statue has preserved just the torso of Virgin with a veiled, crowned head, sitting at the throne. It used to be decorated by gemstones and it probably contained also relics.514 The exact date of this statue is unknown, but Nadia Bertoni Cren evaluated the technique of its execution as very close to the bas-relief scenes of the Adoration of the Magi and the Presentation of Jesus in the Temple from the lintel at the portal of the Transfiguration in La Charité.515 She even suggested that this statue and bas- reliefs could have been made by the same master, due to the similar features of the faces and the way of making the folds of the beautiful and almost classical garments.516 As an example she noted the resemblance between the execution of the veil of the Virgin in the scene of the Presentation and the statue of The Virgin Mary from Tamnay. Bertoni Cren also stated that this master seems to have

509 The crypt or anything about it has not been discovered in La Charité. However, it would just again confirm its near architectonic relationship with its maternal monastery of Cluny, where probably also was not any crypt. – Werckmeister 1988, p. 110. 510 The great pilgrimage cathedrals in Santiago, Saint-Gilles and Rome were also constructing in this period. Believers, who were not able to undertake the journey to foreign countries, were visiting the tombs of local French saints or the temples of Virgin Mary, for example Chartres, where they could see the tunic of Virgin Mary and also her statue. In Le Puy-en-Velay, they could see a shoe of Virgin Mary and her statue and in Clermont-Ferrand was her golden reliquary statue, known already in the tenth century. – Forsyth 1972, p. 95. 511 Histoire Cronologique 1991, pp. 8, 51, 61, 93. Lebeuf 1738, p. 376 – 416; 408 – 416. 512 Histoire Cronologique 1991, p. 93. 513 Bertoni Cren 2013, pp. 120 – 125, 186 – 189.; Bertoni Cren 2014, pp. 7 – 20. 514 Bertoni Cren 2013, p. 121; Bertoni Cren 2014, p. 13. 515 Bertoni Cren 2013, p. 124.; Bertoni Cren 2014, pp. 19 – 20. 516 Bertoni Cren 2013, p. 124, 125.; Bertoni Cren 2014, pp. 19 – 20. 89 studied the Byzantine ivories of the tenth century and shows a more classical restraint of the artist who executed the other reliefs of the tympanum of the Transfiguration from La Charité-sur-Loire. She concluded that because there are no documents about this statue from the church in Tamnay-en- Bazois, it would be possible to think, based on formal-stylistic similarities, that this work was created by the Master of the lintel from the portal of the Transfiguration in La Charité-sur-Loire.517 Due to the fact, that Tamnay-en-Bazois (if this statue was originally made for this place) is only around sixty-three kilometres far from La Charité-sur-Loire and that smaller churches and monasteries copied the decoration and looks of famous statues,518 it is highly likely that this Marian statue from Tamnay was copied to some extent from the Marian statue from La Charité. Considering the example of the statue of The Virgin Mary from Tamnay, essentially similar to the bas-relief enthroned Virgin from the Adoration scene at the portal of the Transfiguration, it could be therefore possible to consider that this bas-relief could be the echo and link, in one time, to the local and lost Marian statue and at least the basic definition of how the local Marian statue could look like. That could be also indirectly supported by the example of another statue preserved from this period, the Virgin from Beaulieu-sur-Dordogne, about which Evans stated that this sculpture could be a reception of the lost Marian statue from the maternal monastery in Cluny.519 [Fig. 7.6] Considering all noted arguments and the certain similarities between the statue from Beaulieu and the bas-relief of The Virgin Mary from La Charité, it seems plausible to propose that the hypothetical Marian statue from La Charité-sur-Loire could also be a copy of the model of The Virgin Mary from Cluny, the resemblance of which was probably preserved in the statue of the Virgin from Beaulieu. Thus, based on these two preserved examples, it would be possible to propose more precisely the conception of the former likeness of local Marian statue which should not be too far from the local bas-relief depiction of the enthroned Virgin in the scene of the Adoration. [Fig. 7.7] On the other hand, their mutual visual similarities could proceed rather from their identical framework than from the precise details, from which would be possible to reconstruct the accurate primal likeness of the local Marian statue. Nevertheless, this bas-relief could serve for sure as its visual proxy and reminder, which could, in the eyes of its spectators, conveyed the same iconographical meanings. By looking at this bas-relief of the enthroned Virgin Mary could be very probably mediated the same concepts as were embodied by the Marian statue inside the church. Therefore, this bas-relief depiction of The Virgin with the Child could serve as a certain stimulus for the preparation of the spiritual perception and reception, imperative to anybody who was waiting in front of the church door at the personal meeting with this precious Marian statue.

Iconography and the cult of the Mother of God up to the twelfth century

The iconography of the Madonna in Majesty, solemnly sitting at the throne with the Christ child on her lap overlooking everything terrestrial, also known as the Sedes Sapientiae, unified various meanings of the ancient iconography and ecclesiastical concepts. Its first theological conceptions were noted suddenly in the texts of Church Fathers in the fourth century.520 The Madonna in Majesty iconography is known equally from the early Christian frescos, when The Virgin Mary with the little Jesus were

517 Bertoni Cren 2013, pp.124, 125; Bertoni Cren 2014, p. 20. 518 Mathon 2011, p. 18. 519 Evans 1950, p. 27. 520 Forsyth 1972, p. 24. 90 depicted as hieratically sitting in the Adoration of the Magi scene at the walls of the catacombs of Priscilla in Rome.521 But, it is necessary to point out that its conception visually and semantically proceeded of course already from the ancient archetype of the Great Mother, the Mother of God, which was in early Christian times progressively substituted by the cult of The Virgin Mary. 522 The cult of The Virgin Mary as the Mother of God and as the Theotokos was firstly proclaimed by the Council of Ephesus in 431523 and the Council of Chalcedon 451. Since then Mary has held one of the most significant places in the Ecclesiological system, considered as the Instrument of the Incarnation and the Throne of Wisdom.524 From the sixth century her cult was celebrated also in West, where The Virgin Mary obtained the parallel with the New Eve, freed from all sins including the First one. She became believed as the Mother of the people, as the Mother of the Universe, the Saviour, the Protector and finally as the Mother the Church, in a spiritual motherhood with all Christians, and the mystical wife of Christ.525 During the Carolingian period the imperial sovereignty was inscribed to Maria by theologians who focused on the concept of the Madonna in Majesty and conveyed to her the royal rights of the emperor, to depict her and the Child with the royal insignia of the throne, sometimes with the globe in Christ’s hand and crowns at their heads. From this moment The Virgin Mary was not just the Queen of Heaven but also Mary regina nostri orbis, the Queen of the Earth, actively integrated to the political system, which she enforced. How it is visible from the preserved ivories and manuscripts, the iconography of Madonna in Majesty or Sedes Sapientiae had represented the important part of Carolingian iconography and the artistic repertory. Moreover, from aspirations of Carolingians to restore the Roman Empire via the politic ideas, the social organization and artistic concepts, had proceeded also the revival of statues within these Marian ones. The exactly defined theological concept of Sedes Sapientiae was so transformed to the new three dimensional medium, which later culminated by the Marian freestanding hieratic statues of the twelfth century.526 At the Second Council of Nicaea in 787 had been enacted that the veneration given to the imago directly passes over to its prototype depicted there. Ergo, the illustration of the saints should be celebrated in the same way, how imperator’s portraits used to be. The transcendental role of these touchable statues of the Madonna in Majesty as the efficient mediators between the believers, praying to God via the advocata nostra, the Mother of God, interceding in the Heaven for the sake of the sinners was officially recognized since then.527 In spite of the existing resistance of the western world against these sculptures released in the ninth century, they were still partially perceived like the pagan idols at the beginning of the eleventh century.528 It could be partially caused also by the likeness of very first

521 Utro 2001, pp. 455–480. 522 Forsyth 1972, pp. 1, 2, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 86 – 91.; Gerstern 2011, pp. 112, 147-148. ; Hidrio 1999, p. 504.; For the migration of models from pagan divinities to the Mother of God see: Mathews 2005, pp. 3- 11. 523 The question of the divine motherhood is tematized for example by Cyril of Alexandria. – Hidrio 1999, p. 505. 524 Thérel 1984, p. VII. 525 Forsyth 1972, p. 45.; Gersten 2011, pp. 87 – 88, 136.; Maître 1996, pp.45 – 46.; Courtillé 1998, p. 71 – 2. 526 Forsyth 1972, pp. 2, 6 – 7, 22 – 24, 31, 67, 88 – 91, 154.; Gersten 2011, pp. 108, 112. 527 Forsyth 1972, pp. 7, 66, 83 - 84.; Mathon 2011, pp. 17 – 18. 528 These concepts, in spite of the primal resistance of the western Christian world recorded in Libri Carolini, were accepted by the time. - Forsyth 1972, pp. 67 – 83, 91.; Freeman, Meyvaert 1998.; The Liber miraculorum 91

Marian statues, which were representing a confusing catalyse of the conventional pagan sculptures of the enthroned goddesses Isis, Venus or Mother of God, known already before the Antiquity, and the new Marian iconography. Thus, this conversion of popular ancient cults, where the old pagan statues served as the breeding-ground for the rooting and flourishing of this new Marian iconography,529 did not operate without the very strict theological surveillance. In fact, these statues of the Madonna in Majesty had not been declared as a medium increasing the efficiency and the power of the mystical contemplation of the Christian grace and as the medium of the transcendental relationship between the spectator and the prototype until the Synod of in 1025.530 Since then, the illiterates can contemplate in images of the divinity the verities of the faith and the sense of the grace.531 The concept of Sedes Sapientiae represents the visual manifestation of the Incarnation, where Christ’s humanity and divinity are equally present, clearly expressing the universal hieratic character of this iconography. The Virgin Mary is there “the agency through which the mystery of the Incarnation was realized, therefore, as the bearer of that Wisdom”,532 and depicted as Maiestas. She is understood as the Mother of God and equally as the cathedra or the throne seat of the Logos incarnate, the Throne of Wisdom.533 Thus, the main idea of this iconographic composite of several concepts of Mary and Christ, embodying together the seat of wisdom and the Divine Wisdom itself, is to comprehend them as the Ecclesia and Godhead. So, the prototype of the divine Sedes Sapientiae, where is Christ set at the throne, constituted from his mother, manifesting that “Christ takes possession of his mother not as male possesses female but as Christiam divinity possesses the earth and his Church.”534 That was appropriately demonstrated even by the form of these Romanesque Marian statues proceeding from the models of ancient emperors and gods, depicting Madonna sitting as a queen on the throne supported by four columns symbolizing the Heavenly Jerusalem, with Christ “enthroned” in her wedge. By this iconography was equally confirmed Virgin as the supreme governess of the Earth and the Heaven and small Christ on her knees as the incarnated God. The connection of Christ as the most supreme ruler and his hereditary rights of the terrestrial kings are emphasized, not just by the form of the majestas and its representation of the divinity through the earthly materiality, but also by his Mother referring to the family line of the king David.535 Moreover, Christ’s attitude, which is often the gesture of blessing, whereas he is holding the book, is reflecting his priestly character and pointing out also the symbolic meaning of his mother as the Ecclesia. Another very important meanings embraced by this conception interpret The Virgin Mary as the Old Testament, on which is settled the New Testament, or as the New Eva immaculate, without any sins, in the mystical marriage with the new Adam, Christ. In the eleventh

sancte Fidis of Bernard of from the eleventh century provides the demonstrative example of the contemporary approach like this. – See Robertini, Ricci 2010. 529 Forsyth 1972, pp. 6, 62.; Gersten 2011, p. 11, 121, 127 – 128, 143 – 148.; Smith 2006, pp. 174 – 175. 530 The literary sources exemplify the increasing production and appearance of these statues of Madonna in this area after the Synod of Arras. – Forsyth 1972, p. 94. 531 Forsyth 1972, pp. 93 – 94. ; Mathon 2011, p. 17.; Courtillé 1998, p. 71. 532 Forsyth 1972, p. 24. 533 The comparison of Mary as the throne of the God had appeared already in texts of A thanasius (296 – 373), Saint Augustine (354 – 430), Andrew of Crete (660-740), John of Damascus (675 – 749), Adam of saint Victor (12th century) and many others, See for more Forsyth 1972, pp. 1, 2, 22.; Considering the conception of the Throne of Wisdom: Forsyth 1972, pp. 24, 25, 26.; Gersten 2011, pp. 107, 124. 534 Forsyth 1972, pp. 29, 59, 91. 535 Forsyth 1972, pp. 23, 88; Mathon 2011, pp. 18 – 19. 92 and the twelfth century, there were also frequent allusions to Mary as the Throne of Solomon, via her divine motherhood (Mater salvatoris), through who became a flesh the Divine Wisdom (sapientia Patris), the New Testament, Christ, a counterpart to Salomon, the wise king of the Old Testament.536 These Marian statues become therefore the most powerful mediators of presence of the incarnated word of God and the communication with the Christ and The Virgin Mary. By the combination of their materialism and the depersonalization of their faces and sights evocating the unattainable spiritual grades, they gave to the spirituality an aura of veritable reality.537 As Anne Courtillé stated, this complex iconographic composition of the Sedes Sapientiae, has an abundant plurality of meanings in several levels. They were hiding and excellently unifying elaborated ideas and period theological thoughts, comprehensible only for clerics, and the simply educative and devotional grades of meanings mentally available for the community of laics.538

In the twelfth century, when this cult flourished and enjoyed a mass popularity, chiefly among lay people and pilgrims,539 the rising importance of the Marian cult and patronage, where the Virgin Mary is perceived and celebrated chiefly in her role of the Great Intercessor and mediator, the Great Queen and the Queen of Heaven and Earth, the hieratic Marian statues were considered as indispensable. They appeared almost at each shrine all around Europe.540 At the expansion of this cult there was a noteworthy impact of the historical-geographical context. The Crusades proclaimed by Urban II in 1095, caused an importance of the cult of The Virgin Mary because under her protection and through her kindness and favour the successful conquest of the Holy Lands should be guaranteed.541 The importance of the spreading Marian cult, supported also by the development of the Immaculate Conception by Saint Bernard,542 or her identification with the figure of the Ecclesiae and the development of the Ecclesiology, reached its peak at the end of the twelfth century. Then the Marian devotion and cult was so strong that it almost exceeded the cult of Christ, as demonstrated by abundant depictions of iconography of The Virgin Mary in tympana in numerous sacral buildings consecrated to her during this period.543 The importance given to The Virgin Mary emphasized also the significant development of Mariology in the twelfth century, chiefly by the spreading of the faith in her corporeal Assumption which was supported also by the Cluniac Abbot Peter the Venerable.544

536 Several preserved examples of this iconography from the twelfth century have even the inscription “IN GREMIO MATRIS RESIDAE SAPIENTIAE PATRIS.” – Guibert of Nogent’s (d. 1125), De laude Sanctae Mariae; Peter Damian (died 1072), In nativitate Beatissimae Virginis Marie.; Adam of Saint Victor; Wrangham, Liturgical Poetry.; Forsyth 1972, pp. 24 – 27, 59, 132.; Courtillé 1998, p. 75. 537 Forsyth 1972, pp. 9, 49, 91, 154 - 155.; Gersten 2011, pp. 107 – 108, 124. 538 Courtillé 1998, p. 86. 539 Gersten 2011, p. 120. 540 Forsyth 1972, p. 93.; Gersten 2011, pp. 123, 134, 136. 541 Forsyth 1972, p. 93. 542 Bernard of Clairvaux developed his theological argumentation about The Virgin Mary as the Virgin Immaculata without any sins even without the primal one, in a letter addressed to the canons of Lyon around 1139 – 1140; Epistola 174, in Leclercq, Talbot, Rochais 1974, pp. 388 – 392.; More about Bernard of Clairvaux in: Williams 1953. 543 Gersten 2011, pp. 86 – 87, 134 – 135.; Mâle 1922, pp. 281 – 288.; Mathon 2011, p. 17.; Thérel 1984. 544 Peter the Venerable belongs among very first supporters of the new rising belief in the corporeal Assumption of Virgin Mary. He manifested his persuasion about the verity of this theological conception in his letter to one of his monks, Grégoire. – (Patr. lat., 189, col. 298 D-299 A.) More about Peter the Venerable in: Torrell, Bouthillier 1986. 93

By this theological conception was disseminated the strong belief that The Virgin Mary through the Incarnation and her divine motherhood, corporeally unifying her with Christ, was sovereignly privileged to be fully resurrected and to share the Glory with her Son. That is equally signified at the tympanum of The Virgin Mary in La Charité-sur-Loire, one of the first monumental depictions of this concept, gently narrating to believers its theological “truth”.545

545 Thérel 1984, pp. 31 – 38.; Thérel 1972, pp. 100 – 103.

94

3.3. The Bas-reliefs of La Charité-sur-Loire in a Contemporary Context

If the Marian portal with the scene of the Corporeal Assumption of The Virgin Mary was originally intended for its installation with its actual lintel and at the time another tympanum didn’t exist there, depicting “The Adoration of The Madonna in Majesty” (as was depicted in Vézelay, Avallon, Donzy-le- Pré, Neuilly-en-Donjon, Saint-Gilles, Bourges or in Chartres [Fig. 6.3, 7.3]), the scene of the Adoration of the Magi could be the only possibility of how to make a visual promotion of the local Marian statue and a reference to all its iconographic and theological concepts. Thus, the scene of the Adoration of the Magi of La Charité-sur-Loire should be seen as more than the illustration of one of the most important episodes from Christ’s childhood or as the demonstration of theophany and the reference at liturgical dramas. It also illustrated the real act of devotion, a very important moment for the liturgy working with the active role of the local Marian statue. In terms of the monastic visual rhetoric it manifested the supreme role of the Ecclesia embodied by the crowned Virgin.

The ritual of the Epiphany

Otto Demus claimed about coeval mural painting that “walls echoed the text of the liturgy in pictorial terms”.546 But, by placing the bas-relief scene of the Adoration of the Magi in La Charité in a broader context, we can see there more than the most important moments from liturgical writings. There is indeed a vivid action of the main point of the liturgy of the Epiphany feast itself – the celebrative veneration of The Virgin Mary and the devotion to her via her statue of Madonna in Majesty. However, if this bas-relief scene was to be considered as the reference of the performance Officium Stellae, acted out in one of the very important Christian feasts of the year, what did it mean for the spectators and especially for pilgrims at the time? The Adoration scene could be seen as a reference not only at the Biblical narration or the known Epiphany ritual and the liturgical drama. It could also be a certain kind of reminiscence at the experience of the real presence of The Virgin Mary via her imago activated not only by the festive mass or the liturgical plays on the day of the Epiphany. This bas-relief reference at the real presence of The Virgin Mary with the Christ child inside the church could equally be the explanation for the intrinsic detail, in which the local depiction deflects from the iconography of the hieratic Madonna in Majesty at that time. It depicts the enthroned Virgin Mary almost like an alive smiling woman and a vividly animated small Jesus, stretching out his hand to the first King. Thanks to this communication by the gestures of the Magi, the figure of the crowned Virgin with the Christ child became an active participant of the act of offering which could support the period perception of their statue inside the church as a living being at this time.547 The similar case and example par excellence of the animated sculpture “living” in the shrine, depicted in vivid act on its tympanum could be the bas-relief figure of Saint-Foy from Conques. At this tympanum we can see the figure of Foy, descended from her throne in the shrine and kneeling in prayers in front of the blessing hand of God. [Fig. 7.8] Marcello Angheben interpreted this scene as the demonstration of the effectiveness of the votes to Saint-Foy, the intercessor before God in her church, depicted behind her.

546 Demus 1970, p. 7. 547 Smith 2006, pp. 185 – 187. 95

Based on that he added that the intercession of the patron saint of the church and the divine clemency seem to have been favoured by the financing of funeral or votive masses.548 In the case of the bas-relief from La Charité-sur-Loire, that could mean two crucial realities. Firstly the bas-relief could function as an echo or a reminder of the living Divine Intercessor, The Virgin Mary with Child, as the Sedes Sapientiae and Logos Incarnate “waiting” on the pilgrims inside the church and promising direct intercession with God. Secondly the act of the donation of the Magi could function as the pretext of the real ritual performance, happening in the choir of this church and probably even as the visual appeal at believers to make donations. But this question will be examined later in this study.

Unfortunately there will always be an unanswered question of what pilgrims saw and felt after the crossing of the threshold of the liminal zone in La Charité-sur-Loire when they entered the church during the year. Nevertheless, on The Epiphany it would be possible to obtain a relatively clear idea. On the day of Epiphany and chiefly during the performance of the Officium Stellae the whole monastic church became, by the appearance of the actors a certain kind of giant theatrical scene, creating “a dramatic setting for liturgical ritual, which, in varying forms, enhances a sense of divine presence in the midst of its performance.”549 It is not excluded that the simplified version of this dramatic performance possibilitly constituted a part of the Mass itself. Moreover, it is equally possible that the scene in which gifts are presented to the new-born Christ was assimilated into the serious execution of the ritual oblation.550 Thus, believers became practically a part of the liturgical drama and the ritual in one time and through the mediation of three clerics as the Magi, they were able to get into the divine presence of The Saviour and The Virgin Mary who worshipped them and made devotions.551 The transcendental outstroke at the spiritual level which most probably worshippers were living through via their personal presence in such ingeniously composed staging of this play should be doubly valid for pilgrims who could very easily associate themselves with the Magi through their own pilgrimage.552 Following personal cognitions from the pilgrimage project called the Migrating Art Historians in Spring 2017,553 it is possible to admit that the performative and the sensory mediation has an undisputable impact on the audience, spiritually prepared and pre-formed by the journey and the contemplation in front of the tympana as it has been already described. Moreover, during the waiting in the liminal zone, the slowly graduating expectations for the experiencing of the rare holy spectacle, combined with a corporeal and mental exhaustion, could serve well as desirable prerequisites for the proper reception of the oncoming mediation.554 Thus, when there was an opportunity for so formed spectators to enter the celebrated area, proclaimed as the centre of the unique holy immanence555, filled with luxurious decorations and precious liturgical objects mediating the presence of saints, they got into the complex system of the precisely directed sensory perception through material and performative

548 Angheben 2014, p. 80. 549 Parker 2001, p. 273.; Martine 2014, p. 232. 550 Young 1933, II, pp. 32 - 33.; Forsyth 1968, d. 222.; Forsyth 1972, pp. 54 – 55, 59. 551 Sevestre 2000, p. 77. 552 The Magi used to be interpreted also as travellers searching for the Messiah. In the twelfth century the figures of Magi have obtained a significant meaning in the pilgrimage iconography, where they became the generic figures of pilgrims. – Beaud 2013, pp. 58, 62, 171, 252, 261. 553 Foletti, Kravčíková, Palladino, Rosenbergová 2018. 554 Foletti, 2018, pp. 107 – 115.; Foletti, Kravčíková, Palladino, Rosenbergová 2018. 555 Jørgensen 2015, p. 29. 96 mediation they were ready for. Their senses were suddenly overwhelmed by the surge of visual, audio, haptic even olfactory stimulations, mutually uniting to one multisensory impression, intensified by the ritual practice, choirs, dramatized narration, even by the atmosphere generated by other visitors in the church. Then the human fantasy and natural imagination, formed now by the super terrestrial visions depicted on tympana above the threshold, could continue with illustrating in spectators’ minds which the tympana and then the dramatic staging in the interior of the shrine could only suggest. By reciprocal interconnection of particular media and sensory incentives with the space and with the visual opulence, spectators could easily transfer themselves from the material to the spiritual and from the individuum to the universum and undergo the strong imaginative experience produced by the coordination of the sensory mediations from the ambient settings.556 All artefacts, people, rituals or performances in the interior provided to the holiness the distinguishable forms by senses, enabling their comprehension by spectators. At the same time mediators structured the sensory feeling in the manner providing the correct comprehension of the holiness. The sacred mediation was therefore the complex process generally working in several reciprocal interacting levels. Thanks to these material objects were capable to mediate through the sensorial experiences the sacred essence lying out of borders of the perceivable world and the holiness became so an authenticable and sanctified sensory experience.557 The experience of the presence of the Mother of God was therefore not related to the lack of critical approaches to the sensual information and the naive medieval credulity to the authenticity of the mediated perceptions.558 Reaching over the earthly spheres, going through some ecstatic trance which were engaging onlookers into the happenings performed around them and simultaneously confirming their confidence in the potentiality of the miraculous, was the integral part of the living reality and the contemporary mentality. As Gurevich states, “the border between the likely and the unlikely did not lie where it does today.”559

Moreover, the perception of the real presence of Virgin and Child via their statue was not in the twelfth century diffused only by their active participation in liturgical drama. First of all, in this period the statues of Virgin Mary were generally regarded as to the proxies of the real presence of Mother of God and Christ.560 It was vigorously reminding and emphasizing also by the intimate relationship of the monks with them. They treated these statues like the Virgin Mary and Child themselves, which was supported also by their active and very frequent taking part in all kinds of various celebrations, festive masses or the processions during the whole year.561 Beyond that, the folk approach to these statues as to the supernatural, miraculous beings and intercessors, living in the churches and making miracles or protecting and accomplishing the wishes of people was also arousing by their depiction at the tympana and the quotidian installation in the church.562 Then daily ritual of the church encompassed the view of statues as miraculous beings and the depiction of the tympana translated this to a certain extent. Thanks to that, the believers and pilgrims

556 Jørgensen 2015, p. 10. 557 Jørgensen 2015, pp. 25 - 28, 43 - 44. 558 Forsyth 1968, p. 222. 559 Gurevich 1990, pp. 54 – 55.; Jørgensen 2015, p. 33. 560 Forsyth 1972, p. 45; Sansterre 2006.; Smith 2006. 561 Forsyth 1972, pp. 40 – 62.; Smith 2006, pp. 185 – 187. 562 Walsh 2002, pp. 40 – 41.; Smith 2006, pp. 186 – 187.; Sansterre 2011. ; Sansterre 2006, p. 294. 97 could visit them and pray or speak to them also on non-festive days. However, considering the fact, that even today the interior of La Charité-sur-Loire is in semi-darkness, the statue of The Madonna had to be constantly enlightened by candles or lamps as it is known from preserved documents from other churches of this time.563 Moreover how was proved by an experiment led by Bissera Pentcheva on byzantine icons, and later by the experiment led by Ivan Foletti, which animated the face of Saint-Foy by the light of candles,564 it is possible to think that also the statue of The Virgin Mary and The Christ Child from La Charité-sur-Loire in a soft light became really alive in the eyes of spectators at the time. The real interactions with similar statues of the Queen of the Heaven, perceived as the “living” reflection of its heavenly brightness whose inner immanence illustrate the precious materials, from which the statues were made, described numerous testimonies all around the Europe at this time.565 Their miracles and their living presence, interconnected with their heavenly prototype, constituted one of the most important reasons for the contemporary believers and chiefly pilgrims to enter inside the church and make the same ferocious devotions to these statues with thaumaturgy power of the servants of God, as to the reliquaries with holy relics.566 Because of that, the bas-relief “statue” of The Madonna with the Christ child in a vivid communication with the Magi could be perceived also as the visual proxy of the “living” statue from this monastic church, reminding spectators of its local presence and demanding the appropriate veneration inside the shrine. On the other hand, it could equally be the assurance that in this church it is possible to get in the real presence of the Marian statue which could come to life and became an intercessor via the proper worship and the devotion, depicted also at this bas-relief scene. Besides that, The Madonna’s smile naturally invites spectators to continue inside the church, to her shrine, where the onlooker could find her in a new dimension. In this light the whole church in La Charité-sur-Loire could be perceived in that time as the giant architectonic reliquary, decorated with the rich bas-relief sculptures and ornaments, protecting the precious Marian statue “living” inside.567

The crowned Magi, the donation and the feudal meanings

Speaking about visual “propaganda”, the act of offering and appealing at making donations to the Sedes Sapientiae in the Adoration of the Magi scene, should also be examined in the context and meaning of the feudal society. In the context of the twelfth century in the Latin West, the iconography of the Epiphany, as it is preserved in La Charité-sur-Loire, does not have to always indicate only an existence of local statues, a practice of liturgical drama or the reference to the holy presence. It should also be considered to what extent this iconography was reformulated and used by the ecclesiastical rhetoric. We should also consider how much it was working with the visual historic-political formulas participating at the representation of the ideal version of feudal hierarchy based on the social and religious-dogmatic structures at the beginning of the twelfth century.568

563 Smith 2006, pp. 169, 170. 564 Ivan Foletti 2018, pp. 293 – 313.; Pentcheva 2006. 565 Dahl 1978, pp. 180 – 181, 184 – 185, 188, 191.; Forsyth 1972, p. 60.; About activations of the sacral statues in liturgical dramas: Walsh 2002, pp. 27, 40 – 41.; Smith 2006, p. 168. 566 Vauchez 1988, p. 529; Sansterre 2011, p. 54.; Foletti 2018, pp. 293 – 313. 567 About the sacral architecture as about the reliquary: Sauerländer 1992, p. 43. 568 Beaud 2013, pp. 20, 23. 98

As it was already noted, the Adoration of the Magi theme has undergone its fundamental visual transformation since the tenth century and culminated in the twelfth century by the new royal appearance of the Magi. They have become feudal baptized kings, with crowns on their heads and dressed in robes of contemporary noblemen, ritually adoring Christ, sitting at knees of his mother, portrayed as the most supreme ruler. Consequently, this iconography became a codex ceremony and a public ritual with completely new meanings. Through the act of the offering there was demonstrated the construction of the medieval society where the Magi in the adoration became a medieval generic image of communion with the divinity and the moral reflection of quotidian search of the divinity by the believers.569 Thus the iconography of the Adoration brought an ecclesiastic discourse presenting the desire of the ideal union of the royalty and Ecclesia in the Latin West, where is suggested the submission of the royal power to the ecclesiastical authority.570 Furthermore, the act of the adoration and chiefly the donation illustrated by the scene of the Adoration of the Magi could also refer to the ancient manner, of the medieval churches, of the reciprocal exchange sopra altare of donations and tributes between humans and God which was mediated by the clerics. In addition this depiction could record all the gifts that noble charities made on the days of great feasts, within the Epiphany when powerful lords made precious donations to the church at the altar. On the days of these great feasts significant coronations, payments of annual rents and the renewals of obligations and duties of all possible kinds were made.571 Beaud also pointed out the symbolical, Eucharistic meaning of the act of the making the donation by the Magi. He saw its manifestations in depictions of the Epiphany placed at the façades of significant churches and shrines in the twelfth century, demonstrating that the institutional Church became aware of its mediation between God and humans via the sacraments. It was even emphasized by the strategic placement of these depictions at the façades of the important churches on the way where the natural dynamism of the procession of the Magi is oriented towards the main altar inside (Vézelay, Saint-Gilles-du-). And so their donation would be intended as a sacrifice to the altar which should not be understood as a “retrospective” act but as a “prospective” one which would be a principle of the aggregation of believers to the body of Christ.572 [Fig. 6.3, 7.3] This notion about this ritual orientation of the Adoration scene at the façades constitutes an important question for the case of La Charité-sur-Loire. It would doubt the order of the bas-relief tympana in which they were uncovered in the north tower in the nineteenth century. Thus, if La Charité-sur-Loire did not differ from its “contemporary sibling” in Vézelay, and also the fact that the scene of the Adoration of the Magi used to orient the Magi in the direction of the main altar inside the church, it would mean that the original position of both tympana could be similar to Vézelay. The Transfiguration portal would be visually the first one, situated above the north left lateral portal (from the spectators’ point of view) and the Marian portal at the opposite, south side. They would be installed practically in an opposite arrangement to how they originally were discovered. That would be logical for the reading of their tympana, where the Transfiguration is narratively previous to the corporeal Assumption of The Virgin Mary but for the lintel scenes it does not work at all. On the other hand,

569 Beaud 2013, pp. 12, 14. 570 Beaud 2013, p. 19. 571 Trexler 1997, p. 64. 572 Beaud 2013, p. 21. 99 as Yves Christe stated, Romanesque tympana were made to engage and to keep the spectators’ attention via the theophany scenes proceeding rather from the aesthetic, visual, stylistic or symbolical and intellectual coherence than from the rational or logical imperative.573 So, it would be possible to think that the lintel scenes were fully subordinated to the meaning of the tympana, where the lintel scenes, about the life of The Madonna’s and Christ’s childhood, are just completing the main theophany themes in the tympana above them.574 [Fig. 7.9] The same order of tympana, beyond Vézelay is possible to see also at The Royal Portal of Chartres. Furthermore due to the fact that the monastery of La Charité-sur-Loire according to the preserved documents and archaeological researches used to have a significant burial function which had been in place since the eleventh century, there should be a consideration of another meaning of this iconography.575 As Beaud suggested, the Adoration of the Magi could have an eschatological sense, in which the Magi are the mediators of the solidarity between the living and dead people. He explained that by their position, which is breaking the borders of the historic Epiphany, the timeless divine presence and the ultimate theophany. Nevertheless, he concluded that the discourse of this scene is chiefly focused on the realized eschatology, present in the time of the Church, and that the Offering of the Magi was essentially intended as the offering of donations to God at the altar. It means that the gifts of the Magi could be perceived as a votive offering, intended to relieve the anxiety of the donors, striving for the redemption of their souls and the souls of their dead relatives.576 In this aspect the Adoration iconography would not be corresponding only with the main issues of pilgrims of this epoch but also with the history of the monastery in La Charité-sur-Loire itself. How it was already noted pilgrims in addition to their material preparations for the pilgrimage which included them handing over their properties in a legal binding to their families, custodians or monasteries, relations. In addition they often had to arrange financial support for the trip and also had to deal with the consciousness of potential or certain death (some pilgrims were left to die for the Holy Land). As a consequence there was great fear about the future of their families and their own fate so making wills and other spiritual preparations for pilgrimage, as for their own death, including participating in the valedictory and blessing rites provided by the local church or the salvational giving was highly recommended.577 Jacques le Goff nicely defined it like “the wills were considered as passports to heaven“.578 And the monastery in La Charité, “The Ladder to Heaven”, as its old nickname, noted in texts from the nineteenth century, said and as its history confirms, was known not just as the burial monastery but also as the place, where pilgrims leave their wills in custody. In all of them there were willed property to the monastery at a period already before the creation of local tympana after 1132.579

573 Christe 1969, p. 155. 574 Christe 1969, pp. 22 – 23. 575 Histoire Cronologique 1991, pp. 8, 37.; Arnaud 1995, pp. 313 – 315.; Dumont, Henrion 2015, unpa.; Barthelet 2016, pp. 61 – 65., Inrap 2011.; Journal du Centre 2014. 576 Beaud 2013, pp. 21 – 22. 577 Webb 1999, p. 84.; Trexler 1997, p. 24. 578 Le Goff 1991, p. 193. 579 The “Ladder to the Heaven” as “L’Échelle du Ciel” this name noted in his text: Leboeuf 1897, p. 5.; Grasset 1835, p7.; About La Charité-sur-Loire, the wills and donations: Histoire Chronologique 1991, pp. 13 – 28.; Gaude 1992, pp. 51 – 92, 126 – 150.; Barthelet 2016, p. 62. 100

This testamental charity according to Trexler had a connection with another specific moment of the Adoration iconography, which is possible to see also at the bas-relief from La Charité-sur-Loire. In spite of the defaced scene with the young Jesus Christ, sitting at the knees of The Virgin complicates the reading of this scene, from the indicated gestures by the debris of the hand of Jesus and the first King is obvious, that Jesus is reaching out and maybe even grasping the gift of the first King. If that gift would be comprehended as the testamental one, it would mean, according to Trexler, who demonstrated that in the example from Late Antiquity that The Christ Child, conceived as a poor person as well as the supreme Vicar of the Ecclesia is making an accepting gesture of the offer. It would mean that the testator, as the example of the first King, will be rewarded by the salvation of his charitable offerings through the mediation of The Christ Child. As Trexler stated: “By showing their charity to God, the testators might win his grace; by showing it to humans, they moved viewers to pray for their salvation.”580

Last but not least, among the most important meanings of this iconography for spectators of the twelfth century would be its feudal meaning. Then the Magi became ordinary depicted as the kings in all scenes illustrating their story. As Beaud stated, at that time when their crown was not just the relict of the Ottonian “propaganda”, the crown got the emblematic function and the royalty became the dogmatic argument. In the period developing “feudal civilization” this theme used to be exceptionally rich and dense, proceeding from socio-political, economic, religious and dogmatic structure of the social system at the time. The royal status of the Magi permits us to see in this iconography several dimensions of the theophany: the historic (evangelic) one, the perpetual (sacramental) and the eschatological (future) one, united by the act of the offering. That may break the borders between them and also between the terrestrial and heavenly Church and directly intercede with the divinity, creating also the solidarity between the dead and living people.581 Beaud pointed out the duality of characters in this iconography serving as the tool for the spectators to identify themselves with these pagan travellers and comprehend the adventure of the Magi, purifying the soul of the each Christian and each believer.582 But to correct function of this projection it is necessary to emphasize that in regards to the ecclesiastical vision, the interpretation of this image rests theoretically at its patristic bases, but for the society was radically different, recentered around the institutional church granting more and more the cohesion of social liens. So, the Epiphany provided different observations of the fundamental Church dogma, the Incarnation and the body of Christ, leading to a sacramental reform of the Eucharistic sacrifice, now solidifying Corpus Christi. So the adoration of the incarnate body became the adoration of the Corpus verum (the corpse body), and of the Corpus mysticum, the body of believers in communion. And these three became united by the Epiphany.583 In this light it is possible to see the Magi as the mediators between two polarized spaces between the Ecclesia and secular society as well as between God and the people. By that this image of the Epiphany, according to Beaud, represents a model of the ideal feudal society which was theoretical adequate to the society of the time. This iconography should make a fictional space in the image by using the Magi in their Royal status in order to create a mental dimension that had a contemporary

580 Trexler 1997, p. 24. 581 Trexler 1997, p. 57.; Beaud 2013, p. 22.; Trexler 1997, p. 57. 582 Beaud 2013, p. 22. 583 Beaud 2013, pp. 22 – 23. 101 social significance for spectators. It may illustrate the integrity of the ideal ecclesiastical body and make contemporary society, primarily its powerful representatives, to identify with this ideal feudal hierarchy, depicted in almost all sacral monuments of this time which demonstrated the royal obedience of France to the ecclesiastical authority.584 Thus this iconography could exemplify in La Charité-sur-Loire a certain expression of its monastic independence and supremacy to feudal lords with whom the monastery had been in dispute.585 Moreover, in this light the Marian figure from the scene of the Adoration of the Magi could be comprehended as the Ecclesia itself, the Imperator of the World and the supreme mediator between God and people. It could also be possibly supported by the lack of the depicted star in its local composition, a significant symbol of the liturgical drama Officium Stellae. So there could be given the greater accent of the sociological-politic meaning of this scene, primarily focused on the essential act of the rapprochement of the terrestrial and secular with the heavenly and sacral and at the donation to the Church, to the monastic authority of La Charité-sur-Loire. With that the local iconography could discreetly appeal for donations to arouse the “freewill giving spirit” of pilgrims and other visitors of this monastery which could be emphasized by the liturgical drama of the Epiphany, used, according to preserved examples and also attracted offerings from the audience even during the performance.586 Furthermore during the liturgical play, when the whole society saw how the Magi, representatives of the lay people humble themselves in front of a wooden statue impersonating the most supreme queen of the Earth and Heaven and all spectators could become a part of this transcendental vision of the real presence of the incarnated Word of God, it is also very important to point out the local context. It is known from rubrics that the roles of the Magi were played by clerics. In the case of La Charité-sur-Loire it would mean that during the play the spectators saw the representatives of the local monastery in role of feudal kings which also emphasized their own high feudal status. This premise was also supported by the fact that La Charité-sur-Loire became an independent town under the administration of the local monastery in this period.587 Thus they represented themselves in the role of the successors of the Magi, demonstrating in this way the ideal hierarchic order of the terrestrial society, headed by Christ and led by the Ecclesia who had a privileged position, as the mediators between lay people and the Divinity, represented in La Charité-sur-Loire by the “living” statue of Sedes Sapientiae.

The speaking details

Considering the complex theological, political and even theophanic overlap of the Adoration of the Magi scene, there is raising a question: what else could say the peculiarities hidden or exposed by the iconography of other scenes at these tympana? And what could be their subliminal message for their spectators?

Unfortunately, due to the limited volume of this thesis, it is not possible to painstakingly examine each scene on its own, despite the fact, they would really deserve that. On the other hand, there could be a possibility to provide quite complex explanation. Continuing with a look at the bas-relief portal of the

584 Trexler 1997, pp. 36, 56, 57.; Beaud 2013, p. 23. 585 Histoire Cronologique 1991, pp. 12, 48 – 49.; Gaude 1992, pp. 75 – 79, 93 – 109. 586 Trexler 1997, p. 21, 64. 587 Histoire Cronologique 1991, pp. 12, 48 – 49., Gaude 1992, pp. 75 – 79, 93 – 109, 102

Transfiguration, more precisely at the breath-taking theophany vision at its tympanum, there may be no wonder if the period spectators could see there something more, considering the realities of Cluniac order in the period of the first half of the twelfth century. The whole scene of the Transfiguration, how it was already noted by almost each researcher, represent one really striking moment.588 All figures are standing almost at the same level, except of Christ, who is depicted in the mandorla, standing at the dais. [Fig. 4.1d] It has been explained by various conclusions, already. For example that the composition is subordinated to the volume limits of the tympanum, or that this composition is a product of using an old and known formula for the unknown, innovative iconography.589 These interpretations could be truth, as well as it could be said, that this exceptional juxtaposition between the apostles and the prophets is not a complete coincidence. Considering the whole scene of the Transfiguration showing Christ among the prophets; what could be in fact seen there? Christ, blessing by the right hand and holding the Gospel-book, could be also perceived as the embodiment of the New Testament, whereas prophets Elijah and Moses holding the antic scrolls could make direct references at the Old Testament, in a conversation with the New one. But, could this composition simultaneously demonstrate even anything else? Due to the way of this depiction it could almost look like a demonstration of the indisputable dominance of the New Testament over the Old one, which by its prophecies announced the coming of the Messiah. Considering the reality, that the identity of this Messiah could be in this scene even emphasized by the gesture of a pointing hand of (very probably) Moses, the prophet and equally the messiah of the Old Testament, as well as by the presence of the Sedes Sapientiae directly under Christ at the lintel scene, there is rising a question for what purpose this bas-relief portal was created in this way? And why should this scene may have this possible meaning? Considering one more Thérel’s examination of the iconology of this tympanum, about which she stated that it is in the semantic interconnections with the sermons from Peter the Venerable (1092/1094 – 1156), introducing into the Cluniac statutes the new feast of the Transfiguration,590 as if there would be resonate something another.591 His anti-heretic polemic tractate Aduersus Iudeos was vigorously reasoned that Messiah has already came to save the world.592 Using the quotations from the Old Testament, Peter the Venerable in this text hold the defensive argumentation to prove the truths of the Christian universalism based on old-testamental prophecies and supported by the irrefutable miracles.593 Moreover, he was not just defending the Christian truths in a tight doctrinal statement, but also he was directly and openly attacking the Judaism and the "inveterate hardness" of Jews, who are rejecting to see Christ as the son of God, Saviour and the Messiah, on who they are still waiting.594 Nevertheless, if there are considered the most important ideas of this tractate and Peter’s reasoning of them, it could be possible to think that they could be pictorially reflected also by two tympana from La Charité-sur-Loire. For example, the first part of Peter the Venerable’s tractate, dealing with the Christological consideration, is opened by the argumentations speaking about Christ as the son

588 See the Status questionis 589 Mâle 1922, pp. 96 – 97.; Thérel 1967, pp. 91 – 96.; Heimann 1979, pp. 62 – 63. 590 Thérel 1967, pp. 91 – 96. 591 Pierre le Vénérable 1140, In: Friedman 1985. 592 Iogna-Prat 2003, pp. 291 – 293. 593 Iogna-Prat 2003, p. 282 – 283. 594 Iogna-Prat 2003, pp. 281, 282. 103 of the God. In examples of quotations from the Old Testament (among others Isaiah 66:9, Psalm 2:7-8; 109:1-3, Job 38:28-29, Phil. 2:10), pronouncing the divine son and speaking about the divine light shining as the sun from the Father as from the Son (as is possible also see illustratively captured at the tympanum scene of the Transfiguration), Peter the Venerable also emphasized that Christ is the descendant of the old-testamental kings, whose heritage is the Earth.595 That is depicted, how it was already examined, in the scene of the Adoration of the Magi. [Fig. 4.1d] Nevertheless, in this light there are not depicted just the feudal kings, making adoration to Christ as to their new ruler, which is generally considered as the iconography demonstrating the connection between the Old and the New Testament as well as the old anti-heretical rhetoric against pagans and Jews, itself.596 Moreover, there is the strange reality that just the one king in the middle has a different crown and covered hands by the coat following the Byzantine rite.597 Would it be possible to consider this moment like an association at the Eastern Greek Church and two other kings as a reference to pagans and Saracens? Due to the fact that Peter the Venerable wrote another anti-heretic tractate against Saracens, and assumed a definite attitude to Eastern Greek Church, it would be possible to consider that, yes.598 On top of that, in this scene is also present Joseph and Virgin (depicted as the enthroned queen, Sedes Sapientiae), via who is this iconography connected not just with Christ’s Old Testamental hereditary and David’s genealogy.599 Their presence is equally an allusion to Christ as the true Logos Incarnate, the divine Wisdom sitting on Salomon’s throne or new Adam,600 to whom the powerful kings from Orient are expressing their humbleness by their indicated genuflection. The text from Peter the Venerable nevertheless went further and proved, still making exegesis proceeding from the Old Testament (Gen. 19:24, Exodus 3:2,4, 33:20, Psalm 44:7-8; 71, Baruch 3:36- 38, Habakkuk 3:2 Isaiah 9:6-7, etc.), that Christ is the true God, reasoning by the miracle of the Incarnation predicted by the prophecies (what is depicted at lintel scenes under the tympanum of Virgin in La Charité).601 Peter the Venerable characterized Christ as the God as the light, incarnated to the flesh through Virgin. And he especially emphasized that by the incarnation Christ purified the flesh and glorified and exalted humankind by presenting his human and divine substance, by which Peter made another reference at King David.602 This part could explain another rare moment depicted at the tympanum of Virgin, where is still possible to see Christ, in a brightly shining mandorla (which is indicated by ornament around his glory) depicted as the God, in the Heaven but acting as a human and a real son. He is not hieratically dominating the whole scene, but very humanly welcoming his human mother, turned to her and making vivid and intimate gestures to fully corporally Assumpted Virgin Mary, welcomed by him to his Heavenly Kingdom. [Fig. 4.2d] Virgin’s pureness could be even underlined by the present leaves under her, which could refer through the visual association at the Tree of Jesse (equally the reference at noted King David and the royal old-testamental genealogy of Christ), at

595 Iogna-Prat 2003, pp. 283 – 285. 596 Élissagaray 1965, pp. 11 – 12.; Trexler 1997, pp. 9 – 10. ;Beaud p. 6. 597 It is possible to find this determination for this attitude of Mag in the older bibliography, which was searching iconographic models in Oriental manuscripts, for the case of La Charité: Vezin 1950, pp. 20, 65, 69, 70, 71, 79, 81, 85. 598 Peter the Venerable 1155/1156. See Iogna-Prat 2003, p. 12. 599 Beaud p. 11. Forsyth 1972, pp. 23 – 27. 600 Forsyth 1972, pp. 23 – 27. 601 Iogna-Prat 2003, pp. 285 – 288. 602 Iogna-Prat 2003, p. 285 – 287. 104 the Immaculate Conception.603 With that could be related also further significant chapter of this anti- heretical tractate, speaking about the eternal and heavenly kingdom of Christ. He described him, based on old-testamental quotations604 as the King of the “new Heaven” and the “new Earth” (Isaiah 66:22).605 This apocalyptic and eschatology meaning of this part could be illustrated at the Marian tympanum by the indicated sphere of the heaven. Beyond the present archangels holding the cross of the Redemption there is chiefly marked the “river springing under the throne of Christ”,606 indicated by the peculiar decoratively executed waves under the mandorla of Christ. Furthermore, Peter the Venerable in this third chapter of his tractate specified that the prophecies of the Old Testament are not destined just for Jews, but that they speak about “all the people”. Based on that, Peter the Venerable proved that it is appropriate to the One who created the mortal humankind, to totally assume everybody in his sacrifice.607 It could by illustrated by the kneeling monks on the bottom of the Marian tympanum, praying and waiting for their redemption, whereas one of them is already redeemed and flying with The Virgin Mary to Heaven. [Fig. 4.2d] To come back to the Transfiguration scene and its strange juxtaposition of figures, in the four chapter of this anti-heretical tractate, dealing with the proofs for the fundamental statements about the nature of Christ via the miracles and their rational evidences, Peter the Venerable, in order to definitely convict Jews stated the proof of the irrefutable verity of the education of Christ.608 He precisely claimed that whereas Jews did not see the miracles of Moses and Joshua, they do not consider them as fictional and that should be valid also for Christians’ ones. Thus, he said that: “We trust yours prophets; so you have to trust to our apostles.”609 If there is considered the way, in which the apostles are depicted at the tympanum, as the real witnesses of the Christ’s miraculous transfiguration, side by side, on the same level as the old-testamental authorities and annunciators of the Messiah’s coming, the spectators of this scene were confronted with one of the most crucial Peters’s argument of his doctrines, manifesting the right faith, the “divine verity of the Ecclesia” – that the true Messiah had already come and that he was Christ.610 Ergo, the whole portal could be in one time the manifestation of the recognition Jesus by pagans (the Magi) and by Jews (the Presentation in the temple scene) as their sovereign authority, and the absolute demonstration of the divinity of Christ and his legitimate dominate over the whole world. In this light the scene of the Transfiguration, with Christ majestically standing at the dais with the New Testament in his hand and the gesture of the blessing, could directly evocate to its spectators the citation from the Old Testament: “Thus saith the Lord, The Heaven is my throne, and the earth is my footstool…” (Isaiah 66:1).

Thanks to this tractate from Peter the Venerable, it is possible to see both tympana from La Charité as the pictorial tools serving for the visual manifestation of Peter’s ferocious argumentation, forming the

603 Hisquin 2004, pp. 88 -89, 92 – 93, 102 – 103; Lepape 2009. 604 In this chapter he also cited and exegeted: Deut. 33:15, Jeremiah 23:5s., Ezekiel 37:21s., Zachariah 9:9; 14:5-7, Isaiah 52-53; 60:19-20, 66:22, Daniel 7:9s. 605 Iogna-Prat 2003, p. 291 – 293. 606 Iogna-Prat 2003, p. 269 – 270. 607 Peter the Venerable 1140, III, 835 s. (Ps. 85:9, Ps. 21:28, Is. 65:1, Mal. 1:10 – 11).; Iogna-Prat 2003, p. 291. 608 Peter the Venerable 1140, IV, 1360 – 2001.; Iogna-Prat 2003, p. 296. 609 „Nous croyons à tes prophètes; tu dois donc croire à nos apôtres.“ –Vénérable 1140, IV, 1392.; Iogna-Prat 2003, p. 296. 610 Iogna-Prat 2003, p. 297. 105

Cluniac liturgy and doctrine in the first half of the twelfth century. On the question, why should be these tympana reflecting the anti-Judaic rhetoric, it is necessary to emphasize that these rhetoric could be applicable to each person who would heretically doubt the Ecclesiastical dogmas. Moreover, around the hypothetical year of their creation, after 1132,611 the whole Cluniac sphere was in the situation of a troubled period. There was not only the calling the Cluniac monastic model into question by the new religion movements (eremites, Cistercians, or Chartreux) or the mistrust in the Latin Church progressively rising from the contemporary papal schism (Innocents II (died 1143) contra Anaclet II (died 1138)).612 This period was very characteristic for its expansion of the Latin West to the East embodied by first two Crusades and the fight against the pagans and infidels (orthodox, Judaism, Islam), which were considered as the enemies endangering the borders of the institutional christianitas.613 That led, according to Iogna-Prat to Cluniac confusion between the Church with the Universal Ecclesia and gave them the persuasion that they are “The monks and the Order of the world”, the monastic Ecclesia.614 That would clarify, why the general fight against the “heretics” escalated in the Cluniac sphere with the election of the Peter the Venerable as the ninth Cluniac abbot (1122 – 1156).615 On contrary to his predecessors Peter the Venerable felt as the charged to defend by words and texts, the Church against all its enemies.616 In fact, he was dealing with the common Judaic and Christian roots in order to try to identify the Church itself and to eliminate its dissidents, which expanded into the confrontation with two other religious, the Judaism and Islam.617 In fact, he was the only Cluniac abbot so far, who was involved on the doctrinal level against heretics. His three treatise Contra Petrobrusianos, Aduersus Iudeos and Contra sectam Sarracenorum reacted not just at the contemporary heretic teaching of Pierre le Bruis, but they are also focused at the enemies of the “universal Ecclesiae”, how the Cluniac monasticism was considered by him.618 During his government the Cluniac sphere went through several significant changes, directing the Order to the considerable strictness and reforms of old conventions.619 Nevertheless, Peter’s innovations and progressive approach was not including only the reorientation of the monastic economy and the emphasizing the charity and distribution of alms (so characteristic for La Charité-sur-Loire), but Peter the Venerable was very active also in the political and in the affairs of his time.

Moreover, during the first half of the twelfth century, the “inner” enemies, the Jews and the “exterior” the Saracens, were not just the theological abstraction. They were actors of quotidian period life and not just because of the pilgrimage, crusades and foundations of Cluniac monasteries in the Holy Land620. There were also Muslims dominating the part of the Iberian Peninsula. On top of that, since the second quart of the twelfth century there were communities of Jews in several French regions under the

611 Thérel 1967, p. 95. 612 Iogna-Prat 2003, pp. 34, 39. 613 Iogna-Prat 2003, pp. 12, 39, 43.; Le Goff 1991, pp. 82 – 88. 614 Iogna-Prat 2003, p. 12. 615 Torrell, Bouthillier 1986. 616 Iogna-Prat 2003, pp. 12, 39. 617 Iogna-Prat 2003, pp. 265, 317. 618 Iogna-Prat 2003, pp. 39, 106. 619 Iogna-Prat 2003, p. 39. 620 Histoire Cronologique 1991, pp. 27 – 28.; Baud 2003.; Voros 2004.; Stratford 2010. 106 protection of the King Louis VII and had in several regions even a quite powerful status.621 The main aim of Peter the Venerable’s tractates was so, to reasoned and convicted his opponents that the resistance to the Christianity, which is still triumphing so far (as it could be demonstrated also via the figure of Virgin-Ecclesia, depicted at the tympanum of Virgin), is vain and made them so converse. Nevertheless, his criticism of Jews, who according to him, just believed in their writings and prophecies, despite the fact that, the same writings and words of their prophets, were supporting the Christian faith (manifested also by the scene of the Presentation in the Temple, where aged Simeon, all life waiting at the Messiah, inducting Jesus to Judaism, Luc 2:25-35),622 he in fact defined the sociology and anthropology of Christianity. In the perspective of the coming end of times (anamnesis still persisting after the year 1000), for Peter the Venerable the fight by words and tractates with Antichrist (the heretics, Judaism, Islam) represented the quest of the saving of humanity, which will be Christian or will not be.623 In these terms, both tympana from La Charité could also be perceived as a visual echo of the most important anti-heretical arguments of Peter the Venerable, what he formulated in his tractate Aduersus Iudeos, revised in 1140. Due to the fact, that we do not know the precise date of the tympana, where only the terminus ante quem seem to be determined around 1135 by Marie-Louise Thérel.624 If we would read the tympana as a direct reception of Peter’s writings, the execution may have happened after 1140. On the other hand, there would be no need to re-date these tympana at the first place. Thérel is right in the point that local bas-relief tympana could really make references at the inauguration of the new feasts and concepts promoted and established in Cluniac statutes by Peter the Venerable in 1132.625 Moreover, bearing in mind the words of Yves Christe, that “Romanesque” portals reflected the local liturgy and doctrine and that their compositions illustrated contemporary theological concerns, not directly mentioned by precise texts.626 It would be therefore highly probable, that tympana of La Charité were composed also to illustrate the main contemporary theological and Cluniac order’s ideas and targets. Moreover, it is not excluded, that in the time around 1135, when these tympana could be made were already doctrines of Peter the Venerable diffusing and resonating through the whole monastic empire of Cluny. So, they were acquiring the validity, to what could very efficiently helped also their visualisation at the tympana, placed in the liminal zone of the famous monastic church situated at the highly frequented crossroad of the main roads, how La Charité-sur-Loire in the twelfth century used to be for sure. How Herbert Leon Kessler stated: “Art is, itself, argument.”627

Speaking about the roads, these multivocal bas-relief compositions very probably contained the visual references chiefly targeted at people undergoing the pilgrimage. How it has been already noted, in the twelfth century the main motivation for pilgrimage had become the official or self-penance.628 Considering the possible anti-heretical meanings of these tympana, this could be very efficiently directed also at the people on the penitential pilgrimage. That could lead to the one more and very

621 Iogna-Prat 2003, pp. 279 – 281. 622 Iogna-Prat 2003, p. 282. 623 Iogna-Prat 2003, p. 14. 624 Thérel 1967, p. 95. 625 Thérel 1967, pp. 90 – 96. 626 Christe 1969, p. 16. 627 Kessler 2000, p. 63. 628 Webb 1990, p. 28.; Honorius Augustodunensis., In: Lefèvre 1954, pp. 172 – 173.; Le Goff 1991, p. 146. 107 important connection. All scenes at the tympana could make references at the holy places, which are visited by pilgrims, crossing through La Charité-sur-Loire, up to nowadays. They could be hidden for example in figures of the witnesses, confirming by their presence the verity of the Transfiguration scene of The apostles Peter, Jacob and John. Especially the figure of Peter and Jacob could make an echo at their real bodies preserved in their tombs in Rome and Santiago de Compostela, and the apostle John was known from the Holy Scripture also as the witness of the Crucifixion of Christ and his Resurrection, episodes from the Holy Land, another destination for the pilgrims, resting in La Charité. Moreover, there are references via the “historic” locations of Biblical narrations at the depicted scenes itself. For example, the lintels scenes are reminding another destinations in the Holy Land, like Nazareth (the life of Virgin), Bethlehem (the childhood of Christ) and Jerusalem (the presentation of Jesus in the Temple), or chiefly the Mont Thabor (the Transfiguration of Christ) and Gethsemane or the Valley of Josaphat (known as Kidron Valley) under the Mount Olivet near to Jerusalem (the tympanum of Virgin Mary). [Fig. 4.1, 4.1d, 4.2, 4.29] Especially the tympanum of The Virgin Mary could provide more clarifications about these possible connections. Because how it seems, there could be the straight semantic reference on this holy place. How Aryeh Graboïs stated, the monastery in the Valley of Josaphat played an important role after the year 1000, when aroused the fear from the Apocalypse and the Last Judgement, what lead many persons to undergo the penitent pilgrimage to escape against the purgatory.629 Pilgrims were going there to obtain the mercy from the Virgin Mary via her intercession, what is also documented by the local chronicles, speaking about their laments and prayers to Virgin. Graboïs also added that such gestures of laments had to naturally reach also the conversion of these penitents.630 Based on the reality, that the monastery Notre-Dame in the Valley of Josaphat used to be the Cluniac dependence631 and equally that this Valley was known as the place of the tomb of Virgin Mary,632 where pilgrims came for redemption, especially for the penitent ones, it would not to be too audacious to claim that the tympanum of Virgin could illustrate for pilgrims not just the place, where they were going but also the desired goal of their pilgrimage, to obtain the salvation through the intercession of the Virgin Mary after penitent pilgrimage and praying near to her tomb.

629 Graboïs 1998, pp. 67 – 68. 630 Graboïs 1998, pp. 67 – 68. 631 Iogna-Prat 2003, p. 331. 632 Shoemaker 2002, pp. 98 – 107. 108

Conclusion

The bas-relief tympana from La Charité-sur-Loire represent even after nine hundred years a complex object reflecting and still narrating about the life and liturgy of the local monastery, in spite of the fact, that there are not preserved any writings and documents directly interconnected with them. Their narration, if we let them speak to us, is an unbelievable story of the greatest mystery, at least in the culture and the religion of the Medieval Latin West. It has been already demonstrated, that these tympana could be seen as a meditation about God, incarnated to the human body and recognized by pagans, Jews and his own disciples at several semantic levels as well as about heavenly triumphs of Christ and Virgin. How much they could cross over the frame of their real depiction and become a vivid inner picture in spectators’ imagination will always be a question, dealing with the individual perception of each person. It is not possible today to indicate, how much pilgrims were really able to see by “spiritual eyes” and how much their inner sight was formed by the “period eyes”. Proceeding from the knowledge, experienced liturgy and sermons or from the explanations of the scenes by local monks, it is however possible to formulate a plausible net of their interpretative capacity. We can therefore to propose that all visual, sensual and physical incentives could mediate to the pilgrims a meeting with the sacred closed to a theophanic vision, preparing the visitor, desiring to enter into the monastic church in an appropriate way for the seeing and feeling the present and invisible divinity through the material and visible objects. The bas-relief portals could so represent a gate to the new dimension, prefiguring everything what is waiting for the believers behind these bas-relief portals in the church and even more. They are showing the vision of God from the end of time, who is waiting for his faithful believers and judging the unfaithful sinners.

It has been already said that, due to the complex iconography, the bas-reliefs scenes at the tympana from La Charité-sur-Loire was not fully comprehensible to everybody. It has been demonstrated, that the iconography of bas-relief portals could generally deal with that through their different multi- meaning levels based on significant references hidden in links working with the visual similarities, activating by their long-lasting reading. By this “symbolic minimalism” the iconography could reference at further interpretations or completed the scenes by links, which were illustrated and animated by the spectators’ imagination according the limits of their own knowledge. Nevertheless, for the individuals on pilgrimage, everything what is seen and felt creates a new way of the perception. Thanks to that, pilgrims had started to feel and understand the incentives from the material world or the rhetoric nuances of the visual narrations around them, which are ignored in normal secular life, in a completely new and more sensitive way. That could be also considered in the compositional creation of these tympana. Many pilgrims probably did not know how or why, but they understood or felt the most important matter of the each information, they had met with. Probably not fully, probably nearly at all, but the main message had not practically changed, because the matter of everything important in those times was the divine presence in the material world leading the believers at the path of the right faith to the redemption of souls, the desired finish of their pilgrimage as well as of their lives. Nevertheless, experienced pilgrimage as the way to redemption, heavenly kingdom or just the possibility to go back to

109 home without sins, back to life with a better idea and chiefly with the assurance of the hopeful afterlife, could be, in the times of doubts and incertitude, a very reassuring knowledge.

When the tympana from La Charité-sur-Loire are perceived in this way, by the eyes searching for the assurance of the right path, terrestrial or spiritual, leading to the salvation of the soul, there is possible to see in these bas-relief scenes certain intended rhetoric. They were forming not just the visual perception and inner imagination, but also the personal spirituality. Therefore, the hypothesis that the tympana in La Charité could be probably placed above the lateral portals of the church in the liminal zone of its west façade seems very probable. There were probably crossing crowds of people around the church by day and dozens of pilgrims, whose tympana may have attracted and mediated them the actual Cluniac doctrines or educate them during the waiting in front of the closed church doors. Considering the anti-heretical rhetoric of Peter the Venerable and the fact that in the twelfth century pilgrims were largely the penitents or penalized heretics,633 who could have also a limited access to the monastic church, the iconography of the both tympana became clearer in this light. The majestic and miraculous scenes of theophany, heavenly and eschatological visions, illustrating the most important Christian dogmas and reflecting probably the main doctrines of Peter the Venerable, looks like intended to make everybody who saw them to converse. All their beautiful smiling faces, full of humanity and divine wisdom in one time, welcoming gestures, open arms of Christ and the heavenly eschatological scene showing the intercession of Virgin are just inviting the spectators to the embrace of the Ecclesia, under its supreme protection headed by the Mother of God and Christ. Therefore bas-relief scenes could serve as arguments and the pictorial instructions in one time.

The tympana above the threshold of the shrine dedicated to the Virgin Mary, probably known also as the place where is the The Virgin Mary and her Son real present via their “living” statue and contact relics, could in fact be saying that the gate is open just for these one who truly came to believe and see. In other words they are also pointing out that, who do not believe or is doubting, cannot enter inside and the all mysteries and the redemption, propagated by these tympana will be deny to him. The both bas-relief portals in La Charité so showing the way to the true God, to the true faith and the way of the true salvation through the Intercession of The Virgin Mary, but all mediated by local monks. Thus, in one moment there is equally the contemporary political rhetoric, showing the Cluniac order as the true followers of the apostles, chiefly Peter (the Transfiguration scene), and its monks as the human beings so bright and pure, that they are living on the edge between the Earth and Heaven, which enabled them to be the supreme mediators between the Man and God (the tympanum of Virgin). That could be also supported by the possible interpretations of meanings at the lintel scene of the second tympanum with the Adoration of Magi scene. Moreover, at the tympanum of the Virgin Mary is possible to see that monks are not just nearly present in heaven, but also that they are in the direct contact with the Virgin Mary, permitting them to be elevated up to Heaven. It is interesting how this scene resonates with old said nickname for this monastery, “the Ladder to the Heaven” noted by the nineteenth century texts.634 In fact, Marian tympanum identically promising, as well as this nickname, that each who will piously following the right path and donate votes in this monastic church will be redeemed and welcomed to

633 Webb 1990, pp. 28.; Honorius Augustodunensis., In: Lefèvre 1954, pp. 172 – 173.; Le Goff 1991, p. 146. 634 About the „Ladder to the Heaven“, „L’Échelle du Ciel“ – Leboeuf 1897, p. 5.; Grasset 1835, p. 7. 110 the Heaven through the direct Intercession of The Virgin Mary. Ergo, the bas-relief scenes from La Charité manifested that the people could reach the heavenly grades just via monks, still praying for the welfare and the salvation for all the people over the world in front of The Virgin Mary and Christ. That could be very efficient visual rhetoric, promising to believers and especially to pilgrims the straight way to the heaven leads through the door under these tympana to the church, where they could find their salvation in the exchange for their absolute spiritual following. But who would refused to such a monastery, distributing rich alms, to give it the rich salvational donations, or venerated there the most holy relics and probably also the miraculous Marian statue. Moreover, who at that time on the way of the redemption, scared of purgatory and eternal damnation would resist and not follow Christ, depicted at the tympana as the Saviour and God, himself. About the success of this rhetoric could today speak also the numerous graves around the church choir and in the monastic area, containing bodies of all sorts of people, waiting for the resurrection at the end of times in the presence of The Virgin Mary, nowadays unfortunately present just invisibly.

Finally it is possible to claim that the monastic church in La Charité-sur-Loire could support its comprehension like a very important member of the great monastic institution also visually. It was manifesting its importance not just by the great architectonic project. But, also the rich sculptural decorations spoke about its wealth, richness and seriousness. The local use of an archaic style and elements of ancient decorative repertory could be perceived as intentionally demonstrating the antiquity of this place and visually emphasizing its nickname the “Oldest daughter of Cluny”. In as much as this nickname originated more from the huge power and splendid wealth than the real age of this priory, archaic undertone of decorations could be used on purpose. As a potential visual proof and a promotion, it would publicly legitimize the major, prominent and leading position of this priory among other daughterly abbeys of Cluny. However, for pilgrims, this place by its name indicated chiefly the divine virtues, the charitas, which could with its second probable nickname as the “Ladder to the Heaven” promising everybody who came here, to stand up face to face to the supreme holiness, to pass the time in a heavenly sphere on the Earth, to obtain the blessing from Christ and The Virgin Mary and so become a part of the eternal kingdom. In the same way, how it was proclaimed and emphasized by the local bas-relief program exemplifies the most important spiritual and even political rhetoric of this period spread, by the Cluniac Order all around the then known world.

111

Bibliography

112

Abbreviations:

ADN: Archives départementales de la Nièvre

AM: Archives Municipales

GIRERD: First manuscript Girerd, Histoire chronologique du prieuré de La Charité sur Loyre, Ordre de Cluny

Sources

Adam of Saint Victor, Migne, PL, CXCVI, 1503.

ADN: Archives départementales de la Nièvre, H-27. – BATAILLE, A., Inventaire des Titre du prieuré, 1793.

AM: Archives Municipales, 3M1, 21 juin 1830.

Bernard of Angers, Liber miraculorum sancte Fidis, In: ROBERTINI, Luca; RICCI, Luigi G.G.,eds., 2010, Bernardo d'Angers, Liber miraculorum sancte Fidis: il racconto dei prodigy di una santa bambina, Firenze.

Bernard of Clairvaux, De conversione, sermon 11, sec. 23, 4:96, In: LECLERCQ, Jean; TALBOT, C. H., ROCHAIS; Henri, eds., 1957, Sancti Bernardi Opera, 8 vols., Rome.; Cited quotation from Sermons on Conversion, translated by SAÏD, Marie-Bernard, 1981, Cistercian Fathers Series No. 25, Kalamazoo, p. 58.

Bernard of Clairvaux, Epistola 174, In: LECLERCQ, Jean; TALBOT, C. H., ROCHAIS; Henri, eds., Sancti Bernardi Opera Omnia, tome 7, Rome 1974, pp. 388 – 392.

Codex Etschmiadzin: BUSCHHAUSEN, Heide, Codex Etschmiadzin: vollständige Faksimile- Ausgabe von Codex 2374 des Matenadaran Mesrop Maštoc` in Erevan, Graz 2001.

Clermont-Ferrand, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 145, fols. 130V-134V.

Gallia Christiana, Instrumenta Ecclesiae Antissiodorensis, tome 12, Paris 1770, col. 102, 404, 625 – 661.

GIRERD: First manuscript Girerd, Histoire chronologique du prieuré de La Charité sur Loyre, Ordre de Cluny, Bibliothèque municipal de Nevers, BN 1243 E2 (published by Les Amis de La Charité- sur-Loire in 1991).

Guibert of Nogent’s, De laude Sanctae Mariae, Migne, PL, CLVI, 541 -543.

Hildebert of Lavardin, Sermo 2 in cena domini, Migne, PL 171, 513A.; Quoted In: DALE, Thomas, 2007, “Romanesque Sculpted Portraits: Convention, Vision, and Real Presence, In: Gesta, Vol. 46, No. 2, pp. 101 – 119, (109, 118).

113

Histoire Cronologique du Prieuré de La Charité-sur-Loire, Ordre de Cluny, Association Les Amis de La Charité-sur-Loire ed., La Charité-sur-Loire 1991.

Honorius Augustodunensis, Elucidarium, translated and published by Yves Lefèvre, In: Elucidarium et les Lucidaires. Contribution, par l’histoire d’un text, à l’histoire des croyances religieuses en France au Moyen Age, Paris 1954.

Hugh of St. Victor, De sacramentis Christiane fidei, 1.10.2, "Quid sit fides," Migne, PL 176, 329B- D, translated by R. J. Deferrari, In: Hugh of Saint Victor on the Sacra ments of the Christian Faith (De sacramentis), Cambridge, 1951, pp. 165 – 166.

Irenaeus of Lyon, Contre les Hérésies, tome 2. Livre 3, chaptre 9, translated by ROUSSEAU, Adelin (et all.), Sources Chrétienes 211, Paris, 1974, (reed. Paris 2002).

Leo I., Sermons, tome 1, translated by DOLLE, Dom René, Sources Chrétienes 22bis, Paris 1964 (1ère éd. Paris, 1947): Sermons pour l’Épiphanie I à VIII, pp. 211-291. - IIe sermon pour Noìl, pp. 79-81.

Libri Carolini, In: FREEMAN Ann; MEYVAERT, Paul, eds., 1998, Opus Caroli regis contra synodum (Libri Carolini), Hannover.

Pierre le Vénérable, The Letter to his monk Grégoire, PL. 189, col. 298 D-299 A

Pierre le Vénérable, Aduersus Iudaeorum inueteratam duritiem, 1140., edited by Friedman, In: FRIEDMAN, Yonne, 1985, Petri Venerabilis Adversus Iudeorum inveteratam duritiem, Turnholti.

Pierre le Vénérable, Contra sectam Sarracenorum, 1155/1156.

Peter Damian, In nativitate Beatissimae Virginis Marie, Migne, PL, CXLIV, 736 – 740.

Protoevangelium of James, translated by collective of translators, In: BOVON, François; GEOLTRAIN, Pierre, eds.,1997, Écrits apocryphes chrétiens, tome 1, Paris, pp. 81 – 104.

Pseudo-Matthew, The Gospel of Childhood, translated by collective of translators, In: BOVON, François; GEOLTRAIN, Pierre, eds., 1997, Écrits apocryphes chrétiens, tome 1, Paris, pp. 117 – 140.

Rouen – Montpellier, Bibliothéque de la Faculté de Médecine, MS H 304.

Tertullian, Contre Marcion, Livre 3, chaptre 13, 8, op.cit. n. 24, translated by BRAUN René (et all.), Sources Chrétienes 399, Paris 1994.

Wrangham, Liturgical Poetry, II, lXXIII, pp. 220 – 223.

114

Literature

ANDRÉ, Jean-Claude, 2015, “De la création de notre Association à celle du Musée,” in: Bulletin de liaison de l'Association les Amis de la Charité-sur-Loire, No. 90.

ANFRAY, Marcel, 1951, L’Architecture religieuse du au Moyen Age, Paris.

ANGHEBEN, Marcello, 2014, “La theophany du portail de Moissac: Une vision de l’Église céleste célébrant la liturgie eucharistique”, In: Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, No. 45, pp. 61 – 82.

ARNAUD, Chantal, 1995, “ A Propos des Recherches récentes sur Le Prieuré clunisien de La Charité-sur-Loire (Nièvre): Nouvelles interprétations archéologiques, nouvelles données historiques”, in: Revue Mabillion, Vol. 6, No. 1, pp. 312 – 315.

ARNAUD, Chantal, 2002, “Le monastère de La Charité-sur-Loire”, In: Dossiers d’archéologie, No. 275 (Jull.-Aug.), pp. 42 – 45.

ARNAUD, Chantal; GARNICHE, Marie-José, 1995, “Le prieuré clunisien de La Charité-sur-Loire. État de la question”, In: Bulletin de la Cociété Nivernaise des Lettres, Sciences et Art, Vol. 44, pp. 63 – 94.

AUBERT, Marcel, 1933, “A. Kingsley Porter“, in: Revue archéologique, serie 6., pp. 326 – 328.

AUZAS, Pierre-Marie, 1971, Prosper Mérimée: ”Notes de Voyages”, présentées par Pierre-marie Auzus, Paris.

AVELINE, Claude, 1924, Petite Histoire de la Charité, La Charité-sur-Loire.

BALCON-BERRY, Sylvie; BERRY, Walter, 2011,“ Le tympan du portail septentrional de Saint-Lazare d’Autun dans son contexte monumental”, In: ULLMANN, Cécile, dir., Révélation, le grand portail d’Autun, Lyon, p. 50 – 67.

BARTHELET, Marie ed., 2016, Le Prieuré de La Charité: Histoire et Renouveau (catalogue of exhibition), La Charité-sur-Loire.

BAUD, Anne, 2003, Cluny, un grand chantier medieval au Coeur de l’Europe, Paris.

BAWDEN, Tina, 2014, Die Schwelle im Mittelalter: Bildmotiv und Bildort, Böhlau – Verlag – Köln – Weimar – Wien.

BAXANDALL, Michael, 1988, “The Period Eye”, In: BAXANDALL, Michael, Painting and Experience in Fifteenth Century Italy: A primer in the social history of pictorial style, Second edition, Oxford, pp. 29 – 108.

BEAUD, Mathieu, 2012, Iconographie et art monumental dans l’espace feudal du Xe au Xiie siècle: Le theme des Rois mages et sa diffusion, Disertation, Université de Bourgogne.

115

BEAUD, Mathieu, 2013, “Les Rois mages. Iconographie et art monumental dans l'espace féodal (Xe–XIIe siècle)”, In: Bulletin du centre d'études médiévales d'Auxerre, XVII/1, online: http://cem.revues. org/13079 (last accessed 10.10.2018).

BEAUDEQUIN, Gabriel, 1960, “Les représentations sculptées de l’Adoration des Mages dans l’ancien diocése d’Autun á l’époque romane. Étude descriptive et iconographique”, In: Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, No. 12 (Oct.-Dec.), pp. 479 – 489.

BEAUSSART, Pierre, 1929, L’église bénédictine de La Charité-sur-Loire „fille aînée de Cluny“: étude archéologique, La Charité-sur-Loire.

BEAUSSART, Pierre, 1971, La Charité-sur-Loire, Église et Prieuré, La Charité-sur-Loire.

BEENKEN, Hermann, 1928, “Die Tympana von La Charité-sur-Loire”, in: Art Studies: Medieval, Renaissance and Modern, tome 6, pp. 145 – 159.

BERNOT DE CHARANT, 1709, Louis Joseph, Abrégé historique du prieuré et de la ville de La Charité.

BERTONI CREN, Nadia, 2013, Nadia, La sculpture sur bois polychrome des XIe et XIIe siècles en Bourgogne, Université de Bourgogne.

BERTONI CREN, Nadia, 2014, “La Majesté de Tamnay” In: Bulletin de la Société Nivernaise des Lettres, Sciences et Arts, volume 60, pp. 7 – 20.

BIAY, Sébastien, 2011, Les Chapiteaux du rond-point de la troisième église abbatiale de Cluny: Étude Iconographique, Thèse de doctorat en histoire de l’art médiéval, Université de Poitiers.

BOISVILLE, Jules; BRUN, Charles; RENAULT, P. Renault, 1910, Guide des Touristes, Voyageurs, Excursionnistes á la Charité, Petit Charitois, La Charité.

BONNE, Jean-Claude, 1985, L’art roman de face et de profil: Le tympan de Conques, Paris.

BONNET, Alain, 2009, “Vitet, Ludovic”, In: INHA: Dictionnaire critique des historians de l’art,https://www.inha.fr/fr/ressources/publications/publications-numeriques/dictionnaire- critique-des-historiens-de-l-art/vitet-ludovic.html , Published: September 11, 2009, (last accessed January 25, 2018).

BOSSUET, Gilles; RENIMEL, Serge, 1980, “Aperçus de l’histoire d’un site et de la vie quotidienne en marge d’un monastère urbain au moyen-âge: La Charité-sur-Loire”, In: Les Annales des Pays Nivernais-Camosine, No. 27 – 28, pp. 50 – 60.

BOURASSÉ, Jean Jacques, 1844, Esquisse archéologique des principales églises du diocèse de Nevers, Nevers – Paris.

BOVON, François; GEOLTRAIN, Pierre, 1997, eds., Écrits apocryphes chrétiens, tome 1, Paris.

116

BRAUN, René, (et all.),trans., 1994, Tertullian, Contre Marcion, Livre 3, Sources Chrétienes 399, Paris 1994.

BRÉHIER, Louis, 1924, “A. Kingsley Porter. Romanesque Sculpture of the pilgrimage roads. Volume I. Text, Volumes II-X. Illustrations”, In: Journal des savants, (Mai.-Jun.), pp. 132 – 135.

BROWN, Elizabeth A. R.; CABO, Divina; SAUVAGEOT, Claude, 2001, Saint-Denis: la basilique, Saint-Léger-Vauban.

BUSCHHAUSEN, Heide, 2001, Codex Etschmiadzin: vollständige Faksimile-Ausgabe von Codex 2374 des Matenadaran Mesrop Maštoc` in Erevan, Graz.

BÜTTNER, Stéphane, 2014, “La mise en oeuvre de la façade et du grand portail de la nef de Vézelay: nouvelles données archéologiques, In: Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, No. 45, pp. 145 – 156.

BYVANCK, Alexander Willem, 1955, “Un Relief roman”, in: Actes du XVIIme congrés international d’histoire de l’art, Amsterdam 23-31 Juillet 1952, La Haye, s. 144 – 146.

CAHN, Walter, 1961, The Virgin Enthroned and Her Cult Image in Twelfth Century Sculpture, M.A. thesis, New York University.

CARRÉ, Dominique, ed., 2010, Guide du musée des Monuments français à la Cité de l’architecture et du patrimoine, Paris.

CASTANDET, Stéphanie; ROLLIER-HANSELMANN, Juliette, 2013, “The Romanesque portal of the abbey-church of Cluny”, In: Open Journal of Archaeometry, No. 1, pp. 54 – 57.

CAUMONT, Arcisse de, 1839, “Notes sur la statistique monumentale de Bourges, de la Charité- sur-Loire, de Nevers et de Moulins”, in: Bulletin Monumental, tome 5, p. 404 – 413.

CERRE, Michel, 2016, “L’auteur anonyme de «L’Histoire Cronologique du prieuré de La Charité sur Loyre, ordre de Cluny» retrouvé”, In: Bulletin de liaison de l’Association les Amis de la Charité-sur-Loire, No. 94 (Av.), pp. 5 – 8.

CHAUHAN, Yamini, 2013, “Vandal, Germanic people”, In: Encyclopaedia Britannica, https://www.britannica.com/topic/Vandal-Germanic-people (last accessed September 29, 2018)

CHAULIAT, Eugène, 1939, “Restauration du tympan de l'église de Notre-Dame-du-Pré, à Donzy (Nièvre)“, In: Bulletin Monumental, tome 98, No.1, pp. 88-90.

CHRISTE, Yves, 1955, Abbayes de France, Paris.

CHRISTE, Yves, 1966, “A propos du tympan de la Vierge à Notre-Dame de La Charité-sur-Loire”, in: Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, No. 34, (Av.-Jun.), pp. 221 – 223.

117

CHRISTE, Yves, 1969, Les Grands Portails Romans, Études sur l’iconologie des théophanies romanes, Genéve.

CONANT, Kenneth John, 1965, “Cluny II and St. Bénigne at Dijon”, In: Archaeologia, volume 99, pp. 179 – 194.

CONANT, Kenneth John, 1974, “Du Nouveau sur deux Prieures Clunisiens”, In: Archéologia, No. 70, pp. 56 -59.

COURTILLÉ, Anne, 1998, “Les majestés mariales dans la peinture monumentale à l’époque romane: Signification, contexte et style”, In: REGOND, Annie, ed., La Vierge à l’époque romane , culte et representations, Clermont-Ferrand.

CROZET, René, 1965, “La Frise de la Maison-Dieu de Montmorillon et ses rapports avec la sculpture chartraine, Bourguignonne et Bourbonnaise“, In: Société des Antiquaires de l’ouest, tome VIII, serie 4., pp. 3 – 7.

CUMONT, Franz, 1932, “L’adoration des Mages et l’art triomphal de Rome”, In: Atti della pontificia accademia romana di archeologia. Memorie, III, pp. 81-105.

DAHL, Ellert, 1978, “Heavenly images: The statue of St. Foy of Conques and the signification of the Medieval “Cult-Image” in the West”, In: Acta ad archaeologiam et atrium historiam pertinentia, Vol. VIII, pp. 175 – 191.

DALE, Thomas, 2007, “Romanesque Sculpted Portraits: Convention, Vision, and Real Presence”, In: Gesta, Vol. 46, No. 2, pp. 101 – 119.

DEFERRARI, Roy J., 1951, Hugh of Saint Victor on the Sacra ments of the Christian Faith (De sacramentis), Cambridge, MA.

DE FLAMARE, Henri, 1899, “Excursion à La Charité-sur-Loire”, Extrait du Bulletin de la Société nivernaise des lettres, sciences et arts, Nevers.

DE FRANCOVICH, Géza, 1952, Benedetto Antelami: Architetto e scultore e l’arte del suo tempo, Milano, Firenze.

DEMUS, Otto, 1970, Romanesque Mural Painting, London.

DIEMER, Peter; AUGUSTYN, Wolfgang, 2012, “Neues zur Romanik in Burgund: Cluny 910 – 2010, Ausstellungen und Publikationen”, In: Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte, 75. Bd., H. 3, pp. 297 – 320.

DOLLE, Dom René, 1964, Leo I., Sermons, tome 1, Sources Chrétienes 22bis, Paris (1ère éd. Paris, 1947).

DOYLE, Leonard J., trans. and ed., 1948, St. Benedict’s Rule for Monasteries, Collegeville.

118

DUBY, Georges, 1984, Le Moyen-Age. L'Europe des cathédrales. 1140-1280, Genève.

DUMAS, Alexandre, 1841, Le midi de la France, Paris.

DUMONT, Annie; HENRION, Fabrice, 2015, “Le Prieuré Notre-Dame, une traversée du temps, La Charité-sur-Loire (Nièvre)”, in : Archéologie en Bourgogne, No. 35, unpaged.

DUPONT, Jean, 1976, Nivernais, Bourbonnais roman, Saint-Léger-Vauban.

DURAND, Georges, 1884, „Portail de l’église de Pompierre,“ in: Gazette archéologique, IX.

DUTEL, Alban, 2003, “Le Prieuré de La Charité-sur-Loire vu à travers des documents du XVIIe siècle”, In: Bulletin de la Société Nivernaise des Lettres, Sciences et Arts, volume 52, pp. 67 – 93.

ENAUD, François, 1961, “Remise en état de la statue de la Vierge à l’Enfant d’Orcival”, In: Les Monuments historiques de la France, n.s. VII.

ÉLISSAGARAY, Marianne, 1965, La Légende des Rois Mages, Paris.

EVANS, Joan, 1950, Cluniac Art of the Romanesque Period, Cambridge.

FOCILLON, Henri, 1931, L’art des sculpteurs romans: Recherches sur l’histoire des forms, Paris.

FOLETTI, Ivan, 2018, “Migrating Art Historians: Objects, Bodies and Minds*”, In: FOLETTI, Ivan; KRAVČÍKOVÁ, Katarína; PALLADINO, Adrien; ROSENBERGOVÁ, Sabina, eds., Migrating Art Historians: On the Sacred Ways, Brno – Roma, pp. 25 – 54.

FOLETTI, Ivan, 2018, “Liminality: Space and Imagination”, In: FOLETTI, Ivan; KRAVČÍKOVÁ, Katarína; PALLADINO, Adrien; ROSENBERGOVÁ, Sabina, eds., Migrating Art Historians: On the Sacred Ways, Brno – Roma, pp. 107 – 115.

FOLETTI, Ivan, 2018, “Meeting Saint Faith”, In: FOLETTI, Ivan; KRAVČÍKOVÁ Katarína; PALLADINO, Adrien; ROSENBERGOVÁ, Sabina, eds., Migrating Art Historians: On the Sacred Ways, Brno – Roma, pp. 293 – 313.

FOLETTI, Ivan; GIANANDREA, Manuela, 2015, Zona Liminare:il nartece di Santa Sabina a Roma, la sua porta e l’iniziazione cristiana, Roma.

FOLETTI, Ivan; KRAVČÍKOVÁ, Katarína; PALLADINO, Adrien; ROSENBERGOVÁ, Sabina, eds., 2018, Migrating Art Historians: On the Sacred Ways, Brno – Roma.

FOREL, Alexis, 1934, Voyage au Pays des Sculpteurs Romans, Paris.

FORSYTH, Ilene Haering, 1968, Magi and Majesty: A Study of Romanesque Sculpture and Liturgical Drama, in: The Art Bulletin , Vol. 50, No. 3 (Sep.), p. 215 – 222.

119

FORSYTH, Ilene Haering, 1972, The Throne of Wisdom: Wood Sculptures of Madonna in Romanesque France, Princeton, New Jersey.

FOURNIER, Jeannine; PAIN, Christophe; CHAGNY, Bernard-Noël, 2007, Notre-Dame de La Charité-sur-Loire: Le décor sculpté intérieur, La Charité-sur-Loire.

FREEMAN, Ann; MEYVAERT, Paul, eds., 1998, Opus Caroli regis contra synodum (Libri Carolini), Hannover.

FRIEDMAN, Yonne, 1985, Petri Venerabilis Adversus Iudeorum inveteratam duritiem, Turnholti.

GABORIT, Jean-René; FAUNIÈRES, Dominique, 2009, Une Vierge en majesté, Paris.

GAILLARD, Michèle, 2015, “L'accueil des laïcs dans les monastères (Ve–IXe siècle), d'après les règles monastiques”, In: Bulletin du centre d'études médiévales d'Auxerre, viii, online: http://cem.revues.org/13577, (last accessed Novembre 15,2018).

GANDOLFO, Francesco, 1991, “La façade romane et ses rapports avec le protiro, l'atrium et le quadriportico”, In: Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, No. 135-136 (Jul-Dec.), pp. 309 – 319.

GARNICHE, Marie-José, 1995, “Le Grand Site de La Charité-sur-Loire, État de la question: Deuxiéme partie, Vie, mort et renaissance des bátiments du prieuré de l’époque moderne á nos jours”, in: Bulletin de la Société Nivernaise des Lettres, Sciences et Arts, Vol. 44, pp. 79 – 94.

GARNICHE, Marie-José, 2007, Il y a 900 ans … l’église Notre-Dame de La Charité, La Charité-sur- Loire, nepa.

GAUDE, Murielle, 1992, Le Prieuré de la Charité-sur-Loire. De la donation à Cluny en 1059 à la crise du début du XIIIe siècle, Mémoire de Maîtrise en Histoire Médiévale, Université , Paris.

GERSON, Paula; SHAVER-CRANDELL, Annie; STONES, Alison; KROCHALIS, Jeanne, 1998, The Pilgrim’s Guide to Santiago de Compostela, Critical Edition, Vol. II., Turnhout.

GERSTEN, Anne, 2011, De la grande déesse à la vierge en majesté: Histoire d’un mythe par l’image, Bruxelles..

GRABOÏS, Aryeh, 1998, Le pèlerin occidental en Terre sainte au Moyen Âge, Paris, Bruxelles.

GRASSET, August, 1835, Notice sur l’origine des bas-reliefs placés le 15 juillet 1835, par ordre du gouvernement, dans le transept droit de l’Eglise de la ville La Charité-sur-Loire, département de la Nièvre, Nevers.

GRASSET, August, 1871, Notice sur l’origine des bas-reliefs placés le 15 juillet 1835, par ordre du gouvernement, dans le transept de droite de l’église paroissiale de la ville de La Charité-sur-Loire, département de la Nièvre, Nevers.

120

GROSSET, Charles, 1964, “Les sculptures du portail sud de Notre-Dame d'Étampes : À propos d'un livre recent”, In: Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, No. 25 (Jen.-Mar.), pp. 53 – 61.

GUARDIA, Milagros; MANCHO, Carles, 2014, “Avant les grands portails: les façades depuis l’Antiquité tardive jusqu’au haut Moyen Âge”, In: Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, No. 45, pp. 37 – 48.

GUILLON, Jean – PauL, 1993, La Charité-sur-Loire, Cité monastique et place forte, La Charité-sur- Loire.

GUILLON, Jean – PauL, 2005,La Charité-sur-Loire, Cité monastique et place forte, La Charité-sur- Loire.

GUREVICH, Aron, 1990, Medieval Popular Culture, Problems of Belief and Perception, Cambridge.

HANSEN, Heike; HARTMANN-VIRNICH, Andreas, 2014, “La façade de l’abbatiale de Saint-Gilles- du-Gard: nouvelles recherches sur la construction d’un chef d’oeuvre de l’art roman”, In: Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, No. 45, pp. 157 – 174.

HAVELAGE, Isabelle; HUGUET, Françoise; LEBEDEFF-CHOPPINL, Bernadette, 1986, “TAYLOR Isidore Justin Séverin, baron”, In: Havelange Isabelle, Huguet Françoise, Lebedeff-Choppin Bernadette, Les inspecteurs généraux de l'Instruction publique. Dictionnaire biographique 1802- 1914, Paris, pp. 620-622.

HEIMANN, Adelheid, 1979, “The Master of Gargilesse: A French sculptor of the first half of the twelfth century”, in: Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Bd. 42, pp. 47 – 64.

HEITZ, Carol, 1991, “Rôle de l'église-porche dans la formation des façades occidentales de nos églises romanes”, In: Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, No. 135-136 (Jul.-Dec.), pp. 329 – 344.

HENRION, Fabrice, 2005, “Aux origins du prieuré Notre-Dame de La Charité-sur-Loire (Nièvre), nouvelles données archéologiques et nouvelles hypotheses”, In: Bulletin du centre d’études médiévales d’Auxerre | BUCEMA, [En ligne], 19.1 | 2015, mis en ligne le 25 juin 2015, consulté le 17 décembre 2018. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/cem/13950 ; DOI : 10.4000/cem.13950, par. 1 – 32.

HENRION, Fabrice, 2015, “La Charité-sur-Loire (Nièvre). Ancien prieuré Notre-Dame “, in: Archéologie médiévale, No. 45, pp. 210 – 211.

HIDRIO, Guylène, 1999, Recherches sur l’Iconographie de la Sagesse au Moyen Age, These pour obtenir le grade de Docteur de l’Université II, Rennes.

HILBERRY, Harry H., 1952, “A Lost Romanesque Façade: La Charité-sur-Loire,” in: Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, Vol. 11, No.3 (Oct.), pp. 17 – 22.

HILBERRY, Harry H., 1955, “La Charité-sur-Loire Priory Chruch”, In: Speculum, Vol. 30, No. 1, pp. 1 – 15.

121

HISQUIN, Séverine, 2004, La Façade de l’église Notre-Dame de La Charité-sur-Loire: Recherches sur le Portail Sculpté de la Vierge, Mémoire de Maîtrise en Histoire de l’Art Médiéval,, Université de Bourgogne, Dijon.

HISQUIN, Séverine, 2004, “La façade de l’église Notre-Dame de La Charité-sur-Loire : Recherches sur le portail sculpté de la Vierge“, In: Regards sur La Nievre: L’expression de jeunes chercheurs, No. 6, pp. 55 – 62.

HISQUIN, Séverine, 2005, “La façade de l’église Notre-Dame de La Charité-sur-Loire : Recherches sur le portail sculpté de la Vierge”, In: Bulletin du centre d’études médiévales d’Auxerre | BUCEMA, [En ligne], 9 | 2005, mis en ligne le 08 novembre 2006, consulté le 01 octobre 2018. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/cem/800

HUGO, Victor, 1825- 1832, „Guerre aux démolisseurs”, In: Littérature et Philosophie mêlées, 1834, pp. 317 – 342.

HUGO Victor, 2018 [1832] „Guerre aux démolisseurs“, In: Revue des deux mondes, originally published in: Revue des Deux Mondes, période initiale, tome 5 (1832), pp. 607-622.; Online Source: https://www.revuedesdeuxmondes.fr/guerre-aux-demolisseurs/ (last accessed August 10, 2018).

INRAP 2011: Institut national de Recherches Archéologiques Préventives, “L’Abbaye”, published February 15, 2011, https://www.inrap.fr/l-abbaye-3483, (last accessed September 29, 2018).

IOGNA-PRAT, Dominique, 2003, Ordonner et Exclure: Cluny et la société chrétienne face à l’hérésie, au judaïsme et à l’islam, 1000 – 1150, Manchecourt.

IOGNA-PRAT, Dominique ; PALAZZO, Éric ; RUSSO, Daniel, 1996, Marie. Le culte de la Vierge, Paris 1996.

JØRGENSEN, Hans Henrik Lohfert, 2015, “Sensorium: A Model for Medieval Perception”, in: JØRGENSEN, Hans Henrik Lohfert; LAUGERUD, Henning; SKINNEBACH; Laura Katrine, eds., 2015, The Saturated Sensorium: Principles of Perception and Mediationin the Middle Ages, Aarhus University Press, pp. 24 – 71.

JOUANIQUE, Marcel, 1961, “La Charité, fille ainée de Cluny”, in: Revue mensuelle du Touring-club de France (Nov.), pp. 808 – 811.

JOUBERT, Fabienne, 2011, “Le Remploi de portails sculptés dans les monuments de la France Gothique”, In: Hortus Artium Medievalium, Vol. 17, pp. 201 – 208.

JOURNAL DU CENTRE 2014: “Les fouilles, place Sainte-Croix, dévoilent un ancien cimetière”, in: Le Journal du Centre, published: 26/03/2014, source: https://www.lejdc.fr/nievre/actualite/pays/val-de-loire/2014/03/26/les-fouilles-place-sainte- croix-devoilent-un-ancien-cimetiere_1933885.html#refresh (last accessed October 15, 2018).

122

KAUFFMANN, Claus Michael, 2011, “The Meaning of Biblical Imagery in Churches: Is the Liturgy the Answer?”, In: Zoë Opačid ed., Image, memory and devotion : liber amicorum Paul Crossley, Brepols, pp. 61 – 67.

KAUMANN, Peter, 2012, “Notre-Dame de Lausanne, cathédrale polychrome”, In: KURMANN, Peter, ed., Le cathédrale Notre-Dame de Lausanne: monument européen, temple vaudois, Lausanne.

KESSLER, Herbert Leon, 2000, Spiritual Seeing, Picturing God’s Invisibility in Medieval Art, Pennsylvania.

KESSLER, Herbert Leon, 2004, Seeing Medieval Art, New York.

KLEIN, Peter K., 1990, “Programmes eschatologiques, fonction et réception historique des portails du XIIe s.: Moissac - Beaulieu Saint-Denis”, In: Cahiers de civilisation médiévale No.132 (Oct.-Dec.), pp. 317 – 349.

KNICELY, Carol, 1997, Decorative violence and narrative intrigue in the Romanesque portal sculpture at Souillac, The Dissertation, Ann Arbor.

KUČEROVÁ, Tereza, 2018, “The Cult of The Virgin in La Charité-sur-Loire”, In: FOLETTI, Ivan; KRAVČÍKOVÁ, Katarína; PALLADINO, Adrien; ROSENBERGOVÁ, Sabina, eds., Migrating Art Historians: On the Sacred Ways, Brno – Roma, pp. 315 – 330.

LAPEYRE, André, 1960, Des Facedes occidentales de Saint-Denis et de Chartres aux portails de : Études sur la sculpture monumentale dans l’Il-de-France et les régions voisines au XIIe siècle, Paris.

LASTEYRIE, Robert de, 1902, “Études sur la sculpture française au Moyen Âge,” In: Monuments et Mémoires publiés par l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. Fondation Eugène Piot, tome VIII, pp. 1 – 28.

LAURENTIN, Abbé René; OURSEL, Raymond, 1988, Vierges romanes: Les Vierges assises, Zodiaque.

LEBEUF, Jean; TROCHE, J.B., 1723, Histoire de la prise d’Auxerre par les Huguenots, les années 1567 et 1568, et les ravages commis à La Charité-sur-Loire, Gien, Cône, Donzi, Entrains, Crevan, Iranci, Colonges-les-Vineuses et autres lieux du diocese.

LEBEUF, Jean, 1738, Recueil de divers écrits pour servir d’éclaircissement à l’histoire de France, Auxerre.

LEBEUF, Jean, 1743, Mémoires concernant l’histoire civile et ecclésiastique d’Auxerre et de son ancient diocèse, Auxerre, Paris.

LEBOEUF, Louis, 1897, Histoire de La Charité, La Charité-sur-Loire.

123

LECLERCQ, Jean; TALBOT, C. H.; ROCHAIS, Henri, eds., 1857, Sancti Bernardi Opera , 8 vols., Rome.

LECLERCQ, Jean; TALBOT, C. H.; ROCHAIS, Henri, eds.,1974, Sancti Bernardi Opera Omnia, tome 7, Rome.

LEFÈVRE, Yves, 1954, Elucidarium et les Lucidaires. Contribution, par l’histoire d’un text, à l’histoire des croyances religieuses en France au Moyen Age, Paris.

LEFRANÇOIS-PILLION, Louise, 1924, “Un tympan sculpté du XIIe siècle récemment découvert à La Charité-sur-Loire”, in: Beaux-arts, pp. 212 – 214.

LEFRANÇOIS-PILLION, Louise, 1931, Les Sculpteurs Français du XIIe siècle, Paris.

LE GALLIC, Maï, 2012, Le tympan de Vézelay: les peuples de la terre dans la pensée et l’art roman: traditions iconographiques et littéraires, Thèse de doctorat en Histoire de l’art médiéval, Université européenne de Bretagne, Rennes.

LE GOFF, Jacques, 1991, Kultura středovëké Evropy, Praha.

LENIAUD, Jean-Michel, 2010, “Mérimée, Prosper”, in: INHA: Dictionnaire critique des historians de l’art, https://www.inha.fr/fr/ressources/publications/publications-numeriques/dictionnaire- critique-des-historiens-de-l-art/merimee-prosper.html , published: September 8, 2010, (last accessed January 29, 2018).

LEPAPE, Séverine, 2009, “L’Arbre de Jessé: une image de l’Immaculée Conception?“, in: Médiévales, *En ligne+, 57 | automne 2009, mis en ligne le 18 janvier 2012, consulté le 30 septembre 2016 .URL :http://medievales.revues.org/5833;DOI: 10.4000/medievales.5833, (last accessed Novembre 15, 2018).

LE POGAM, Pierres-Yves, 2010, “Lasteyrie du Saillant, Robert”, In: INHA: Dictionnaire critique des historiens de l’art, https://www.inha.fr/fr/ressources/publications/publications- numeriques/dictionnaire-critique-des-historiens-de-l-art/lasteyrie-du-saillant-robert.html, published: November 10, 2018, (last accessed September 13, 2018).

LEPRI, Nicoletta, 2011, “Arte e potere: il mosaico dei magi in S. Apollinare Nuovo a Ravenna”, In: Porphyra 1/14, pp. 4 – 21.

LES AMIS DE LA CHARITÉ-SUR-LOIRE, 2016, „Prosper Mérimée s’intéresse à La Charité-sur-Loire“, in: Bulletin de liaison de l'Association les Amis de la Charité-sur-Loire, n°94.

LES AMIS DE LA CHARITÉ-SUR-LOIRE, 2011, “Synthèse sculptée du “statut V” de Pierre le Vénérable” et “Expression de la piété mariale des grands abbés de Cluny”, In: Bulletin de Liaison, No. 79 (Av.), pp. 9 – 12.

LESPINASSE, René de, 1887, La Cartulaire du prieuré de La Charité-sur-Loir, Nevers – Paris.

124

LHEURE, Michel; ERLANDE-BRANDENBURG, Alain, 2010, Le rayonnement de Notre-Dame-de- Paris dans ses paroisses, Paris.

LOCQUIN, Jean, 1913, Nevers et Moulins: La Charité-sur-Loire, Saint-Pierre-le Moutier, Bourbon- l’Archambault, Souvigny, Paris.

LOUIS, René, 1929, “Le tympan du Triomphe de la Vierge à La Charité-sur-Loire”, in: La Revue du Centre, (Sep.-Oct.), pp. 172 – 177.

LOUIS, René, 1929 [2], “La Charité-sur-Loire et son tympan du Triomphe de la Vierge”, In: Bulletin de la Société des Sciences historiques et naturelles de L’Yonne, volume 83, pp. 113 – 120.

LOURS, Mathieu; MAUPOIX, Michel; GENESTE Olivier, 2015, Sacrée Loire: Églises et cathédrales au fil du fleuve, Condé-sur-Noireau.

LYMANN, Thomas W.; SMART, Daniel, 1987, French Romanesque Sculpture: an annotated bibliography, Boston.

MABILLION, Jean, 1707, Annales ordinis S. Benedicti occidentalium monachorum patriarchae : in quibus non modo res monasticae, sed etiam ecclesiasticae historiae non minima pars continetur.

MAÎTRE, Claire, 1996, “Du culte marial à la célébration des vierges: À propos de la psalmodie de matines,” In: IOGNA-PRAT, Dominique ; PALAZZO, Éric ; RUSSO, Daniel, Marie. Le culte de la Vierge, Paris, pp. 45 – 64.

MARTINE, Jullian, 2014, “Portail roman et drame sacré”, In: Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, No. 45, pp. 231 – 244.

MASSARA, Fracesca Paola, 2000, „Magi“, In: Fabrizio Bisconti, Temi di Iconografi a Paleocristiana, Vatican City, pp. 205-211.

MATHEWS, Thomas F., 2005, “Isis and Mary in early icons”, in Images of the Mother of God, perceptions of the Theotokos in Byzantium, ed. by Maria Vassilaki, Aldershot, pp. 3-11.

MATHON, Jean-Bernard, dir., 2011, Romanes et Gothiques Vierges à l’Enfant restaurées, Cinisello Balsamo (Milano).

MÂLE, Émil, 1910, Les Rois mages et le drame liturgique, in: Gazette des beaux-arts, LII, p. 261 - 270.

MÂLE, Émile, 1922, L’Art du XIIe siècle en France: Étude sur les origines de l’iconographie du moyen âge, Paris.

MONTÉGUT, Émile, 1873,“Souvenirs du Nivernais, La Vallée de La Loire et Nevers”, In: Revue des deux mondes, Vol. 104, p. 896 – 922.

125

MORELLET, Joseph-Napoléon; BARAT, J. C.; BOUSSIERE, E., 1838 – 1840, Le Nivernois. Album historique et pittoresque, II, Nevers.

MÉRIMÉE, Prosper, 1835, Notes d’un voyage dans le midi de la France.

NEW-SMITH, Ann, 1975, Twelfth-century sculpture at the Cathedral of Bourges, Boston.

PARKER, Elizabeth C., 2001, “Architecture as liturgical Setting”, In: HEFFERNAN, Thomas J.; Heffernan, MATTER, E. Ann, ed., The Liturgy of the Medieval Church, Kalamazoo, pp. 273 – 326.

PARTURIER, Maurice; JOSSERAND Pierre; MALLION Jean, 1941, Prosper Mérimée: Correspondance générale, tome I, (1822 – 1835), Paris.

PENTCHEVA, Bissera, 2006, „The Performative Icon“, In: The Art Bulletin, Vol. 88, No. 4 (Dec.), pp. 631 – 655.

PÉROUSE DE MONTCLOS, Jean-Marie, 2011, Architecture. Description et vocabulaire méthodiques. Inventaire général du patrimoine culturel, Paris.

PHILIPPE, André, 1905, “L’Église de La Charité-sur-Loire (Nièvre)”, In: Bulletin Monumental, volume 69, pp. 469 – 500.

PHILIPPE, André, 1906, L’Église de La Charité-sur-Loire (Nièvre), .

POILPRÉ, Anne-Orange, 2014, “Le portail roman et ses images sculptées: pierre angulaire de l’histoire de l’art médiéval européen,” In: Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, 45, pp. 7 – 20.

PORTER, Arthur Kingsley, 1923, Romanesque Sculpture of The Pilgrimage Roads, Boston.

PRADEL, Pierre, 1944, “Sculptures (XIIe siècle ) de l'église de Souvigny”, In: Monuments et mémoires de la Fondation Eugène Piot, tome 40, pp. 147 – 160.

RAEBER, Regula, 1964, LA CHARITÉ-SUR-LOIRE, Monographie der romanischen kirche Notre- Dame unter spezieller berücksichtigung der skulpturen, Francke Verlag, Bern.

REVEYRON, Nicolas, 2012, “Hugues de Semur et l’architecture clunisienne. Influences de la liturgie et des coutumes monastiques sur les programmes architecturaux dans l’ ecclesia cluniacensis”, In: Monuments et mémoires de la Fondation Eugène Piot, tome 91, pp. 91 – 147.

RÉAU, Louis, 1957 – 1959, Iconographie de l’art chrétien, II : Nouveau Testament, Paris.

ROUSSEAU, Adelin (et all.), trans., 1974, Irenaeus of Lyon, Contre les Hérésies, tome 2. Livre 3, chaptre 9, Sources Chrétienes 211, Paris.

ROBERTINI, Luca; RICCI, Luigi G.G.,eds., 2010, Bernardo d'Angers, Liber miraculorum sancte Fidis: il racconto dei prodigy di una santa bambina, Firenze.

126

RYAN, Whyte, 2012, “Locquin, Jean”, In: INHA: Dictionnaire critique des historiens de l’art, https://www.inha.fr/fr/ressources/publications/publications-numeriques/dictionnaire-critique- des-historiens-de-l-art/locquin-jean.html, Published: Jully 28, 2018, (last accessed September 20, 2018).

SAÏD, Marie-Bernard, trans.,1981, Sermons on Conversion, Cistercian Fathers Series No. 25, Kalamazoo.

SALET, Francis, 1965, “Raeber (Regula). La Charité-sur-Loire, Monographie der romanischen Kirche Notre-Dame unter spezieller Berücksichtigung der Skulpturen. Berne 1964, in-80°, 258 p. 72 fig. Hors texte (Baster Studien zur Kunstgeschichte, Neue Folge, VI.)”, in: Bulletin Monumental, tome CXXIII, Paris, pp. 345 – 349.

SALET, Francis, 1967, “Saint-Etienne de Nevers”, in: Session. Congrès archéologique de France, Vol. 125, pp. 162 – 184.

SALET, Francis, 1995, Cluny et Vézelay, l’oeuvre des sculpteurs, Paris.

SANSTERRE, Jean-Marie, 2006, “Omnes qui coram hac imagine genua flexerint... La vénération d'images de saints et de la Vierge d'après les textes écrits en Angleterre du milieu du XIe siècle aux premières décennies du XIIIe siècle”, In: Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, No. 195, (Jul.- Sep.), pp. 257 – 294.

SANSTERRE, Jean-Marie, 2011, “Sacralité et pouvoir thaumaturgique des statues mariales (Xe siècle-première moitié du XIIIe siècle)”, In: Revue Mabillon, No. 22, pp. 53 – 77.

SAPIN, Christian; SCHOTTE, G., 2011, “Le chevet de Cluny II. De l’archéologie à la 3D”, In: Père C., Rollier J., Arch-I-Tech 2010, volume 5, Cluny, pp. 57 – 61.

SAUERLÄNDER, Willibald, 1992, “Romanesque Sculpture in its Architectural Context”, In: KAHN, Deborah, The Romanesque Frieze and its Spectator, London, pp. 17 – 43.

SAUERLÄNDER, Willibald, 2009, “Émile Mâle”, In: INHA: Dictionnaire critique des historiens de l’art, https://www.inha.fr/fr/ressources/publications/publications-numeriques/dictionnaire- critique-des-historiens-de-l-art/male-emile.html , Published: Mars 2, 2009, (last accessed September 22, 2018).

SERBAT, Louis, “La Charité”, 1916, In: Congrès archéologique de France – LXXXe session tenue à Moulins et à Nevers en 1913 par la Cociété Française d’Archéologie, pp. 374 – 400.

SEVESTRE, Nicole, 2000, “Le drame liturgique: théâtre du non-dit”, In: Revue de Musicologie, tome 86, No. 1, pp. 77 – 82.

SHOEMAKER, Stephan J., 2002, Ancient Traditions of the Virgin Mary’s Dormition and Assumption, Oxford.

SMITH, Katherine Allen, 2006, “Bodies of Unsurpassed Beauty: “Living” Images of the Virgin in the High Middle Ages”, In: Viator, Vol. 37, No. 1, pp. 167 – 187.

127

SOULTRAIT, Georges Richard, 1857 – 1863, Statistique monumentale du département de la Nièvre, seconde partie, In: Archives Départementales, Almanach de la Niévre, deuxieme partie.

SOULTRAIT, Georges Richard, 1875, Répertoire archéologique du département de la Nièvre, rédigé sous les auspices de la Société nivernaise des Lettres, Sciences et Arts par le comte de Soultrait, Paris.

STENDHAL, 1955, Mémoires d’un Touriste (Paris 1838), Paris.

STODDART, Whitney S., 1973, The Façade of Saint-Gilles-du-Gard: Its influence on French sculpture, Connecticut.

STODDART, Whitney S., 1987, Sculptors of the west portals of Chartres Cathedral: their origins in Romanesque and their role in Chartrain sculpture : including the west portals of Saint-Denis and Chartres, London – New York.

STRATFORD, Neil, 1998, Studies in Burgundian Romanesque sculpture.

STRATFORD, Neil, 2002, La frise monumentale romane de Souvigny, Souvigny.

STRATFORD, Neil, dir., 2010, Cluny 910-2010, Onze siècles de rayonnement, Paris.

STRATFORD, Neil; VERGNOLLE, Éliane, 2012, “Le grand portail de Cluny III”, In: Bulletin Monumental, tome 170, No. 1, pp. 15 – 30.

SUTER-RAEBER, Regula, 1967, “Notre-Dame de La Charité-sur-Loire”, in: Bulletin du Centre international d'études romanes, pp. 30 – 54.

TERRET, Victor, 1914, La Sculpture Bourguignonne aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles ses origines et ses sources d’inspiration: Cluny.

TICHÁ, Pavla, 2018, “The Church of Saint-Étienne in Nevers: Pilgrimage Architecture without Cult Object”, In: FOLETTI, Ivan; KRAVČÍKOVÁ Katarína; PALLADINO, Adrien; ROSENBERGOVÁ, Sabina, eds., Migrating Art Historians: On the Sacred Ways, Brno – Roma, p. 215 – 224.

THÉREL, Marie-Louise, 1967, “Les portails de la Charité-sur-Loire: Étude iconographique”, In: Congrès archéologique de France, Vol. 125, pp. 86 – 103.

THÉREL, Marie-Louise Thérel, 1969, “Pierre le Vénérable et l’iconographie des tympans de La Charité-sur-Loire”, in: Bulletin de la Société nationale des antiquaries de France, pp. 191 – 193.

THÉREL, Marie-Louise, 1975, “Pierre le Vénérable et la création iconographique au XIIe siècle”, in: Actes et Mémoires des colloques internationaux du CNRS: Pierre Abélard et Pierre le Vénérable, les courants philosophiques, littéraires et artistiques en Occident au milieu du XIIe siècle, Abbaye de Cluny, 2-9 juillet 1972, CNRA, Paris, pp. 733 – 744.

THÉREL, Marie-Louise, 1984, Le triomphe de la Vierge-Église, Paris.

128

TIMBERT, Arnaud; HARTMANN-VIRNICH, Andreas, 2014, Chartres: construire et restaurer la cathédrale, Xie-XXIe siècle, Villeneuve d’Ascq.

TORRELL, Jean-Pierre; BOUTHILLIER, Denise. 1986, Pierre le Vénérable et sa vision du monde: sa vie, son oeuvre, l’homme et le demon, Leuven.

TOSCAN, Raoul, 1923, La Charité-sur-Loire, Ville d’Histoire – Centre de villéglature, Guide du touriste, La Charité-sur-Loire.

TREXLER, Richard C., 1997, The Journey of the Magi: meanings in history of a Christian story, Princeton.

TROCHE, Jean-Baptiste; LEBEUF, Jean, 1723, Histoire de la prise d’Auxerre par les Huguenots.

TURNER, Victor, TURNER, Edith, 1978, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture, New York.

UTRO, Umberto, 2001, “L’immagine di Maria nell’arte delle origini. Dalle prime raffigurazioni al Concilio di Nicea (325)“, Theotokos. Ricerche Interdisciplinari di Mariologia, IX/2, pp. 455–480.

VAILLANT, Dom Norbert, 1976, La Charité-sur-Loire, Saint-Léger-Vauban.

VAIVRE, Jean-Bernard de, 2001, “Le tympan du portail central de la cathédrale Sainte-Sophie de Nicosie (information)”, In: Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles- Lettres, No. 2, pp. 1031 – 1042.

VALLERY-RADOT, Jean, 1966, “La Charité-sur-Loire, A propos d’un thèse récente”, in: Cahiers de Civilisation Médiévale Xe – XIIe Siècle, volume 9, pp. 51 – 57.

VALLERY-RADOT, Jean, 1976, “L’Ancienne prieurale Notre-Dame à La Charité-sur-Loire : L’Architecture”, In: Session. Congrès Archéologique de France, Vol. 125, pp. 43 – 85.

VAUCHEZ, André, 1988, La sainteté en Occident aux derniers siècles du Moyen Age. D’après les procès de canonisation et les documents hagiographiques, Rome (Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, 241).

VERDIER, Philippe, 1976, “Suger a-t-il été en France le créateur du thème iconographique du couronnement de la Vierge ?”, In: Gesta, Vol. 15, No. ½, pp. 227 – 236.

VERDIER, Philipe, 1980, Le Couronnement de la Vierge, Les origines et les premiers développements d’un thème iconographique, Montréal-Paris.

VEZIN, Gilberte, 1950, L’Adoration et le cycle des mages dans l’art chrétien primitif, Paris.

VIOLLET-LE-DUC Eugène, 1854 – 1868, Dictionnaire raisonné de l’architecture française du XIe au XVIe siècle, tome VI, VII, Paris.

VOCHELET Benoit, 2015, Bourgogne sacrée, Louviers.

VOROS, Christophe, 2004, Sites clunisiens en Europe, Moisenay.

129

WALSH, Martin W., 2002, “Moving Statues, Teleportation, and Rape: Some Space/Time Considerations in the Staging of Medieval Drama”, In: European Medieval Drama, volume 5, No. 01, pp. 27 – 41.

WEBB, Diana, 1999, Pilgrims and Pilgrimage in the Medieval West, London.

WERCKMEISTER, Otto Karl, 1988, “Cluny III and the Pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela”, In: Gesta, Vol. 27, No. ½, pp. 103 – 112.

WILLIAMS, Watkin, 1953, Saint Bernard of Clairvaux, Manchester [1935].

WRIGHT, Edith A., 1936, The Dissemination of the Liturgical drama in France, Pennsylvania.

YOUNG, Karl, 1933, The Drama of the Medieval Church, Vol. I - II, Oxford.

ZARNECKI, George, 1979, Studies in Romanesque Sculpture, London.

ZENNER, Marie-Therese, 1994, Methods and meanings of physical analysis in : a case of study, Saint- Étienne in Nevers, 2 vols., Pennsylvania.

130