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Rethinking Public Institutions in India Rethinking Public Institutions in India EDITED BY DEVESH KAPUR PRATAP BHANU MEHTA AND MILAN VAISHNAV 1 1 Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries. Published in India by Oxford University Press YMCA Library Building, 1 Jai Singh Road, New Delhi 110 001, India © Oxford University Press 2017 The moral rights of the authors have been asserted First Edition published in 2017 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above. You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer. ISBN-13: 978-0-19-947437-0 ISBN-10: 0-19-947437-0 Typeset in Berling LT Std 9.5/13 by The Graphics Solution, New Delhi 110092 Printed by … CONTENTS List of Tables and Figures vii Acknowledgements xi List of Abbreviations xiii Introduction 1 Devesh Kapur, Pratap Bhanu Mehta, and Milan Vaishnav 1 . The Presidency 33 James Manor 2 . Parliament 67 M.R. Madhavan 3 . The Supreme Court 104 Madhav Khosla and Ananth Padmanabhan 4 . Reserve Bank of India: The Way Forward 139 Errol D’Souza 5 . Reforming India’s Institutions of Public Expenditure Governance 180 Nirvikar Singh 6 . New Regulatory Institutions in Infrastructure: From De-politicization to Creative Politics 225 Navroz K. Dubash vi Contents 7 . Institutions of Internal Accountability 269 R. Sridharan 8 . Foregrounding Financial Accountability in Governance 297 Amitabh Mukhopadhyay 9 . The Civil Service 339 K.P. Krishnan and T.V. Somanathan 10 . Election Commission of India 417 E. Sridharan and Milan Vaishnav 11 . Re-energizing Democratic Decentralization in India 464 T.R. Raghunandan Notes on Editors and Contributors 508 Index 513 10 ELECTION COMMISSION OF INDIA E. Sridharan and Milan Vaishnav The eminent historian Ramachandra Guha has referred to India as ‘the most recklessly ambitious experiment in history’. 1 With disregard for past precedent, following the British colonialists’ departure, India’s founding fathers took the bold decision to establish an independent republic which would abide by democratic principles and procedures. Crucially, India’s post-Independence republic guaranteed universal franchise for all adult citizens at a time when the vast majority of the country was living in abject poverty. While elections, of course, do not make a democracy, they are unques- tionably the sine qua non of each and every democracy. Following the birth of independent India, the successful execution of participatory elections faced—and, in many ways, still faces today—a host of cum- bersome challenges: profound ethnic, religious, linguistic, and cultural diversity; signifi cant geographic variation and a predominantly rural electorate; rampant poverty and illiteracy; and deeply ingrained forms of inequality. Any one of these challenges is large enough to vex election authorities in advanced democracies, so their compound effect in a nascent democracy cannot be overstated. Against these considerable odds, the Election Commission of India (ECI) has proven to be a model of election management, earning 1 R. Guha, ‘Democratic to a Fault?’ Prospect , 25 January 2012. 418 Rethinking Public Institutions in India plaudits both at home and abroad. Thanks to the wisdom of India’s founders, the Commission was given a solid foundation from the outset, having been established as a permanent, independent constitutional body. This is not to suggest that the Commission has not had to adapt to changing circumstances; the broad nature of its constitutional framework not only gave the Commission a solid underpinning, but also allowed for fl exibility in interpreting and enforcing its mandate. 2 What has emerged over the past six-and-a-half decades is an Election Commission that has signifi cant powers, far greater than what its coun- terparts in many democracies have at their disposal. 3 However, a pow- erful ECI need not have been an effective or prudent one, yet for the most part—and with due respect to its occasional detractors—scholars and average Indians hold the institution in high regard. According to a 1996 poll conducted by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, the ECI was the most respected public institution in all of India with 62 per cent of respondents favourably disposed. 4 A 2008 study found that an even higher percentage—nearly 80 per cent—of Indians surveyed expressed a high degree of trust in the Commission, second only to the army among state institutions. 5 The high regard for the Election Commission also points to a more general paradox concerning India’s public sector institutions, or what Lant Pritchett calls India’s ‘fl ailing state’. 6 The state in India appears to undertake highly complex tasks with relative effi cacy—such as running an atomic weapons programme or regulating monetary policy—while 2 A. McMillan, ‘The Election Commission of India and the Regulation and Administration of Electoral Politics’, Election Law Journal: Rules, Politics, and Policy 11, no. 2 (2012): 187–201. 3 D. Gilmartin and R. Moog, ‘Introduction to “Election Law in India”’, Election Law Journal: Rules, Politics, and Policy 11, no. 2 (2012): 136–48. 4 P.R. deSouza, ‘The Election Commission and Electoral Reforms in India’, in Democracy, Diversity and Stability: 50 Years of Indian Independence , eds D.D. Khanna, L.L. Mehrotra, and G.W. Kueck (New Delhi: Macmillan India, 1998), 51. 5 SDSA Team, State of Democracy in South Asia: A Report (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2008). 6 L. Pritchett, ‘Review of In Spite of the Gods: The Strange Rise of Modern India , by Edward Luce’, Journal of Economic Literature 47, no. 3 (2009): 771–80. Election Commission of India 419 struggling to perform more ordinary governance tasks—such as deliver- ing basic health and education. While the commission has overcome daunting challenges begin- ning with the fi rst general election in 1952, its future course is by no means pre-determined. Indeed, there remain serious concerns about the conduct of elections in India, namely the disconcerting infl uence of ‘money’ and ‘muscle’ power. Furthermore, while scholars Lloyd and Susanne Rudolph have rightly praised the Commission for serving as an effective ‘bulwark of free and fair elections’, 7 its status as regulator has not been free from controversy. As Alistair McMillan has pointed out, the commission has had to carefully balance the pressures of robust party politics with preserving what it views to be in the national inter- est. 8 Its role as a neutral ‘referee’ cannot so easily be disassociated from the normative implications of its decisions. The remainder of this chapter is organized as follows. In the next section, we briefl y review the ECI’s background, its constitutional and legal frameworks, and basic organizational structure. In the third, we discuss the Commission’s regulatory expansionism in the wake of India’s dramatic social and political changes since Independence. In the fourth section, we discuss the organizational capacity and capabilities of the Commission, paying special attention to the organizational and technological innovations the ECI has pioneered in an effort to police the conduct of elections. In the penultimate section, we discuss two areas where electoral reform is most pressing but has been slow in the making: election fi nance (‘money’) and the criminalization of politics (‘muscle’). Finally, we conclude with some parting thoughts on the changing role of the ECI and its relative position in India’s democratic system in the twenty-fi rst century. Institutional Origins and Structure India’s experience with elections began much before Independence. As Rama Devi and Mendiratta explain, there is historical evidence to 7 S.H. Rudolph and L.I. Rudolph, ‘New Dimensions in Indian Democracy’, Journal of Democracy 13, no. 1 (January 2002): 52–66. 8 A. McMillan, ‘The Election Commission’, in The Oxford Companion to Politics in India, eds N.G. Jayal and P.B. Mehta (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010), 98. 420 Rethinking Public Institutions in India suggest that in ancient times many parts of India had experimented with various forms of republican governance. 9 Much better known, of course, is the record of local elections occurring under British rule in the late nineteenth century with limited, but consequential, provincial- level elections being instituted following the Indian Councils Act of 1909 (e.g., Morley-Minto reforms) and the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms of 1919. 10 Although Parliament in Britain had been ‘gradually inching’ towards constitutional reforms with regard to India’s governance throughout the late colonial period, the reforms it instituted were highly uneven, partial in nature, and extremely circumscribed with respect to franchise. 11 As the road to independence grew clearer and India’s founders commenced their discussions about India’s post-Independence con- stitution, they consciously built on certain principles of colonial law, while understandably rejecting myriad others. 12 Importantly, under British rule, there had been no provision made for an independent election commission to regulate the conduct of elections across the country. In debating the virtues of establishing such a body, the framers were guided by three cardinal principles: equality, independence, and representation. 13 The framers believed that all adult Indians should be vested with the same rights to participate—as voters and aspirant candidates—in the democratic process, irrespective of caste, creed, gender, or social status.

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