Reflections from Case-Studies of Street Vendors in Delhi

Cities 89 (2019) 120–129 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Cities journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/cities Street vending in urban ‘informal’ markets: Reflections from case-studies of T street vendors in Delhi (India) and Phnom Penh City (Cambodia) ⁎ Richa Sekhania, , Deepanshu Mohanb, Sanjana Medipallyc a Researcher at Indian Council for International Economic Relations (ICRIER), New Delhi, India b Assistant Professor at Center for New Economic Studies at the Jindal School of International Affair, India c Student at CNES, Jindal School of International Affairs, India ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Keywords: The increasing dependence on street vending as a source of livelihood for people across urban spaces in countries like Urban informality Cambodia and India continues to promote exciting areas of research in social sciences. Our study captures the nar- Street vendors ratives of street vendors (seen as the ‘invisible’ entrepreneurs), working in markets across Delhi (India) and Phnom Supply chain management Penh (Cambodia) and analyzes the inventory logistics of products sold by them, thereby, reflecting the complex nature of an inter-twined, existential relationship between what's classified as ‘informal’ and ‘formal’ in urban economies. The mutual interdependence seen in the governing dynamics of economic exchange (for example, in selling commodities and services across identified markets in Phnom Penh and Delhi), argues for a need to inclusively study urbaneco- systems while addressing the needs of street vendors. This paper does so by incorporating ethnographic methods with a specific reference to street vending (as a commercial urban activity). Further, we emphasize on an epistemic needto cross-fertilize thought(s) and method(s) across social science disciplines to produce more of such urban narratives, exploring the inter-twined relationship between the ‘informal’ and ‘formal’ aspects of urban ecosystems. 1. Introduction more inclusive understanding of urban informality (i.e. as part of the formal, regulated space) in an urban city's ecosystem which includes The growing relevance of studying broader conceptualisations of those working as part of what can be seen as the informal/unregulated urban ‘formality’ and ‘informality’ in developing countries of the global space. In fact, on closely observing the businesses of those categorized as south continues to invoke interesting academic discourses across social ‘informal workers’ one can see an inter-twined, more complex relation- sciences. The discourses take multiple perspectives on how we can ship between the ‘formal’ and ‘informal’ aspects of commercial exchanges understand parts of the ‘formal’ economy along with those working as taking place (Martínez, Rennie, & Estrada, 2017). part of ‘informal’ economic sectors (i.e. in an urban context). Our analysis focuses on the governing dynamics of urban ecosys- Few scholars (Davies & Polese, 2015; Morris & Polese, 2015a,b) tems in two cities of Delhi and Phnom Penh of India and Cambodia, perceive urban ‘informality’ as unlawful practices undermining the incorporating the second view on urban informality (Bhowmik, 2005; function of states, and operationally view both - urban formality and Roy, 2005), and thereby, bringing a more inclusive approach to the informality in isolation (Giddens, 1984; Hart, 1973; Jenkins, 2001; operational dynamics of street vending (in local markets across both Santos, 1979). This exclusionary view on understanding the dynamics of cities). The study documents the profile and narratives of street ven- urban informality can be ascribed as a dualist interpretation particularly dors-termed as the invisible entrepreneurs1-working as part of the urban in the context of who and what can be identified as part of the formal (or landscapes and closely analyze the activity of their street businesses regulated) and informal (or unregulated) in urbanizing landscapes. Such while providing a detailed insight into the life cycle of products sold by an interpretation presents a need to take our observations beyond the interviewed vendors. legality, illegality of economic sectors and those working within them. By incorporating an exclusive focus on the supply-chain aspects of Empirical findings from scholars (Portes, 1983; Bhowmik, 2005; Roy, street businesses, managed by street vendors, it is interesting to see the 2005; Daniels, 2004) studying different socioeconomic arrangements in nature of economic linkages that exist as the street vendors purchase developing countries like India and parts of Latin America argue for a goods from the formal economy (blending the informal with the formal). ⁎ Corresponding author. E-mail address: [email protected] (R. Sekhani). 1 Sekhani, R. and Mohan, D. 2018, “The invisible entrepreneurs of Phnom Penh”, East Asia Forum. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2019.01.010 Received 12 March 2018; Received in revised form 2 December 2018; Accepted 6 January 2019 0264-2751/ © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. R. Sekhani et al. Cities 89 (2019) 120–129 Martínez et al. (2017) in a study on street vendors in Cali (Co- Table 1 lombia) undertook a similar effort to understand how goods and ser- Number of interviews and product baskets captured in Delhi and Phnom Penh.a vices as well as knowledge are shared and transmitted across the Market Number of Number of product formal/informal division in urban economies, where such ‘division’ interviews baskets covered seems more “liminal and fluid”. Our effort here is to explore this ‘lim- conducted inal and fluid’ nature of informal/formal divisions by expanding the Delhi (India) purview of analysis (on street vending) to urban spaces within large Dilli Haat (South Delhi) 12 1. Pashmina shawls, informalized economies like India and Cambodia. 2. Paintings, The objective of using a supply chain technique to study product life 3. Traditional toys cycles is to introduce a discussion on the complex dimensions of urban Wednesday Bazaar (Pandav 7 1. Bedsheets, Nagar, East Delhi) 2. Children apparel, supply chains-particularly in countries like India and Cambodia-where 3. Utensils inventory logistics of market products reflect greater assembling (via Old Delhi (North Delhi - Chawri 26 1. Brassware different spatial sources). The increasing complexities (visible from the Bazaar, Chandni Chowk and 2. Imitation jewelry details highlighted here of identified products) thus, enforce us to in- Meena Bazaar Markets) 3. Book market evitably take a more inclusive view in understanding and studying street 4. Apparel 5. Tools & motors vending as part of India and Cambodia. Why specifically study Street Vending? Street vending, in partsof Phnom Penh Doeurm Kor Market 12 1. Vegetable developing urban landscapes is observed as a significant source of li- 2. Fruits velihood and employment opportunity for low-skilled and lower-in- 3. Cooking spices come class of workers-migrating to or living within Delhi and Phnom Orussey Market 15 1. Cooking spices Penh. We analyze the business of street vending in three identified 2. Curtain stores urban market locations (within each city) by: 3. Hair accessories Psa Toul Tom Poung or Russian 15 1. Souvenirs (handicrafts, Market scarfs, and T-shirts) a) Capturing samples of oral account(s) from vendors commercially 2. Motorcycle machine operating in the identified local market; and parts (seat, wheel, disc b) Documenting the inventory logistics (as part of the supply chain) of brake) 3. Clothing/apparel products sold by street vendors in identified market locations. a The researchers regularly used field notes and memos to keep track ofthe In studying b), the inventory and supply chain management of two emerging theoretical insights. The literature review including any historio- products from markets in Delhi and Phnom Penh are identified in ad- graphy of the targeted informal markets is based on the secondary resources dressing the following questions: available. a) How are goods sourced and procured within the market area? some limitations followed by a discussion on tracking further areas of b) How are the goods being distributed? research possible from the scope of our analysis. c) How do street vendors sell the final goods in the market? In terms of research methods incorporated, both aspects (point a) 2. Street vending: a background and b)) are examined using an ethnographic approach with extensive oral interviews of vendors-collecting primary data on their business Street vendors have always remained an integral part of several activities and involving a participant-observatory methodological ap- economies around the world. According to McGee and Yeung (1977), proach.2 An extensive use of questionnaire-based interviews3 allowed street vendors offer goods or services for sale in public places primarily us to interview a minimum of 15–20 vendors across six markets (three streets and pavements, playing a significant role in shaping un- markets each in Cambodia and Delhi - Annexure 1). Table 1 below some regulated/informal aspects of developing economies. As an employ- details about this. ment opportunity, street vending is viewed as part of the informal sector Below, we highlight some key methodological as well as logistical because (EIC, 2006) challenges faced during the primary interviews undertaken in and across the busy urban neighborhoods of Delhi (India) and Phnom Penh - Street vendors have limited access to formal/regulated market (Cambodia) (Table 2). spaces, can't receive state-level support for formal

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