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Nuclear Weapons and a Nonkilling World 241 David Krieger NONKILLING SECURITY & THE STATE Edited by Joám Evans Pim Foreword by Introduction by Stephen M. Younger Chaiwat Satha-Anand Co-published by Center for Global Nonkilling Honolulu and Omaha May 2013 CREATIVE COMMONS LICENCE Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 You are free to share, copy, distribute and transmit this work* Under the following conditions: Attribution. You must attribute this work in the manner specified by the author/licensor (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). Noncommercial. You may not use this work for commercial purposes. No Derivative Works. You may not alter, transform or build upon this work. * For any reuse or distribution, you must make clear to others the license terms of this work. * Any of the above conditions can be waived if you gain permission from the copyright holders. Nothing in this license impairs or restricts the Authors’ moral and legal rights. Parts of this volume have been released under GFDL and Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 as part of Wikiversity’s School of Nonkilling Studies (http://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/School:Nonkilling_studies). The Center for Global Nonkilling does not necessarily endorse the views expressed by the authors. Also available for free download at: http://www.nonkilling.org © The Authors, 2013 © Center for Global Nonkilling, 2013 (this edition) Cover diagrams reproduced with the kind permission of Freedom-in-Education.com.uk First Edition: May 2013 ISBN-13 978-0-9839862-1-8 ISBN-10 0-9839862-1-5 ______________________________________________________ Cataloging in Publication Data (CIP) Nonkilling Security and the State / Edited by Joám Evans Pim. ISBN 978-0-9839862-1-8 1. Nonkilling 2. Peace. 3. Nonviolence. I. Title. II. Evans Pim, Joám, ed.. CDU - 172.4 : 327.36 ______________________________________________________ A catalogue record is also available from the Library of Congress. Center for Global Nonkilling 3653 Tantalus Drive Becker Hall Suite G25 Honolulu, HawaiΣi 96822-5033 2500 California Plaza United States of America Omaha, Nebraska 68178 USA Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] http://www.nonkilling.org www.creighton.edu/ccas/asianworldcenter In memoriam Robert Muller (1923-2010) Contents Foreword 13 Stephen M. Younger Introduction Teaching Nonkilling to the States 17 Chaiwat Satha-Anand Chaper One Changing the Power Paradigm 35 Ralph Summy Chaper Two Nonkilling Society as a Lighthouse Narrative 69 Piki Ish-Shalom Chaper Three Nonkilling Institution Building 87 Balwant Bhaneja Chaper Four To Give Life: Possibilities for a Nonkilling Military 103 Gene Keyes Chaper Five Nonmilitarisation and Countries without Armies 153 Christophe Barbey Chaper Six Security without Deadly Violence 179 Benjamin A. Peters Chaper Seven The Role of UCAV, PGM, Nonlethal Weaponry and Cyber Policing 199 Klaus Schlichtmann Chaper Eight Nonlethal Technology in International Security 231 Andrew Greig Chaper Nine Nuclear Weapons and A Nonkilling World 241 David Krieger Chaper Ten Reverence for Life and Reverence for Death 259 Predrag Cicovacki and YaHui Luo Chaper Eleven Privilege, Torture and Nonkilling 279 Richard Matthews Chaper Twelve Diplomacy in the Service of Nonkilling Objectives 297 Ali R. Abootalebi and Stephen Hill Chaper Thirteen Islam and the West 323 Deanna Iribarnegaray and Bert Jenkins Chaper Fourteen Nonkilling Approaches to the Politics of Self-Determination 351 Desiderio Fernández Manjón Chaper Fifteen Political Killings and Violent Conflicts in Nigeria 375 Fidelis Allen Chaper Sixteen Political Conscience for Future Generations 389 Maorong Jiang As an Epilogue The Right Not to Kill 417 Robert Muller Contributors 423 Foreword Foreword Stephen M. Younger Former Head of Nuclear Weapons Research and Development Los Alamos National Laboratory One is hard pressed to think of a topic more urgent than the subject of this book. In early 2013 North Korea conducted a nuclear weapons test, Iran is widely thought to be developing nuclear weapons, Syria is in a condi- tion tantamount to civil war, and armed conflicts continues to ravage Africa. Some extremist groups believe that any deviation from their agenda is cause for a death sentence. And the news in the United States has been domi- nated by tragic shootings, including one of dozens of school children. A pessimist would say that global society is headed into an abyss of wide- spread domestic and international violence that is beyond the scope of govern- ments to control. In one sense I agree with them. On the international scale I believe that we are crossing a fundamental threshold, from a time when only a few countries could wreak widespread destruction to a time when nearly any country that wants weapons of mass destruction is capable of getting them. Never before has the world faced so many major risks at one time. Things are hardly better on the domestic front. In response to killings in schools, churches, temples, and elsewhere some groups now advocate carry- ing guns for self-protection. This brings with it the notion that lethal violence is an acceptable solution to threats against persons and property. More serious still, it reverses centuries of progress in limiting authority to take a human life. Some believe that the solution to these threats lies in technology, that by collecting ever-greater amounts of information and having ever more sophis- ticated weapons we can identify and circumvent violence before it occurs. I believe that this is a fool’s errand. I know of no technology that can see into a person’s heart, to divine his or her intentions. I know of no foolproof policy or procedure that can avoid the abuse of lethal force. Simply put, we are looking in the wrong place for a solution to human killing human. Studies of small societies have demonstrated, conclusively to my mind, that human beings are not intrinsically violent. There are a number of cul- 13 14 Nonkilling, Security and the State tures where people have lived together for centuries with very low levels of killing. This is an extremely important finding. If human beings were inher- ently violent, one would expect all societies to be violent. That this is not so gives us hope. Human beings are not doomed to violence. To think other- wise is tantamount to telling a drug user or an alcoholic that there is no hope of recovery, that they are doomed to self-destruction. Rather than respond to the symptoms of violence by military interven- tion, targeted killings, and enhanced surveillance, we must devote greater attention to understanding why human beings are violent. Concurrently, we must rigorously evaluate measures that can be taken to convince people that killing is a value-subtracted solution to grievances. This does not mean that we should excuse or tolerate bullies, tyrants, or extremists. Exactly the opposite: it is a hardheaded recognition that our current methods are not working and that we need to look for new ones. Glenn Paige began a truly remarkable effort in this direction with his book Nonkilling Global Political Science which has been translated into dozens of lan- guages and which has been eagerly read by countless thousands. People around the world are desperate for a solution to killing. Clearly Professor Paige has struck a chord, and we are well advised to listen to him. He does not naïvely believe that we can eliminate all forms of violence overnight. But he does state a convincing case that we can stop lethal violence. The world spends trillions of dollars on instruments of violencewhat would happen if we spent a tiny frac- tion of that on developing practical methods of avoiding violence? The fact that (nearly) all nations espouse a commitment to peace, and yet spend virtually nothing on how to achieve that peace, is a subject itself worthy of study. The academic community has a special responsibility in this effort. The combined institutional knowledge of anthropology, sociology, political science, philosophy, and history is immense. We understand a great deal about human beings and the institutions we have created to govern ourselves. We know in exquisite detail the stories of successful cultures and of unsuccessful ones. It is imperative that we bring this knowledge to bear on how to reduce to reduce the motivation to kill. There can be no “objective” aloofness in this effort, no delusion that to deal in such matters taints the scientific integrity of academe. Not to engage is to condone. Yes, this engagement will require courage, but I believe that academics are no less capable of heroics than anyone else. The essays in this volume have a common theme, namely that we need not stand as spectators as our world turns to killing. As we have turned human ingenuity to means of destruction, we must now turn it to means of preventing that destruction. There is no more important problem. None. Introduction Teaching Nonkilling * to the States Chaiwat Satha-Anand Thammasat University and Strategic Nonviolence Commission, Thailand Research Fund There are at least two problems with the topic of this essay besides the problematic natures of both the state and nonkilling. First, based upon the theory of nonviolence from where nonkilling was engendered à la Gandhi and Sharp, nonviolence ordinarily has an oppositional role vis-à-vis the state since it seeks to undermine state power in pursuit of freedom and justice. The question is: does nonkilling locate itself in opposition to the state similar to mainstream nonviolence? Second, due to the nature of the state as the embodiment of violence with the power to kill, can nonkilling be taught to the state? Equally important, perhaps, is the question: even if it can, should the state be taught nonkilling? This article is an attempt to argue that there is a dire need to “teach” nonkilling to states in today’s world and that it is easier to teach the modern state to accept “nonkilling” as a policy than “nonviolence”.
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