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Sokwanele - Enough Is Enough - Zimbabwe PROMOTING NON-VIOLENT PRINCIPLES to ACHIEVE DEMOCRACY
(Mailing List Information, including unsubscription instructions, is located at the end of this message. If images are included with this message, you need to be connected to see them.) Sokwanele - Enough is Enough - Zimbabwe PROMOTING NON-VIOLENT PRINCIPLES TO ACHIEVE DEMOCRACY Zimbabwe Election Watch Issue 10 : 6 November 2007 Executive Summary At this point it is not clear whether the Zimbabwean joint elections - presidential, parliamentary, senate and municipal - will be postponed to June 2008, a move which would allow more time for preparations and for the lack of crucial financial resources to be resolved. The elections are currently scheduled to take place during March. David Coltart, MDC (Mutambara) for Bulawayo South says that the country needs at least six months to put everything in place before calling an election. The South African mediated negotiations between the ruling Zanu PF party and both factions of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) have resumed. According to the Zimbabwe Independent (ZI), they are expected to discuss issues such as the de- militarisation of state institutions, the role of traditional chiefs in politics, use of state and donor food relief for political gain and foreign broadcasts to Zimbabwe. So far, according to the ZI, the parties have agreed on a draft constitution, which has been circulated to their respective leaders, but have not reached an agreement on electoral laws, security legislation, media laws or the political climate. Delimitation of constituencies has not yet started and registration of voters is still continuing. The Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition held a rural outreach programme which presented an overview of the governance crisis and perspectives on the 2008 elections, with close reference to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) initiative. -
The Politics of Writing 'Democratic' Narratives in Zimbabwe
Different narration, same history: The politics of writing ‘democratic’ narratives in Zimbabwe Walter Kudzai Barure & Irikidzayi Manase Different narration, same history: The politics of writing ‘democratic’ narratives in Zimbabwe Over the past five decades, Zimbabwe’s political trajectories were characterised by a historiographic revision and deconstruction that revealed varying ideological perceptions and positions of political actors. This article reconsiders the current shifts in the Zimbabwean historiography and focuses on the politics of positioning the self in the national narrative. The article analyses three Zimbabwean political autobiographies written by political actors from the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), particularly Michael Auret’s From Liberator to Dictator: An Insider’s Account of Robert Mugabe’s Descent into Tyranny (2009), Morgan Tsvangirai’s At the Deep End (2011), and David Coltart’s The Struggle Continues: 50 Years of Tyranny in Zimbabwe (2016). It also discusses how writing in Zimbabwe is a contested terrain that is bifurcated between oppositional and dominant imaginaries of politics, the revolutionary tradition, and past performances of power. Keywords: history, narratives, oppositional and dominant imaginaries, political autobiographies, Zimbabwe. Introduction This article considers how oppositional narratives answer back to patriotic narratives’ denigration of opposition and civic discourses, and their exclusion of the citizenship of minorities such as white Zimbabweans. Zimbabwe- an letters have witnessed the rise of a body of writings, produced by the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and other political and human rights actors, termed ‘democratic’ narratives, which contest patri- otic narratives that were constructed using a singular version of history (see Ranger who defines patriotic history as a monolithic version of history that supports the performance of power by ZANU-PF political actors). -
JOURNAL of AFRICAN ELECTIONS Vol 4 No 2 Oct 2005 VOLUME 4 NO 2 1
JOURNAL OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS JOURNAL OF JOURNAL OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS Special Issue on Zimbabwe’s 2005 General Election Vol 4 No 2 Oct 2005 Vol Volume 4 Number 2 October 2005 VOLUME 4 NO 2 1 Journal of African Elections Special Issue on Zimbabwe’s 2005 General Election ARTICLES BY Peter Vale Norman Mlambo Sue Mbaya Lloyd M Sachikonye Choice Ndoro Bertha Chiroro Martin R Rupiya Sehlare Makgelaneng Volume 4 Number 2 October 2005 2 JOURNAL OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS Published by EISA 14 Park Rd, Richmond Johannesburg South Africa P O Box 740 Auckland Park 2006 South Africa Tel: +27(0)11 482 5495 Fax: +27(0)11 482 6163 e-mail: [email protected] © EISA 2005 ISSN: 1609-4700 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher. Copy editor: Pat Tucker Printed by: Global Print, Johannesburg Cover photograph: Reproduced with the permission of the HAMILL GALLERY OF AFRICAN ART, BOSTON, MA, USA www.eisa.org.za VOLUME 4 NO 2 3 EDITORS Denis Kadima, EISA, Johannesburg Khabele Matlosa, EISA, Johannesburg EDITORIAL BOARD Tessy Bakary, Office of the Prime Minister, Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire David Caroll, Democracy Program, The Carter Center, Atlanta Luis de Brito, EISA Country Office, Maputo Jørgen Elklit, Department of Political Science, University of Aarhus, Denmark Amanda Gouws, Department of Political Science, University of Stellenbosch Abdalla Hamdok, International -
Final Desartation Ngqabutho.Docx Print.Pdf
MIDLANDS STATE UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES DEPARTMENT OF MEDIA AND SOCIETY STUDIES Crisis Management Communication and Political Communication in the Age of Social Media: A case study of ZANU PF from 2015-2016. By R125041H THIS DISSERTATION IS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE BACHELOR OF SOCIAL SCIENCES IN MEDIA AND SOCIETY STUDIES HONORS DEGREE. May, 2016 Gweru: Zimbabwe R125041H Crisis Management Communication and Political Communication in the Age of Social Media: A case study of ZANU PF from 2015-2016. ABSTRACT With the increase of people and usage of social media platforms intensification, so does the need for crisis management communication. This research focuses on how ZANU PF uses social media to control its Factional crisis post the Joyce Mujuru eras focusing on Twitter and Facebook as platforms for their public relations response to the political damaging series of events the party experienced from 2015-2016. Additionally, the study looks at how the social media users used Facebook and twitter as a platform to reach out to ZANU PF and air out their concerns on the series of crisis that the party experienced. A content analysis of posts and tweets written in response to the predicaments that befell ZANU PF through this it was developed that ZANU PF officials used the two social networks as a way to reach out and communicate on how the party was making things at the same time social media users from both ZANU PF members and from how opposition parties voiced negative opinions about Many other problems that were being caused by the plague of crisis in identifying how ZANU PF used social media and restoration strategies in the wake of the crisis, it is possible to compare their use to best practices that have developed through academic research and present case studies where social media and restoration strategy was used effectively. -
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT April 2004
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT April 2004 COUNTRY INFORMATION & POLICY UNIT IMMIGRATION & NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Zimbabwe April 2004 CONTENTS 1 Scope of the Document 1.1 –1.7 2 Geography 2.1 – 2.3 3 Economy 3.1 4 History 4.1 – 4.193 Independence 1980 4.1 - 4.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 4.6 - 4.9 Elections 1995 & 1996 4.10 - 4.11 Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) 4.12 - 4.13 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 4.14 - 4.23 - Background 4.14 - 4.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 4.17 - 4.18 - Election Results 4.19 - 4.23 - Post-election Violence 2000 4.24 - 4.26 - By election results in 2000 4.27 - 4.28 - Marondera West 4.27 - Bikita West 4.28 - Legal challenges to election results in 2000 4.29 Incidents in 2001 4.30 - 4.58 - Bulawayo local elections, September 2001 4.46 - 4.50 - By elections in 2001 4.51 - 4.55 - Bindura 4.51 - Makoni West 4.52 - Chikomba 4.53 - Legal Challenges to election results in 2001 4.54 - 4.56 Incidents in 2002 4.57 - 4.66 - Presidential Election, March 2002 4.67 - 4.79 - Rural elections September 2002 4.80 - 4.86 - By election results in 2002 4.87 - 4.91 Incidents in 2003 4.92 – 4.108 - Mass Action 18-19 March 2003 4.109 – 4.120 - ZCTU strike 23-25 April 4.121 – 4.125 - MDC Mass Action 2-6 June 4.126 – 4.157 - Mayoral and Urban Council elections 30-31 August 4.158 – 4.176 - By elections in 2003 4.177 - 4.183 Incidents in 2004 4.184 – 4.191 By elections in 2004 4.192 – 4.193 5 State Structures 5.1 – 5.98 The Constitution 5.1 - 5.5 Political System: 5.6 - 5.21 - ZANU-PF 5.7 - -
What Happened in Parliament? an Analysis of the Participation of Mps 2012 to 2013
What happened in Parliament? An analysis of the participation of MPs 2012 to 2013 Rumbidzai Dube, Senior Researcher November 2013 1. Executive Summary This report is the last of a three part series of thematic reports analysing the performance of the Seventh Parliament in the last year of its tenure. While the previous two reports assessed the aspects of the Seventh Parliament to do with attendance and gender; this last offering looks specifically at the achievements of Parliament , with particular regard to issues such as Bills passed, debates undertaken and legislative performance in general. The report notes, among other things, that: • The levels of participation and debate among Parliamentarians were generally low, with some members spending the entire year without contributing anything to pertinent discussions; • Although most ministers impressively managed to participate in either House of Assembly or Senate sessions, at least two-thirds of the ZANU PF ministers never participated in either the House of Assembly or Senate sessions, a worrying trend considering that they have held ministerial positions for longer; • Question and Answer sessions – an important process in Parliament- were characterised by poor attendance by Ministers. Some Ministers tactfully side-stepped important questions. Some members addressed questions to the wrong Ministries. In some instances, procedural considerations in the conduct of the business of Parliament resulted in some questions remaining unanswered up to the end of the Seventh Parliament; • The -
Political Violence Report: October 2002
ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS NGO FORUM POLITICAL VIOLENCE REPORT: OCTOBER 2002 21 November 2002 A report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum Political Violence Report: October 2002 OVERVIEW Reports of organised violence have consistently surrounded the period preceding elections in Zimbabwe. The by-election held in Insiza over the weekend of 26 - 27 October 2002 proved to be no exception as it was allegedly marked by violence and engulfed in intimidation. There were reports of victimization of villagers, real and perceived MDC supporters as well as the MDC candidate himself. In one case, it is alleged when Zanu PF candidate, Andrew Langa, is alleged to have fired a shot at an MDC supporter, Darlington Kadengu, during the campaign period. Siyabonga Mlandu Ncube, the MDC candidate was with Kadengu at the time of the shooting. It is unknown whether the shot that hit Kadengu had been intended for him or not. The reported presence of CIO officers and youths from the Border Gezi National Service Training Centre observing and monitoring the polls in a breach of the electoral laws, was purported to have had an intimidatory effect on the opposition party supporters. As the Electoral Act Section 14B states, it is only those nominated by and accredited by the Observers’ Accreditation Committee before the actual commencement of the polls, and those who also have proof of an accreditation certificate, who are empowered to observe polls; neither of these groups had been accredited. There were allegations that the police were selective in application of the law as they reportedly targeted only MDC supporters, turning a blind eye to political violence perpetrated by Zanu PF supporters. -
SADC Sets Roadmap to Elections
Distributed free of charge as a service to the people of Zimbabwe PRIMEPRIME MINISTERMINISTERTHE NEWSLETTER FROM THE OFFICE OF THE PRIME MINISTER www.zimbabweprimeminister.org 19 August 2010 SADC sets roadmap to elections The Southern African Development Community (SADC) has acknowledged the impasse in the implementation of the Global 3ROLWLFDO$JUHHPHQW *3$ LQ =LPEDEZH DQG HQGRUVHG DQ H[LW strategy by the Facilitator, South African President Jacob Zuma, to the Organ Troika on Politics, Defence and Security, which outlines a roadmap to a free, fair and credible election. In his report, which was adopted by the Troika and by the SADC Summit, President Zuma said Zimbabwe’s political parties should ¿QG³DQXQLQWHUUXSWHGSDWKWRZDUGVIUHHDQGIDLUHOHFWLRQVDQGWKH removal of impediments as and when they arise”. “The Troika should persuade SADC to help Zimbabwe to draw up guidelines for a free and fair election, where intimidation and violence would not play any part and where the result of such elections would be credible,” said President Zuma. Key to the election roadmap is the direction to the signatories of the GPA to resolve all outstanding issues within 30 days. The SADC Organ Troika on Politics, Defence and Security committed itself to assisting the political parties to meet this goal within the set timeframe. The SADC Troika, which is chaired by President Armando Guebuza of Mozambique, met in Windhoek ahead of the 30th SADC summit that began in the Namibian capital on Monday and received a report from President Jacob Zuma. The meeting was also attended by the Principals to the GPA, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, his Deputy Arthur Mutambara and President Robert Mugabe. -
Daily Struggles: Private Print Media, the State, And
DAILY STRUGGLES: PRIVATE PRINT MEDIA, THE STATE, AND DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE IN ZIMBABWE IN THE CASE OF THE AFRICAN DAILY NEWS (1956-1964) AND THE DAILY NEWS (1999-2003) BY SYLVESTER DOMBO Submitted in fulfilment of the academic requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Social Sciences, University of KwaZulu-Natal Durban MARCH 2014 ABSTRACT This thesis employs Jurgen Habermas’ theory of public sphere as an analytical tool to consider the role played by two popular private newspapers in the struggle for democracy in Zimbabwe, one case from colonial Rhodesia and the other from the post-colonial era. It argues that, functioning under repressive political regimes and in the absence of credible opposition political parties or as a platform for opposition political parties, the African Daily News, between 1956-1964 and the Daily News, between 1999-2003, played a fundamental role in opening up spaces for political freedom in the country. Each was ultimately shut down by the respective government of the time. The newspapers allowed reading publics the opportunity to participate in politics by providing a daily analytical alternative, to that offered by the government and the state media, in relation to the respective political crises that unfolded in each of these periods. The thesis examines both the information policies pursued by the different governments and the way these affected the functioning of private media in their quest to provide an ‘ideal’ public sphere. It explores issues of ownership, funding and editorial policies in reference to each case and how these affected the production of news and issue coverage. -
180 Days of What.Cdr
C O V I D - 1 9 & H U M A N R I G H T S 180 DAYS OF WHAT? LOCKDOWN • IMPUNITY • REPRESSION • CORRUPTION • 180 STORIES OF HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS A SUMMARY REVIEW OF THE FIRST 180 DAYS OF THE COVID-19 NATIONAL LOCKDOWN IN ZIMBABWE september 2020 180 DAYS OF WHAT? A SUMMARY REVIEW OF THE FIRST 180 DAYS OF THE COVID-19 NATIONAL LOCKDOWN IN ZIMBABWE september 2020 Published by The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum 64B Connaught Road, Avondale P. O. Box 9077, Harare, Zimbabwe Tel: +263 86 7700 8773 Email: [email protected] www.hrforumzim.org Report compiled by Fortune Kuhudzehwe and Jacqueline Rukanda-Pasi Edited by Dr Musa Kika, Wilbert Mandinde and Yassin Nhara This publication maybe reproduced for non-commercial use in any form provided due credit is given to the publishers, and the work is presented without any distortion. Copyright © 2020 Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum ABOUT THIS REPORT ii 01. INTRODUCTION 1 02. A WAVE OF REGULATIONS 3 03. LOCKDOWN ENFORCEMENT 8 04. VIOLATIONS DURING THE LOCKDOWN 10 4.1. EXTRAJUDICIAL KILLINGS 11 4.2. GUNSHOTS 12 S 4.3. ASSAULTS 12 T 4.4. ATTACKS ON JOURNALISTS 13 4.5. ARBITRARY ARRESTS AND DETENTION 15 N 4.6. ABDUCTIONS 15 E 4.7. ARREST, INTIMIDATION AND T REPRISALS AGAINST LAWYERS 16 N 4.8. RAIDS 17 05. SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC RIGHTS 18 O 5.1. FOOD INSECURITY 18 C 5.2. RIGHT TO TRADE AND OCCUPATION 19 F 5.3. SAFE, CLEAN AND ADEQUATE WATER 20 06. CAPACITATION OF THE HEALTH SECTOR 21 O 07. -
The Real Change Times Movement for Democratic Change a Party of Excellence! the Official Mouthpiece of the MDC
Iz qula enzo u I G ze o n ir z it o a G M u q a j u n l i a h C C h o i r n i t j i a a M M a a i j t i n r i o h C The Real Change Times Movement for Democratic Change A Party of Excellence! The Official Mouthpiece of the MDC Tuesday 14 February MDC Information & Publicity Department, Harvest House, 44 Nelson Mandela Ave, Harare, Zimbabwe Issue 093 2012 Peace - the way to go President Tsvangirai lambasted those Prime Minister’s Office and several Only on Friday, a day before the Peace who engage in violent activities as senior party officials. Prayer celebrations in Chitungwiza, ‘mabharanzi’ (people who do not think) an MDC branch treasurer in Mbare, adding that Zimbabweans should “pray A group of Zanu PF supporters wearing Shepherd Bandau, was brutally for the demon of violence”. their party regalia, however attempted murdered by 10 Chipangano thugs. to gain entry and disrupt the meeting but The President quoted the Biblical verses alert security details did not entertain The Peace Prayer Day is an annual of Joshua and Corinthians which teach them. national event held in order to commit about love and peace. He also implored the people of Zimbabwe and the nation people to pray for their leaders. According to analysts, this is an at large to God so that peace prevails in indication of how desperate the ‘sunset the country. With reference to the Biblical verse party’ has become – even trying to which is normally quoted in support disrupt a peace prayer meeting. -
Long-Term Monitoring Report
Number. 1 Background The Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN) is gearing itself towards an impending major election, the parliamentary election of 2005. There had been a fiercely contested general election in 2000, which ushered into parliament, the most formidable opposition since independence. The emergence of the opposition party completely changed the country’s political landscape as the country witnessed unprecedented levels of political violence. Following the 2000 election in which the then nine-month old opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) won 57 of the 120 seats, the government enacted several laws that changed the electoral playing field. Most notable among these was the General Laws Amendment Act in 2001, Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) and the Public Order and Security Act. The enactment of these laws made the political environment in the country very restrictive for civic organisations as well as the opposition political parties. In addition to the above restrictive legislation, in 2004 parliament passed again another piece of repressive legislation, the NGO Bill that is currently awaiting the President’s signature. The NGO bill sought to ban foreign funding to all NGOs working on issues around good governance, democracy and human rights. This bill disturbed the programming of NGOs activities and hence the late preparedness of NGOs especially in view of the pending election. By elections Since 2000, ZESN observed all the 16 by-elections that were held in the country. These by-elections left MDC with 51 seats from the initial 57 whilst ZANU PF gained six more seats to have 68 seats.