"": An Intellectual Odyssey

David Seckler

When President Young asked me to "malnutrition". Under one criterion proper address this meeting of the Western Agricul- is defined as sufficient intake of tural Association on my work in nutrients to reach the full genetic growth nutrition policy I gladly accepted for I have potential of the individual defined by various been spending most of my time talking to anthropometric and nutritional standards. nutritionists about these problems and Malnutrition then becomes abnormally low perhaps not enough time talking to my fellow size and/or consumption. Under the second agricultural economists. I say this not only criterion, malnutrition is defined in terms of because of the obvious connection between certain clinical signs of nutritional inadequa- nutrition, food policy and agriculture but cy and/or indices of functional impairment, because of a discovery, in my opinion, of such as the inability to work productively. considerable consequence. This discovery is Proper nutrition then presumably becomes that the concept of "malnutrition" cannot be the absence of these clinical-functional signs comprehended except in terms of the eco- of malnutrition. The problem is that most of nomic theory of optimality. the people who are not "properly nourished" In order to understand what I mean by this under the first criterion are also not "mal- statement it is first necessary to understand nourished" under the second criterion! "malnutrition" is an extremely ambiguous There exists a considerable "grey area", word. The Random House Dictionary, for consisting of perhaps as much as 80% or more example, defines "malnutrition" as "lack of of the conventionally estimated world of proper nutrition." Since "proper nutrition" is malnutrition, who are neither "properly not defined, one must simply assume that it nourished" nor "malnourished". They are is "lack of malnutrition". As Ford observes, simply "Small but Healthy" people who have "The term 'malnutrition' has been in use for a very attaind an optimum size with respect to their long time and appears to be self-explanatory but environment. even the briefest perusal of the vast literature on In the course of the following discussion I nutrition raises grave doubt about that. There is no would like to describe how I arrived at this has the same signifi- way of knowing if the word - my "Intellectual Odyssey," as I cance in all parts of the world or if its interpreta- conclusion tion lies, like beauty, in the eyes of the behol- have called it. I have chosen this mode of der ..... Anything less scientific than this chaotic presentation primarily because it appears to inexactitude would be difficult to imagine." me to present the most convenient format for The problem is that there are two quite reducing a rather lengthy research effort to a different criteria of "proper nutrition" and short discussion; but also, because I am interested in the philosophy of , and I David Seckler is Professor in the Department of Eco- have personally found the process of"conjec- nomics at Colorado State University on assignment to ture and refutation", as Karl R. Popper Ford Foundation in New Delhi, India. describes it, over these past three years one of the most exciting intellectual episodes of Appreciation is expressed to P. V. Sukhatme and Shel- don Margen for their gracious help and encouragement my life. Thus I will speak some of my in this odyssey although they are not, of course, personal experience and to those who think responsible for any of the views expressed here. this has no place in academe I can do no 219 December 1980 Western Journal of Agricultural Economics better than cite our colleague William Foltz still in this most fascinating field of nutrition. who once said in introducing his remarks on a I estimated that a representative house- paper he was about to review, "Gentlemen, I hold of Indian agricultural laborers consisting apologize for citing my personal experience of 5.33 people would generate about 776 days - but, Gentlemen, it is the only experience of work per year under full employment I have had." [Seckler]. In order to meet their energy requirements at this level of work they would require about 4,245,000 kcal. per year - or, Nutritional "Requirements" at 3,150 kcal. per kg. of wheat, about 1,350 My interest in nutrition began in the kg. of wheat per year. The poor Indian summer of 1977 when I was in India on a household spends about 60% of its income on short-term consulting assignment to the Cen- foodgrains, 20% on other food items, and tral Soil and Water Research Conservation 20% on non-food necessities such as clothing, and Training Institute, Dehra Dun. The shelter and fuel. Thus to meet all necessities or assignment, I thought, was quite simple: to it must earn about 2,000 kg. of wheat the do economic evaluations of various projects equivalent per year. At full employment, of the Institute in rather remote and isolated daily minimum foodgrain wage would be 2.6 areas of India, particularly in the "hill areas" kg. Assuming men earn 20% more than would of the Himalayas. women, the minimum male wage rate The specific problem I encountered was be 2.9 kg. of foodgrain. I later found that this to that in the highly underemployed and pover- estimate corresponds remarkably close ty stricken area of the hills - and, I later Clarke and Haswell's survey of agricultural economies. They found, generally throughout India - people wage rates in subsistence that, would not work for less than about Rs.5 (or observed, "... the strange fact... times and places for which we 60¢) per day. I thought it peculiar that people throughout all appeared to be willing to starve rather than have information, the rural laborer, however less than work for this, under Indian conditions, not poor, will not do a day's work for inconsiderable wage. The fact of this wage three kilograms grain equivalent." floor was of course of considerable impor- It is difficult to convert this minimum tance to my evaluations because while it is foodgrain wage to monetary terms without conventionally assumed that the shadow detailed knowledge of local diets and costs of price of labor under conditions of unemploy- foodgrains and other necessities. However, ment is zero, or near zero, this fact seemed to following Dandekar and Rath's estimates for me to indicate that there was a real cost of rural India 1969-1970 and adjusting for infla- labor keeping this wage floor in place. Let tion to 1977 I found that the Rs.5 figure was me say at the outset that I do not believe that perhaps as close as one could conceivably "culture" or "work-leisure" preferences are get. I concluded that the energy-work con- very relevant in this domain of abject pover- nection is indeed decisive in setting such ty. Something more fundamental, I suspect- floors as I had observed. ed, was going on. The one snag in this conclusion was that It is clear that the physical energy expend- the Rs.5 figure was based on the assumption ed in physical work must be provided by the of a fully employed household. If unemploy- physical energy provided by food. Thus there ment existed in the extent of 20%, with only must be a fundamental connection between 600 days of work per year, the minimum earnings, which are used mainly to purchase daily wage would have to be about Rs.5.8 or food, and the energy requirements of the 16% more than the observed floor (the rela- work required to obtain earnings. I thought I tion is non-liner due to savings of calories and would spend a few days working this little other necessities in unemployment).l For problem out and here I am, three years later, reasons explained below, I later discovered 220 Seckler Malnutrition that I had overestimated kcal. requirements cle must soon end because the laborer "gets and thus, the Rs.5 figure was probably about sick". The body throws out a complex variety right with 20% unemployment. of defensive mechanisms: slowness, drow- From this point I naturally became inter- siness, lethargy, stumbling, and fainting ested in the mechanism through which this (quite a common sight in Indian fields)- apparently universal minimum foodgrain which causes the laborer to be dismissed. As wage would be established. The classical more of the laboring class is disabled by low theory of the subsistence wage immediately wages a labor shortage develops and wages comes to mind. But this theory is a long-run are restored to their energy equilibrium theory depending on the regulation of the level. Of course there is nothing above aggregate supply curve for labor through equilibrium in this model to stimulate a attrition of children and, while obviously true higher wage because once the laborer can as a long-run phenomena, it did not appear to purchase enough energy to do the work, the me to be adequate for the essentially short- marginal product of the energy-wage is zero. run, nearly day-to-day equilibrium which I This analysis seems to me to be perfectly seemed to detect in the case even of the satisfactory but it depends on one crucially individual household. important and, I find, entrancing assump- The answer to this problem is quite specif- tion. This assumption is that the wage- ic and direct in the nutritional literature. In earners in a household love their dependents the classic starvation studies of Keyes, there to the extent that they will, in a sense, is shown a very clear production function "irrationally" share their scarce food supplies between energy intake and work ability and with their dependents in proportion to their work performance. Interestingly, under star- needs. The 3 kg. equilibrium figure assumes vation work performance decreases before that the wage earners do not make their work ability due to the mental and emotional dependents bear the nutritional burden of stress of deprivation. There is no time here to low wages. If they treated the dependents as review this long and fascinating study but I residual claiments on scarce food supplies, as would like to say that if you want to under- is commonly thought, the equilibrium wage stand the "economics of being poor" which, I would be much lower than 3 kg. per work agree with Shultz, is the only economics that day. In principle it would reduce, as the really matters, you should study Keyes. As a dependents died off, to about 1.8 kg. It is laborer's wage goes below 3 kg. per day reasonably certain that sharing takes place under the competitive pressures of underem- because the poorest and most malnourished ployment his productivity decreases. As his households are also the largest households. I productivity decreases there is more down- have tried to check this sharing assumption ward pressure on his wages as the employe in detail by examining data on the age and tries to pay him at most the value of his sex distribution of anthropometric indices marginal product. However, this vicious cir- (weight, height, weight for height, etc.) in poor Indian households relative to received anthropometric standards. My tentative con- clusion is that except for underestimation of for a household 1Since 80% of the nutrient requirements the additional nutritional requirements for are fixed requirements on an annual basis, the wage floor supply curve is downward sloping with respect to growth of children, and the additional re- days worked per year. Thus one would expect a quirements of pregnant and lactating wom- decrease in daily wage rates as more employment per en, the gap between anthropometric reality year is offered up to the inelastic portion of the supply and standard is uniform across age and sex may have this wage rate curve. The green revolution groups within the household. The house- depressing, but income raising, effect in the early stage of its development with wage rates rising, if ever, only hold, in other words, attempts to share the in the later stages as regional labour shortages develop. burden of malnutrition as uniformly as they 221 December 1980 Western Journal of Agricultural Economics can estimate - and, indeed, for reasons I shall not go into the estimation problem outlined below, they possibly estimate re- here as it would require too much time. quirements for the special groups more ra- Rather, I shall concentrate on the problem tionally than do nutritionists. One of the presented by the 2,250 kcal. requirement. more provocative results of this preliminary Here it is important to note that I have only a analysis is that by anthropometric criteria, superficial knowledge of the bio-chemistry of the female members of the typical Indian nutrition so that my arguments are only those household appear to be slightly better off of an economist, together with some rather than the males. I have received a few arrows common observations available to everyone of outrageous fortune for corroborating the (except, it sometimes seems, to nutri- intuitively obvious fact that fathers and hus- tionists!). bands do indeed love daughters, wives and One of the many pleasant surprises of mothers. India is that as one travels through the With these general conclusions I com- country one simply does not see anything pleted what I now look back upon as Phase I like the extent of malnutrition one expects to of my work in nutrition. But it soon became find from the available data, much less the obvious that there remained a basic problem popular press. Not being a trained nutri- in this position which launched me into a tionist I cannot trust my own observations so much deeper study of nutrition than ever I I make a habit of asking trained people to had contemplated. estimate the incidence of severe malnutrition in the populations in which they work. With "Small but Healthy" the exception of an area in eastern U.P., The Phase I problem was this. If one takes which is generally considered one of the the commonly accepted energy requirement worst areas of India, the response varied of 2,250 kcal. per capita per day for the from 1% to 3% of the population. In the U.P. Indian population, converts this figure into area it was 20%. This seems to me to be an earnings, in the manner indicated in the extraordinarily small incidence of severe mal- preceding section, and then estimates the nutrition in a population which is presumed incidence of malnutrition in India as those to be 40% malnourished. below a certain minimum earnings, one I might pause here to mention that there is finds, as Dandekar and Rath have shown, a considerable body of opinion that in most that about 40% of the rural population of areas of rural India there has been a notable India do not earn enough to meet minimum improvement in the nutritional status of calorie requirements. This conclusion is not people over the past decade even though per extraordinary in itself. India is a poor coun- capita food consumption has remained the try. But the extraordinary thing is that if one same or even decreased. While this opinion calculates out the degree, or severity, of is not universally held, I believe that it is malnutrition in India, one finds that nearly probably valid. There are two reasons for this 20% of the rural households do not earn belief. First, the enormous advances in con- enough to meet minimum necessities, pro- trol of diseases and extension of medical vide their energy maintenance costs, and do services discussed by Ram and Schultz, have any work at all. In India, if poor people undoubtedly increased the efficiency of con- cannot work they cannot survive. I con- version of food input into output by lowering sidered this fact a refutation of the quantita- the amount of "food wastage" through diar- tive basis of my previous position. There rohea and other health factors. (Also, there is were only two possibilities I could see: either the common mistake of diagnosing symptoms the method of estimation was incorrect; or of diseases such as the "pot belly" of malaria the 2,250 kcal standard was too high - or, as with malnutrition.) Secondly, it is possible I have since concluded, both. that since the marginal propensity to con- 222 Seckler Malnutrition sume food is very high in India, real gains in One naturally wonders if there is anything agricultural production are underestimated wrong with these small people other than by food disappearance in home consumption their smallness. Oddly enough, there has and by upgrading food products - i.e., been very little study of these "mild to converting foodgrain into milk products or moderately malnourished" (MMM) people. better qualities of foodgrains. But this is a Jelliffe observes, problem I cannot examine further here. "In as yet ill-defined circumstances, protein- While one does not see a great deal of calorie malnutrition -probably when mildly visible malnutrition in India, one does see a moderate and prolonged - results in nutritional lot of extremely small people - and the dwarfing - that is, in children who are "consider- ably underweight and undersized, while at the poorer people are, the smaller they tend to same time appearing to have relatively normal be. As one of my friends has observed, small body proportions." (Jelliffe, 1959). As Downs people seem to do all the heavy work in (1964) remarks, children with nutritional dwarfing India, including carrying the luggage of large are light in weight, short in stature, with relatively people at Delhi airport! normal body proportions and sub-cutaneous fat appropriate to their weight; they are likely to be Now this is a very important fact, if it is a taken for healthy younger children." fact, because the nutrient requirements of an "This condition has received inadequate attention individual of given sex, age and activity level but appears to be common in Peru (Graham, 1966) are a function of body surface area - or, and in Arab refugee children in Lebanon (Puyet, approximately, of weight. It follows that if Downs and Budier, 1963, Downs, 1940)." the poor weigh less than the weight assumed There is a haunting picture in Jelliffe's in the calculation of nutrient requirements, excellent book which shows two babies of the their real nutrient requirements will be less same height, yet the one is six months old than their assumed requirements at any and the other eighteen months old. The given point in time. I have been tracking this eldest "looks", if anything, better than the thin red line through the nutritional litera- youngest. Looks are deceiving, but the cap- ture for the past two years and have con- tion does not indicate any difference between cluded that most of the people of the world these babies other than age and, as Jelliffe who are considered malnourished are simply indicates in the above citation, if one does "Small but Healthy" people. not know the age of these "nutritionally This conjecture may be illustrated by some dwarfed" children, ".... they are likely to be statistics from a recent study of nutrition in taken for healthy younger children." the five poor countries of Nepal, Sri Lanka, Are they in fact small but healthy children? Togo, Liberia, and Lethsoto [McKigney]. Certainly, most of the literature assumes The incidence of malnutrition by an- they are not. But without independent evi- thropometric criteria ranged from about 55% dence of functional impairment the meaning in Nepal to 20% in Liberia. However, about of this kind of "malnutrition" become highly 90% of all the malnutrition found in these ambiguous. If, on the other hand, they are in countries involved people with low height for fact healthy then one must wonder how they age but with the proper weight for height became abnormally small, retaining the ap- ratio. Now, if one thinks of malnutrition in propriate weight to height ratio and their the conventional imagery of thin, wasted health. Is it ? (The incidence of bodies, rather than in terms merely of short "malnutrition" in the five country study is people, the incidence of malnutrition must highest in the two Asian countries.) Or, is be considerably reduced. Of course since something more involved? If so, what? short people with the proper weight to It is not surprising that medical and nutri- height ratio will also be light people, their tional scientists interpret variations in consumption requirements will also be less growth as the result of variations in health than conventionally estimated. and nutrition. But as J. M. Tanner argues, 223 December 1980 Western Journal of Agricultural Economics recent advances in genetics, , thus regulating the speed of internal, phy- and other fields involved in the study of siological "clocks", short term equilibrium is growth are creating a fundamentally different established and the ultimate size and shape view of the process of growth. Tanner recom- of the adult may be molded to its environ- mends that the study of growth become a ment. field of its own, the field of "Auxology", in Of course, there are bounds to these which health and nutrition contributes a adaptive possibilities. It is an important part, but only a part, of the explanation of a mathematical property of homeostatic mod- far more complex and even sophisticated els that while they maintain stability within growth proces than has hitherto been con- bounds of variation, they disintegrate into templated. violently unstable paths when the bounds are The prevailing theory of growth and nutri- transgressed [Sukhatme and Margin]. tion may be described as the "Deprivation If the homeostatic theory is correct then Theory." Under this theory, it is assumed the dilemma of "nutritional dwarfs" who are that every individual is born with a given, not observably impaired in the range of mild genetically determined, potential growth to moderate malnutrition (MMM) is re- curve. If the individual is healthy and well solved. There are no impairments because nourished, he will grow along this curve. Per this range represents an adaptive response of contra, growth significantly below this curve body size to adverse conditions in order to indicates poor health and/or malnutrition. Of avoid these impairments. I have tested this course some people are normally small, and conjecture on a sample of Indian children it is difficult to determine if any small indi- who were medically screened and known not vidual is abnormally small or not. But in large to be malnourished or unhealthy and who populations a skew of the distribution curve had a normal medical (ICMR). Over of size toward the small is regarded as 90% of the 17 year olds in this healthy sample evidence of poor health and malnutrition in would be considered malnourished by con- that population. ventional standards used in nutritional as- In contrast to this view, there is an alterna- sessment studies - many of them moderate- tive perspective which may be called the ly malnourished, and some even severely "Homeostatic Theory of Growth". This malnourished. Chen found a high incidence theory is based on a substantially different of mortality in Bangladeshi children at the genetic interpretation in which the single severe level of malnutrition but a normal potential growth curve of the older view is incidence of mortality (and, probably of mor- replaced by the concept of a broad array of bidity) in the range of MMM. Beaton and potential growth curves in several an- Ghassemi could find little if any output in thropometric dimensions - in a word, with terms of mortality, morbidity and even the concept of a potential growth space. growth in MMM children in the supplemen- Within the bounds of this potential growth tary feeding programs they surveyed. I be- space, the growing child may be rather live that the idea that there is a continuous indifferently mapped through various paths relationship between the various degrees of of size and shape in response to nutritional malnutrition and clinical-functional signs of and other sources of information from the malnutrition is a statistical illusion generated environment. by the habit of curve fitting over all the levels The principal instrument of control in the of malnutrition together. If the regressions homeostatic process is control over the rate were made separately for each level of mal- of growth of the child. If nutrient constraints nutrition, I believe that it would be found are encountered at a given rate of growth, that all the significant relationships would be the rate is slowed to bring nutrient demand found in the severe level with no significance into equilibrium with nutrient supply. By at the levels of MMM. This statistical prob- 224 Seckler Malnutrition lem incidentally, is the same as that leading ments- to less than standard levels without to the illusion that there are significant suffering adverse effects. economies of size in American agriculture World 3 consists of people who have been [Seckler and Young]. pushed below the threshold of adaptation. From the basic theoretical framework of These people are small, undernourished homeostatic control of the growth process it even for their size, and functionally im- is but a short step to a conventional economic paired. model of how the control mechanism might Roughly speaking world 2 corresponds to be expected to result in an optimum size of a MMM people comprising 80% to 90% of all person given the marginal benefits and costs people not of world 1; with the balance of of size. A study of piecework wage earnings world 3 people either at the severe level of by weight of workers appears to yield the malnutrition, or in clear and present danger typical "S" shaped production function of severe malnutrition. From a policy point of which, if matched up with a linear food cost view the crucially important distinction be- function related to weight, would yield an tween world 2 and 3 is that needy people in optimum somewhere in the mid-range be- world 2 can, while those in world 3 cannot, tween the largest and the smallest workers work if given the opportunity. I believe that [Gopalan]. This curve has often been inter- food-for-work programs (FFWP) should be preted as though it demonstrated that the the principal instrument of policy for world best size is the largest because total product 2. These programs should be integrated with increases through to the maximum size. This clinical programs which provide nutritional interpretation is valid, as any economist and medical care and job training to world 3 knows, only if the maginal food costs of size people so that they can be enrolled in FFWP are zero. While this condition is perhaps when they are in condition to work. satisfied for rich people who consume for The great advantage of FFWP is that they pleasure, it certainly is not in the case of the provide both an effective means of excluding poor who must consume for nutrition. Thus less needy people from the income benefits with the optimality theory showing that it of food aid and a permanent improvement in would be desirable to be small under condi- the economic environment in which these tions of food scarcity and the homeostatic people must live. Since people must do hard theory showing that it is in principle possible manual work in FFWP only the most needy to be "Small but Healthy", this aspect of the will enroll. Since FFWP create permanent argument is conceptually complete. community assets in the form of roads, schools, hospitals, drinking water, irrigation and the like they lay a basis for sustaining the improvements created by food aid. FFWP Policy Implications also provide a mechanism for eventually The policy implications of this analysis can liquidating the clinical programs necessary be addressed in terms of three distinct for world 3 people. In my opinion, all other "Worlds of Nutrition". programs, such as school lunch programs and World 1 consists of "properly nourished" supplemental feeding programs for at risk people as defined by received anthropomet- groups, should be used only as a last resort ric and nutritional standards. when there is good reason to believe that the World 2 consists of people who are not FFWP based program is inadequate. properly nourished but who are also not There are three reasons why I am skeptical functionally impaired. The available evi- of these other programs. First, since they are dence indicates that these small but healthy very inept at excluding the comparatively people have been able to adapt their size - well off from the program, they divert an and, therefore, their consumption require- enormous amount of resources from the 225 December 1980 Western Journal of Agricultural Economics

needy. Second, they are targeted to indi- think of no area of scientific research more viduals within households, not to the house- desperately needed than this. hold itself, and I believe malnutrition is a household problem which can only be solved at that level. With rare exceptions, malnour- ished individuals come from malnourished households and these households are mal- nourished because the income earning adults References cannot earn an adequate living. Until this basic problem is solved, at risk groups will Beaton, G. B. and Ghassemi, H. "Supplementary remain at risk. Third, I believe that sup- Feeding Programmes for Young Children in De- plementary feeding programs designed to get veloping Countries," Report prepared for UNICEF and the ACC Sub-Committee world 2 children up on a high growth on Nutrition of the curve United Nations, October 1979. can harm those children when the program is withdrawn. The process of "disadaptation" Chen, Lincoln C., Chowdhury, Alauddin K.M.H. and [Beaton and Ghassemi] set in motion by Huffman, Sandy. "Classification of Energy-Protein these programs can easily make children Malnutrition by and Subsequent Risk of Mortality". International unfit for the economic environment in which Center for Diarrheal Disease Research, Bangladesh, 1978. they must spend the rest of their lives. Oddly enough, there appears to be no follow up Clark, Colin and Haswell, Margaret, The Economics of study of the post-intervention lives of chil- Subsistence Agriculture, London, MacMillan, 1970. dren who have been enrolled in supplemen- Dandekar, V. M. and Rath, Nilakantha, tal feeding programs, but I would Poverty in not be India, Bombay, Economic and Political Weekly, surprised if it were found that such children 1971. fared worse in the post-intervention period than their controls. Ford, F. J., "Can a Standard for 'Malnutrition' in Lastly, a quantitative point. There are Childhood be Devised?" The Journal of Tropical . September, 1964. probably no more than 150 million people in world 3. If these people need 500 kcal of Gopalan, C. "Adaptation to Low Calorie and Low additional food per day, or roughly one-sixth Protein Intake: Does it Exist?" in Sheldon Margen kg. of wheat equivalent, they would need and Richard A. Ogar (eds.), Progress in Human about 9 million tons of wheat per year. At Nutrition, AVI Publishing Company Inc., Westport, Connecticut. current world prices of about $200 per ton this amount of wheat would cost about two Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR), Growth billion dollars. Even doubling this amount and Physical Development of Indian Infants and for administrative and other costs results in a Children, New Delhi, 1972. total sum of 4 billion dollars per annum to Jelliffe, D. B., The Assessment of the NutritionalStatus eradicate the tragedy of world 3 malnutri- of the Community, Geneva, World Health Organiza- tion. tion, 1966. It would appear to me obvious that the eradication of world 3 should be the first Keyes, Ancel, et. al. The of Human Starvation, Vols. I and II. priority Minneapolis. The University of of nutrition policy and that nutri- Minnespolis Free Press, 1950. tional resources should not be squandered on the problems of world 2, problems which McKigney, John, "Simplified Field Assessment of Nu- only economic development can solve. But tritional Status", Office of Nutrition, AID, Washing- until a better scientific basis is established for ton, 1979. defining and locating people properly in Ram, Rati and Schultz, Theodore W. "Life Span, these three worlds of nutrition the prevailing Health, Savings and Productivity". Economic Devel- chaos of nutritional policy will continue. I can opment and Cultural Change. 27 (1979). 226 Seckler Malnutrition

Seckler, David. "The Role of Nutrition in Economic Sukhatme, P. V., "Incidence of Undernutrition", In- Development: The Case of India", 1979, to be dian Journal of Agricultural Economics, 27 (1972). published in "Transactions/Society", Autumn 1980. Sukhatme, P. V. and Margen, Sheldon. "Models for Seckler, David and Young, Robert A., "Economic and Protein Deficiency", The American Journalof Clinic- Policy Implications of the 160-Acre Limitation in al Nutrition, July 1978. Federal Reclamation Law", American Journal of Agricultural Economics, 60 (1978). Tanner, J. M., Foetus into Man -Physical Growthfrom Conception to Maturity, Open Books, London, 1978.

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