Barrios Altos V. Peru
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HM 342 the Trial of Alberto Fujimori
The trial of Alberto Fujimori by Jo-Marie Burt* Jo-Marie Burt witnessed the first week of former President Alberto Fujimori’s trial in Lima as an accredited observer for WOLA. Here is her report. The trial of Alberto Fujimori started on December 10, 2007, which was also the 59th anniversary of the signing of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Whether he was aware of this irony or not (and he presumably wasn’t; human rights law is not exactly his forte), Fujimori stands accused of precisely the sorts of crimes that the magna carta of human rights protection was meant to prevent: ordering abductions and extra-judicial killings and abuse of authority during his rule from 1990 to 2000. The “mega-trial,” as Peruvians call of it, of their former president is currently limited to charges for which Fujimori was extradited to Peru from Chile in September. These include human rights violations in three cases: the Barrios Altos massacre of 1991, in which 15 people were killed; the disappearance and later killing of nine students and a professor from the Cantuta University in 1992; and the kidnapping of journalist Gustavo Gorriti and businessman Samuel Dyer in the aftermath of the April 5, 1992, coup d’état in which Fujimori closed Congress, suspended the Constitution, and took control over the judiciary with the backing of the armed forces. Fujimori is also charged, in other legal proceedings, with corruption and abuse of authority in four cases, including phone tapping of the opposition; bribing members of Congress; embezzlement of state funds for illegal purposes; and the transfer of $15 million in public funds to Vladimiro Montesinos, de facto head of the National Intelligence Service (SIN). -
Transitional Justice in the Aftermath of Civil Conflict
Transitional Justice in the Aftermath of Civil Conflict Lessons from Peru, Guatemala and El Salvador Author Jo-Marie Burt Transitional Justice in the Aftermath of Civil Conflict: Lessons from Peru, Guatemala and El Salvador Author Jo-Marie Burt 1779 Massachusetts Ave., NW, Suite 710 Washington, D.C. 20036 T: (202) 462 7701 | F: (202) 462 7703 www.dplf.org 2018 Due Process of Law Foundation All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Published by Due Process of Law Foundation Washington D.C., 20036 www.dplf.org ISBN: 978-0-9912414-6-0 Cover design: ULTRAdesigns Cover photos: José Ángel Mejía, Salvadoran journalist; Jo-Marie Burt; DPLF Graphic design: ULTRAdesigns Author Acknowledgements iii Author Acknowledgements This report would not have been possible without the generosity of so many friends, colleagues and collaborators whose insights were critical to the preparation of this report. The experience of writing this report helped reinforce my belief that the theory of transitional justice much emanate from, and constantly be nourished from the experiences of those who engage in its day-to-day work: the survivors, the families of victims, the human rights defenders, lawyers, judicial operators, whose labor creates the things we understand to be transitional justice. My first debt of gratitude is to Katya Salazar, Executive Director of the Due Process of Law Foundation (DPLF), and Leonor Arteaga, Impunity and Grave Human Rights Senior Program Officer at DPLF, for their invitation to collaborate in the preparation of a grant proposal to the Bureau of Democracy, Labor and Human Rights, which led to the two-year funded project on transitional justice in post-conflict Peru, Guatemala and El Salvador that is the basis for this report. -
Diversionary Threats in Latin America: When and Why Do Governments Use the Threat of Foreign Invasion, Intervention, Or Terrorist Attack?
Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive DSpace Repository Theses and Dissertations 1. Thesis and Dissertation Collection, all items 2019-12 DIVERSIONARY THREATS IN LATIN AMERICA: WHEN AND WHY DO GOVERNMENTS USE THE THREAT OF FOREIGN INVASION, INTERVENTION, OR TERRORIST ATTACK? Searcy, Mason Monterey, CA; Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/64063 Downloaded from NPS Archive: Calhoun NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS DIVERSIONARY THREATS IN LATIN AMERICA: WHEN AND WHY DO GOVERNMENTS USE THE THREAT OF FOREIGN INVASION, INTERVENTION, OR TERRORIST ATTACK? by Mason Searcy December 2019 Thesis Advisor: Cristiana Matei Second Reader: Tristan J. Mabry Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited. THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK Form Approved OMB REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington, DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED (Leave blank) December 2019 Master's thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5. FUNDING NUMBERS DIVERSIONARY THREATS IN LATIN AMERICA: WHEN AND WHY DO GOVERNMENTS USE THE THREAT OF FOREIGN INVASION, INTERVENTION, OR TERRORIST ATTACK? 6. -
War Crimes Prosecution Watch
WAR CRIMES PROSECUTION EDITOR IN CHIEF FREDERICK K. COX WATCH Sarah Greenlee INTERNATIONAL LAW CENTER MANAGING EDITOR Michael P. Scharf and Matthew T. Wholey Brianne M. Draffin, Advisors Volume 4 - Issue 2 April 27, 2009 SENIOR TECHNICAL EDITOR Alexander McElroy War Crimes Prosecution Watch is a bi-weekly e-newsletter that compiles official documents and articles from major news sources detailing and analyzing salient issues pertaining to the investigation and prosecution of war crimes throughout the world. To subscribe, please email [email protected] and type "subscribe" in the subject line. Contents AFRICA International Criminal Court Central African Republic & Uganda The New Vision:LRA commander held as prisoner of war Darfur, Sudan Sudan Tribune: Egypt FM Challenges ICC to Execute Warrant Against Sudan’s Bashir Sudan Tribune: Sudan to Hold Joint Talks on Darfur with French and British Officials Sudan Tribune: ICC Prosecutor Calls for Isolating Sudan President Sudan Tribune: ICC Prosecutor Adds New Name(s) to Case Against Darfur Rebels This Day: Sudan: Groups Task Yar’Adua on Darfur Aid Democratic Republic of the Congo (ICC) UGPulse.com: 40 percent of children in rebel captivity suffer PTSD Institute for War and Peace Reporting: Journalist Recalls Disturbing Prison Ordeal LubangaTrial.org: Court Focuses on Witness Protection International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda Hirondelle News Agency: Chamber to hear last four prosecution witnesses Wednesday Hirondelle News Agency: ICTR Trial Chamber to hear witness in Kigali Hirondelle -
Background- Peru1 Peru Is the Third Largest Country in South America
Background- Peru1 Peru is the third largest country in South America, after Brazil and Argentina, home to 30 million people. It is a developed democracy still grappling with a lingering legacy of repeated military coups, mistreatment of indigenous peoples, and severe human rights abuses committed during a 1980s and 1990s communist insurgency. It has the unenviable distinction of being, by far, the state appearing the most frequently before the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. Peru’s colonial period was marked by notably strong military control and brutal repression of indigenous populations. Spain conquered the Inca Empire in the 1500s but Indians repeatedly rebelled against Spanish rule, most notably under Túpac Amaru II, an Incan and Spanish aristocrat who the Spanish tortured to death for leading a 1780 rebellion. By the 1800s, Spain had firm control over Peru with a large Spanish population and military presence. However, the Spanish military presence threatened revolutionaries from the newly independent Argentina and Bolivia and they invaded Peru and declared it independent in 1824. In the century following its independence, Peru gradually made progressive reforms but struggled with repeated wars and mounting foreign debt. After the Argentine and Bolivian revolutionaries departed, Peruvian military leaders engaged in an internal power struggle but ultimately established a stable military regime in the 1850s and a presidential democracy in the 1870s. From the 1850s to 1920s, Peru expanded voting rights, developed public education, abolished slavery, and introduced theoretical (if poorly enforced) rights for indigenous communities. However, the socialist Aprista party and the communists complained that support for the poor and indigenous communities did not go far enough. -
Competing Visions of the 1986 Lima Prison Massacres: Memory and the Politics of War in Peru
Vol. 11, No. 3, Spring 2014, 1-40 Competing Visions of the 1986 Lima Prison Massacres: Memory and the Politics of War in Peru Tamara Feinstein Carleton College In the bleak, grey winter of June 1986, the streets of Lima teamed with international dignitaries. Journalists, politicians and foreign heads of state filled the local hotels and restaurants, in eager anticipation of the Socialist International. All eyes rested on a freshly minted Alan García, one year into his first presidency. García was a rising star within the APRA (American Popular Revolutionary Alliance) party, one of the strongest and longest standing parties in Peru. Despite APRA’s age, numerical strength and populist appeal, García’s election in 1985 represented APRA’s first presidential win. Promising a return to APRA’s center-left roots, García saw the hosting of the Socialist International as a platform to announce his own brand of social democratic policies. This was a moment of great expectations for the young Peruvian president.1 Then, with unprecedented ferocity, the bitter war with the Maoist Shining Path insurgent group, Sendero Luminoso, previously relegated to 1 I would like to thank Steve Stern, Jaymie Heilman, Michele Leiby, Julie Gibbings and Yesenia Pumarada Cruz, as well as this journal’s anonymous readers, for their helpful comments on various incarnations of this article. Feinstein 2 the remote Andean highlands in the pages of the national press, violently exploded onto the Lima stage. Shining Path militants incarcerated in three separate Lima prisons staged simultaneous riots, took prison guards hostage and made vocal demands of the government. -
Los Usos Y Abusos De La Memoria De María Elena Moyano
Vol. 7, No. 2, Winter 2010, 165-209 www.ncsu.edu/project/acontracorriente Los usos y abusos de la memoria de María Elena Moyano Jo-Marie Burt George Mason University El 15 de febrero de 1992, un escuadrón de aniquilamiento de Sendero Luminoso asesinó a María Elena Moyano, reconocida dirigente comunitaria y teniente alcaldesa de Villa El Salvador, distrito popular del Cono Sur de Lima. Sendero Luminoso inició su llamada “guerra popular prolongada” contra el Estado peruano en 1980, y sus tácticas incluían ataques no sólo a representantes del Estado o a miembros de la burguesía peruana, sino también a dirigentes de organizaciones populares y de partidos de la izquierda, a quienes consideraban un obstáculo para la conquista del poder vía la revolución armada. En la medida que Sendero iba ganando terreno en Lima y atacando a dirigentes de organizaciones comunitarias como sindicatos, clubs de madres y comedores populares, Moyano comenzó a criticar, cada vez con más severidad, a la organización subversiva. Sus declaraciones repercutieron mucho en los medios de comunicación, no sólo porque era una mujer de un distrito popular, sino también porque pocas personas se atrevían a enfrentar con tanta claridad a Sendero Luminoso. Su muerte ocurrió al día siguiente de un paro armado Burt 166 declarado por Sendero Luminoso en Lima,y que ella intentó contrarrestar con una marcha por la paz. 1 Preocupada por el avance de Sendero Luminoso en Villa El Salvador, especialmente entre las filas de las organizaciones de mujeres, María Elena Moyano jugó un rol decisivo en la organización de diversas iniciativas para frenar la presencia senderista en el distrito. -
The Challenge of Impunity in Peru: the Significance of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights
1 The Challenge of Impunity in Peru: The Significance of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights CLARA SANDOVAL* Introduction When asked to contribute to this special edition of the Essex Human Rights Review, to celebrate the 25th anniversary of the Human Rights Centre, I thought it important to look at the significance of the Inter-American System of Human Rights (IASHR) on States Members of the Organisation of American States (OAS), in one of those areas where the system is recognised for its special contribution to the development of international human rights law: gross human rights violations. This year is the 20th anniversary of the groundbreaking decision on the merits of the Velásquez Rodriguez case.1 For that reason it is worth taking this opportunity to look back at some of the achievements in the fight against impunity for gross human rights violations. As the role played by the IASHR in the fight against impunity has been uneven across the Americas,2 I will concentrate on the specific role of the Inter-American Court (IACtHR or Court) in Peru, and in particular on the role it played in bringing Alberto Fujimori to justice. Fujimori is the first former head of state to have been extradited to his home country to face justice for, among others, two cases of gross human rights violations: Barrios Altos and La Cantuta.3 During the period 1980-2000 Peru was ruled by three presidents: Fernando Belaunde (1980-1985), Alan Garcia (1985-1990, and current president of Peru), and * I would like to thank the persons present at the LSE seminar on Fujimori and Human Rights Law, 29 Apr. -
Outlawing Amnesty: the Return of Criminal Justice in Transitional Justice Schemes
Outlawing Amnesty: The Return of Criminal Justice in Transitional Justice Schemes * LISA J. LAPLANTE Introduction.......................................................................................... 916 I. Truth v. Justice: The Controversy of Amnesty Within Tran- sitional Justice Schemes ............................................................ 920 A. Amnesty in the Americas ................................................ 922 B. Promoting Truth Commissions over Criminal Justice .... 926 C. Foreshadowing Change: South African Victim- Survivors Challenging Amnesties ................................... 929 II. A Changing Global Context: A Legal Framework to Chal- lenge Amnesties ........................................................................ 931 A. International Criminal Law: Individual Accountability for Atrocities.................................................................... 932 B. Human Rights Law: The Right to Justice and the Duty to Prosecute ..................................................................... 935 C. Current Affairs: Qualified Amnesties ............................. 940 D. Calls for Clarity: The Uncertain Future of Amnesties in Human Rights Protection ............................................ 943 III. Peru: Legalizing Impunity Through Amnesty........................... 944 A. In the Name of National Security.................................... 944 * Visiting Assistant Professor, Marquette University Law School, and Deputy Director, Praxis Institute for Social Justice; Brown University, B.A., -
Javier Diez Canseco El Internacionalista
Si nos preguntan por qué persistir en el Socialismo, bastaría constatar que los problemas que le dieron origen siguen presentes y, en muchos casos, se agudizan. La desigualdad es mayor que nunca, la miseria es crónica en muchas regiones y el trabajo humano se ha precarizado. Mientras la ciencia y la tecnología avanzan aceleradamente, aumentando la productividad y eficiencia de los servicios, millones mueren de hambre y epidemias tradicionales y nuevas arrasan. Los niveles de exclusión preocupan en los informes de organismos internacionales, mientras la tierra se recalienta por la degradación del modelo de desarrollo imperante. El Socialismo– enfrentando un balance crítico de su historia mundial y nacional, así como visiones sectarias y dogmáticas e ideas erróneas que condujeron a autoritarismos y modelos verticales que expropiaron el poder a las mayorías– , es una opción y una visión alternativa cuyos pilares de equidad, justicia, El internacionalista no discriminación, democracia participativa y ética de los productores mantiene vigencia y puede demostrar que “otro mundo es posible” si se entrelaza con las grandes mayorías y bebe de susafanes. JAVIER DIEZ CANSECO El internacionalista JAVIER DIEZ CANSECO DIEZ JAVIER Distribuidora Editorial JAVIER DIEZ CANSECO El internacionalista JAVIER DIEZ CANSECO El internacionalista Equipo editor Maruja Bedoya Hugo Cabieses Gladys Fernández Liliana Panizo Alberto Phumpiu Compilación y cuidado de edición Hernando Burgos Diseño y diagramación Carla De la Quintana Milla Fotografía: Archivo familiar de Liliana Panizo Archivo diario La República Hiperactiva Comunicaciones EIRL Alberto Phumpiu Ernesto Jiménez Hecho el Depósito Legal en la Biblioteca Nacional del Perú Nº 2015 05608 Impresión KINKO’S IMPRESORES SAC Av. -
The Judgment Against Fujimori for Human Rights Violations*
American University International Law Review Volume 25 Article 4 Issue 4 Volume 25, No. 4 2010 The udJ gment Against Fujimori for Human Rights Violations Aimee Sullivan Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/auilr Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Sullivan, Aimee. "The udJ gment Against Fujimori for Human Rights Violations." American University International Law Review 25, no.4 (2010): 657-842. This Translation is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in American University International Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. TRANSLATION THE JUDGMENT AGAINST FUJIMORI FOR HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS* TRANSLATED BY AIMEE SULLIVAN** ABBREVIATIONS ......................................................................... 661 PREFACE ........................................................................................ 664 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................... 667 1. EVIDENCE ............................................................................... 668 2. AGGRAVATED KIDNAPPING, MURDER, GRIEVOUS BODILY HARM, CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY: BARRIOS ALTOS AND LA CANTUTA ............................................................... -
PERU/JAPAN Alberto Fujimori Ex-President of Peru Must Be Brought to Justice
PERU/JAPAN Alberto Fujimori ex-president of Peru must be brought to justice Alberto Fujimori was president of the Republic of Peru between 1990 and 2000. During his two terms in office, grave human rights violations were committed by Peru’s security forces. During Alberto Fujimori’s ten year administration Amnesty International documented hundreds of cases of human rights violations which included extrajudicial executions, forced disappearances, torture and ill-treatment, death threats and harassment, arbitrary detention and unfair trials. When Alberto Fujimori took over the presidency, the Shining Path, Peru’s largest armed opposition group, had already been operating since 1980 and the Movimiento Revolucionario Túpac Amaru, Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement, since 1984. At the time he became president emergency zones under military control formed the core of the government’s counter-insurgency strategy. In the ten years prior to Alberto Fujimori becoming president the term “subversive” increasingly came to be applied to all inhabitants of areas where the armed opposition had a strong presence or some degree of control. The presumption that entire communities would be considered collectively responsible for Shining Path actions was invoked in justification of what amounted to a policy of widespread and systematic extrajudicial executions and “disappearance”. During the first two years of Alberto Fujimori’s presidency, the number of extrajudicial executions and “disappearances” remained high. In 1991 Amnesty International documented the cases of 306 people who “disappeared” after having been detained by the security forces. Of these, 23 were subsequently found dead and 40 were eventually released or transferred to the custody of the police, the rest remain unaccounted for.