DOCSLIB.ORG

First Principles Foundational Concepts to Guide Politics and Policy

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
First Principles Foundational Concepts to Guide Politics and Policy FIRST PRINCIPLES FOUNDATIONAL CONCEPTS TO GUIDE POLITICS AND POLICY NO. 70 | SEptEMBER 30, 2018 The Rise and Fall of Political Parties in America Joseph Postell Abstract Political parties are not mentioned in the U.S. Constitution. Nevertheless, America’s founders understood that the republic they were founding requires parties as a means for keeping government accountable to the people. Throughout America’s history, the power of political parties has risen and fallen, reaching their nadir in the last few decades. Americans today attribute to parties the very maladies from which great parties would save us if only we would restore them. Great political parties of the past put party principles above candidate personalities and institutionalized resources to maintain coalitions based on principle. They moderated politics and provided opportunities for leadership in Congress instead of shifting all power to the executive, enabling the republic to en- joy the benefits of checks and balances while avoiding excessive gridlock. Parties also encouraged elected officials to put the national interest ahead of narrow special interests. f there is one thing about politics that unites perceived as “the establishment.” Americans are IAmericans these days, it is their contempt for bipartisan in their condemnation of partisanship. political parties and partisanship. More Americans Americans have always viewed political parties with today identify as independents than with either of skepticism. The Constitution does not mention parties the two major political parties. Citizens boast that and did not seem to anticipate their emergence. In spite of they “vote for the person, not for the party,” and this, however, parties play an essential role in our repub- denounce fellow citizens or representatives who lican form of government and have done so throughout blindly toe the party line. Party leaders in Con- American history. Our contemporary contempt for par- gress are held in disrepute, criticized by one side ties is the product of three distinct periods in our history for being too soft and condemned by the other for that have brought them to where they are today. being too partisan. Insurgent, outsider candidates In the first period, during the first decades after the are increasingly successful against those who are founding, influential statesmen such as James Madi- son laid the groundwork for strong parties as an anti- dote to the factionalism and gridlock to which our con- This paper, in its entirety, can be found at http://report.heritage.org/fp70 stitutional system is susceptible. In the second period, The Heritage Foundation 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE throughout the 19th century, parties were strength- Washington, DC 20002 ened, and their positive features were openly praised. (202) 546-4400 | heritage.org Parties were dramatically weakened, however, in the Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of The Heritage Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of past century, and this has coincided with profound any bill before Congress. cynicism about the state of our political system today. FIRST PRINCIPLES | NO. 70 SEptEMBER 30, 2018 The history of political parties reveals that they Parties are composed of a variety of differ- are the critical mediating institutions that make the ent parts, none of which has an exclusive right to American Constitution function well. They trans- declare itself to be the party. The Republican Party late majority will into public policy by focusing elec- today, for example, is composed of millions of voters tions on policies rather than personalities. They who call themselves Republicans. In a sense, then, a moderate politics by encouraging elected officials party is a collection of voters who tend to support a to bargain and compromise instead of engaging in common set of candidates for office. Some of these endless conflict. They reinforce the separation of loyal partisan voters may also be donors to political powers by strengthening the legislative branch and parties. But a party is also composed of candidates checking the accumulation of power in the executive. for office and officials who were elected or appointed The brief period in American history in which par- in some manner through their affiliation with the ties did not exist, known as the “Era of Good Feel- party. Thus, a party is also a collection of elected and ings,” was in fact a disastrous period of party infight- appointed officials who become representatives as ing based on personal and geographic allegiances a result of their common affiliation. In addition to rather than a time of political peace and moderation. this, a party is composed of party officials, such as As political parties rose to prominence in Amer- those who work for the Republican National Com- ica throughout the 19th century, they served their mittee or the various state party organizations, who purposes relatively well. Over the past century, how- do not hold office but work within the party organi- ever, they have been hollowed out and weakened. As zation itself. a result, we have replaced the politics of party con- It is critical to differentiate these three parts of flict with the executive-centered, administrative American political parties: the loyal voters and sup- state. The renewal of self-government in the 21st porters, the candidates and elected officials, and the century will require the concomitant renewal of our party organization itself. All three of them together political parties. compose the party, but none of them speaks exclu- sively for the party. What Is a Political Party? What about what parties do? We often think of In order to understand the role and purpose of parties as focused exclusively on elections, over- political parties in our constitutional system, we looking the significant role they play after an elec- must first define and understand the different ele- tion occurs. After an election, members of parties in ments of party organization. It is helpful to begin the government form caucuses and work together to with Edmund Burke’s definition: “Party is a body of pass and implement laws that advance their agreed- men united, for promoting by their joint endeavors upon policy agenda. the national interest, upon some particular prin- ciple in which they are all agreed.”1 While specific parties throughout history have been merely com- By understanding how they have posed of various interest groups, parties in their functioned throughout American ideal form should be united on a set of principles rather than alliances of mere convenience. Alliances history, we can see that parties are based on political convenience lack the loyalty, per- much less effectively organized to manence, and cohesion that define parties proper- accomplish their aims today than they ly understood. were a century ago. As a result, we Burke’s definition is a good starting point, but it no longer enjoy the benefits that they needs to be supplemented to apply to the American context. Most important, Burke’s definition tells us once brought to our political system. nothing about how a party functions: what it does to advance its principles in the political system. We In other words, parties do not merely nominate must specify what parties do as well as what they are. candidates and support them in campaigning for 1. Edmund Burke, Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontents (London: J. Dodsley, 1770), p. 110. 2 FIRST PRINCIPLES | NO. 70 SEptEMBER 30, 2018 office. They also work together to enact and carry permanent parties aligned with particular classes out policies. In short, they help to campaign as well would be needed to engage in the kinds of conflicts as to govern. Political parties, in the American con- that would occur in their popular form of government. text, are organizations composed of voters, party Experience, however, quickly proved them wrong. officials, candidates, and elected officials. A strong The Constitution did not create a mixed regime, so party will be united on general principles and will parties pitting the aristocracy against the people advance these principles by articulating a clear party were not formed, but in the 1790s, parties did emerge: platform, nominating candidates, supporting those the Federalists and the “Democratic-Republicans.”2 candidates for election, and working together to pass The Framers soon understood that conflicts would policies that advance its members’ shared principles. continue to divide people into different parties, even By understanding how they have functioned in popular forms of government, because there throughout American history, we can see that par- would still be differences of opinion about the best ties are much less effectively organized to accom- way to promote the common good. Some of them still plish their aims today than they were a century ago. warned about excessive partisanship. As a result, we no longer enjoy the benefits that they George Washington, for instance, pleaded with once brought to our political system. Americans in his Farewell Address to resist parti- san conflict, warning “in the most solemn manner Grappling with the “Baneful Effects” against the baneful effects of the Spirit of Party.” He of Parties granted that “[t]his Spirit, unfortunately, is insepa- It is generally believed that the American Found- rable from our nature” because human beings will ers hated political parties and were deeply hostile to inevitably disagree about political issues. Excessive them. The reality is much more complicated. While partisanship, however, “serves always to distract the all of them were skeptical of political parties at some Public Councils and enfeeble the Public Adminis- point in their careers, most of them, through experi- tration. It agitates the Community with ill founded ence, came to realize their usefulness. Jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of Before the writing and ratification of the Consti- one part against another, foments occasionally riot tution, most of the Founders were distrustful of par- & insurrection.” Finally, it “opens the door to for- ties.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • First Principles of Polite Learning Are Laid Down in a Way Most Suitable for Trying the Genius, and Advancing the InstrucOn of Youth
    Dedicaon For the dissenters, who conceived this naon, and improve it sll Epigraph Unless we can return a lile more to first principles, & act a lile more upon patrioc ground, I do not know . what may be the issue of the contest. —George Washington to James Warren, March 31, 1779 Contents Cover Title Page Dedicaon Epigraph A Note on Language Chronology Map Prologue Part I: Acquision Chapter 1: The Power of Colonial Classicism Chapter 2: Washington Studies How to Rise in Colonial Society Chapter 3: John Adams Aims to Become an American Cicero Chapter 4: Jefferson Blooms at William & Mary Chapter 5: Madison Breaks Away to Princeton Part II: Applicaon Chapter 6: Adams and the Fuse of Rebellion Chapter 7: Jefferson’s Declaraon of the “American Mind” Chapter 8: Washington Chapter 9: The War Strains the Classical Model Chapter 10: From a Difficult War to an Uneasy Peace Chapter 11: Madison and the Constuon Part III: Americanizaon Chapter 12: The Classical Vision Smashes into American Reality Chapter 13: The Revoluon of 1800 Chapter 14: The End of American Classicism Epilogue Acknowledgments Appendix: The Declaraon of Independence Notes Index About the Author Also by Thomas E. Ricks Copyright About the Publisher A Note on Language I have quoted the words of the Revoluonary generaon as faithfully as possible, including their unusual spellings and surprising capitalizaons. I did this because I think it puts us nearer their world, and also out of respect: I wouldn’t change their words when quong them, so why change their spellings? For some reason, I am fond of George Washington’s apoplecc denunciaon of an “ananominous” leer wrien by a munous officer during the Revoluonary War.
    [Show full text]
  • Protecting Cultural Heritage As a Common Good of Humanity: a Challenge for Criminal Justice
    International Scientific and Professional Advisory Council of the United Nations Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice Programme PROTECTING CULTURAL HERITAGE AS A COMMON GOOD OF HUMANITY: A CHALLENGE FOR CRIMINAL JUSTICE Edited by Stefano Manacorda Arianna Visconti Selected papers and contributions from the international Conference on «Protecting Cultural Heritage as a Common Good of Humanity: A Challenge for Criminal Justice» Courmayeur Mont Blanc, Italy 13-15 December 2013 STEFANO MANACORDA Professor of Criminal Law, University of Naples II, Italy; Visiting Professor, Queen Mary University of London, UK; ISPAC Deputy Chair and Director ARIANNA VISCONTI Researcher in Criminal Law, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Milan, Italy ISBN 978-88-96410-03-5 © ISPAC, 2014 Via Palestro 12, 20121 Milano, Italy; phone: +39-02-86460714; E-mail: [email protected] ; Web Site: http://ispac.cnpds.org/ The views and opinions expressed in this volume are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official position of the United Nations or the organizations with which the authors are affiliated. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by print, photocopy, microfilm or any other means without prior written permission from CNPDS/ISPAC. Acknowledgements ISPAC wishes to thank the “Fondazione Centro Internazionale su Diritto, Società e Economia” and its President, Dr. Lodovico Passerin d’Entrèves, for their generous contribution towards the publication of this book. CONTENTS Preface STEFANO MANACORDA p. 9 Keynote Address JOHN SANDAGE p. 17 Part I – Illegal Traffic in Cultural Property: The Need for Reform Patrimonio culturale e beni comuni: un nuovo compito per la comunità internazionale UGO MATTEI p.
    [Show full text]
  • Classical Rhetoric in America During the Colonial and Early National Periods
    University of New Hampshire University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository Communication Scholarship Communication 9-2011 “Above all Greek, above all Roman Fame”: Classical Rhetoric in America during the Colonial and Early National Periods James M. Farrell University of New Hampshire, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.unh.edu/comm_facpub Part of the Classical Literature and Philology Commons, Cultural History Commons, Liberal Studies Commons, Rhetoric Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation James M. Farrell, "'Above all Greek, above all Roman fame': Classical Rhetoric in America during the Colonial and Early National Periods," International Journal of the Classical Tradition 18:3, 415-436. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Communication at University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Communication Scholarship by an authorized administrator of University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Above all Greek, above all Roman Fame”: Classical Rhetoric in America during the Colonial and Early National Periods James M. Farrell University of New Hampshire The broad and profound influence of classical rhetoric in early America can be observed in both the academic study of that ancient discipline, and in the practical approaches to persuasion adopted by orators and writers in the colonial period, and during the early republic. Classical theoretical treatises on rhetoric enjoyed wide authority both in college curricula and in popular treatments of the art. Classical orators were imitated as models of republican virtue and oratorical style. Indeed, virtually every dimension of the political life of early America bears the imprint of a classical conception of public discourse.
    [Show full text]
  • Cultural Heritage in the Realm of the Commons: Conversations on the Case of Greece
    Stelios Lekakis Stelios Lekakis Edited by Edited by CulturalCultural heritageheritage waswas inventedinvented inin thethe realmrealm ofof nation-states,nation-states, andand fromfrom EditedEdited byby anan earlyearly pointpoint itit waswas consideredconsidered aa publicpublic good,good, stewardedstewarded toto narratenarrate thethe SteliosStelios LekakisLekakis historichistoric deedsdeeds ofof thethe ancestors,ancestors, onon behalfbehalf ofof theirtheir descendants.descendants. NowaNowa-- days,days, asas thethe neoliberalneoliberal rhetoricrhetoric wouldwould havehave it,it, itit isis forfor thethe benefitbenefit ofof thesethese tax-payingtax-paying citizenscitizens thatthat privatisationprivatisation logiclogic thrivesthrives inin thethe heritageheritage sector,sector, toto covercover theirtheir needsneeds inin thethe namename ofof socialsocial responsibilityresponsibility andand otherother truntrun-- catedcated viewsviews ofof thethe welfarewelfare state.state. WeWe areare nownow atat aa criticalcritical stage,stage, wherewhere thisthis doubledouble enclosureenclosure ofof thethe pastpast endangersendangers monuments,monuments, thinsthins outout theirtheir socialsocial significancesignificance andand manipulatesmanipulates theirtheir valuesvalues inin favourfavour ofof economisticeconomistic horizons.horizons. Conversations on the Case of Greece Conversations on the Case of Greece Cultural Heritage in the Realm of Commons: Cultural Heritage in the Realm of Commons: ThisThis volumevolume examinesexamines whetherwhether wewe cancan placeplace
    [Show full text]
  • Hungary: an Election in Question
    To: Schmoozers From: Kim Lane Scheppele Re: Elections and Regrets 16 February 2014 I had hoped to join you all in beautiful downtown Baltimore, but I can’t come next weekend. The reason why I can’t is connected to the ticket I’m submitting anyhow. The Hungarian election is 6 April and I’m working flat out on things connected to that election. My ticket explains the new Hungarian election system, which I argue is rigged to favor the governing party. Hence the length: you can’t make an accusation like that without giving evidence. So, in a series of five blog posts that will (I hope) appear on the Krugman blog, I have laid out why I think that the opposition can’t win unless it gets far more than a majority of the votes. For those of you who haven’t been following Hungary, this new election system is par for the course. The government elected in 2010 has been on a legal rampage, remaking the whole legal order with one key purpose in mind: to keep itself in power for the foreseeable future. Toward that end, the government pushed through a new constitution plus five constitutional amendments and 834 other laws (including a new civil code, criminal code and more). As I have been documenting for the last several years, the governing party is expert at designing complex legal orders to achieve very particular results. For my writings on this, see http://lapa.princeton.edu/newsdetail.php?ID=63 . So my dissection of the new Hungarian electoral framework is what I’m submitting as my ticket for the Schmooze.
    [Show full text]
  • PDF (Fine Gael Manifesto 2020)
    A future to Look Forward to Taoiseach’s Foreword Our economy has never been stronger. There are more people at work than ever before, incomes are rising, poverty is falling and the public finances are back in order. We have a deal on Brexit that ensures no hard border, citizens’ rights will be protected and the Common Travel Area will remain in place. The Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive have reconvened. However, it’s not enough. Brexit is not done yet. It’s only half-time. The next step is to negotiate a free trade agreement between the EU, including Ireland, and the United Kingdom that protects our jobs, our businesses, our rural and coastal communities, and our economy. Progress on health and housing is gathering momentum. I meet people every day and I know the worry, frustration and concerns around the pace of progress in health and housing. In this manifesto we lay out our plans to build on what has been done, with a particular focus on home ownership and universal healthcare. An improving economy and the careful management of our public finances, along with the sensitive stewardship of the upcoming Brexit trade negotiations, will enable us to drive that momentum and provide more houses, more hospital beds, more nurses and Gardaí, deliver climate action, and drive tax reform. We’ve been able to make good progress, but I know it’s not enough. I want us to do much more. I want people to start feeling the growing strength of our economy in their pockets – I want people to see it in their payslips and in their towns and parishes.
    [Show full text]
  • “If You Don't Vote VMRO You're Not Macedonian”
    “If you don’t vote VMRO you’re not Macedonian” A study of Macedonian identity and national discourse in Skopje. Morten Dehli Andreassen Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of Master of Arts Degree Department of Social Anthropology, University of Bergen June 2011 1 Frontpage pictures is from the Macedonia Square. They are all taken the same day. Before, and under a political rally for the Government party VMRO-DPMNE. 2 Table of Contents Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................................... 5 Map of Macedonia .......................................................................................................................... 7 Chapter 1 .................................................................................................................................... 8 Introduction ................................................................................................................................ Research Question ......................................................................................................................... 9 Theoretical Framework...........................................................................................................................................11 Ethnicity, Groups and Boundaries .............................................................................................. 11 Three Interconnecting Levels ....................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Twelve Elections That Shaped a Century I Tawdry Populism, Timid Progressivism, 1900-1930
    Arkansas Politics in the 20th Century: Twelve Elections That Shaped a Century I Tawdry Populism, Timid Progressivism, 1900-1930 One-gallus Democracy Not with a whimper but a bellow did the 20th century begin in Arkansas. The people’s first political act in the new century was to install in the governor’s office, for six long years, a politician who was described in the most graphic of many colorful epigrams as “a carrot-headed, red-faced, loud-mouthed, strong-limbed, ox-driving mountaineer lawyer that has come to Little Rock to get a reputation — a friend of the fellow who brews forty-rod bug juice back in the mountains.”1 He was the Tribune of the Haybinders, the Wild Ass of the Ozarks, Karl Marx for the Hillbillies, the Stormy Petrel, Messiah of the Rednecks, and King of the Cockleburs. Jeff Davis talked a better populism than he practiced. In three terms, 14 years overall in statewide office, Davis did not leave an indelible mark on the government or the quality of life of the working people whom he extolled and inspired, but he dominated the state thoroughly for 1 This quotation from the Helena Weekly World appears in slightly varied forms in numerous accounts of Davis's yers. It appeared in the newspaper in the spring of 1899 and appears in John Gould Fletcher, Arkansas (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1947) p. 2. This version, which includes the phrase "that has come to Little Rock to get a reputation" appears in Raymond Arsenault, The Wild Ass of the Ozarks: Jeff Davis and the Social Bases of Southern Politics (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1984), p.
    [Show full text]
  • Isamaa Stands for Estonian Interests Isamaa Programme for the European Parliament Elections
    ISAMAA STANDS FOR ESTONIAN INTERESTS ISAMAA PROGRAMME FOR THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ELECTIONS 2019 TABLE OF CONTENTS BASIC PRINCIPLES 3 ISAMAA PROTECTS IN EUROPE 4 1. LESS BUREAUCRACY 5 2. ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND JOBS 5 2.1 Common market 7 2.2 Financial policy 7 2.3 Regulaons promong entrepreneurship 8 2.4 Research and development acvies 9 2.5 Digital Europe 9 2.6 Infrastructure and transport connecons 10 3. ENERGY POLICY 11 4. FUTURE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION 12 5. EDUCATION AND YOUTH 13 6. DEFENCE POLICY 14 7. EUROPEAN GOVERNANCE 15 8. AGRICULTURE AND FISHERY 15 9. ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY 17 10. INTERNAL SECURITY AND IMMIGRATION POLICY 17 11. SOCIAL POLICY 20 11.1 Labour market and social protecon 20 11.2 Health care 21 12. FOREIGN POLICY 22 12.1 United States of America 23 12.2 Asia 23 12.3 Russia 23 12.4 Partnerships with the neighbours of the European Union and third countries. 24 !2 BASIC PRINCIPLES ISAMAA PROTECTS EUROPE OF INDEPENDENT COUNTRIES We see the European Union as the union of states, not as the state union. For Isamaa the European Union is based on the European values, Chrisan tradion and enlightenment ideals that should be preserved. Europe can be successful and sustainable only if it could maintain its unity and address the challenges it faces. The persistence and cooperaon of the European Union of naon states is also the best guarantor of security and prosperity for Estonia. ISAMAA PROTECTS THE EUROPEAN WAY OF LIFE AND CULTURAL HERITAGE The European uniqueness lies in rich cultural heritage, shared history and common Chrisan roots combined with different naonal peculiaries and tradions.
    [Show full text]
  • EU Integration and Party Politics in the Balkans
    EU integration and party politics in the Balkans EPC ISSUE PAPER NO. 77 SEPTEMBER 2 0 1 4 Edited by Corina Stratulat EUROPEAN POLITICS AND INSTITUTIONS ISSN 1782-494X PROGRAMME The EPC’s Programme on European Politics and Institutions With the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, the new focus of this programme is on adapting the EU’s institutional architecture to take account of the changed set-up and on bringing the EU closer to its citizens. Continuing discussion on governance and policymaking in Brussels is essential to ensure that the European project can move forward and respond to the challenges facing the Union in the 21st century in a democratic and effective manner. This debate is closely linked to the key questions of how to involve European citizens in the discussions over its future; how to win their support for European integration and what are the prospects for, and consequences of, further enlargement towards the Balkans and Turkey. This programme focuses on these core themes and brings together all the strands of the debate on a number of key issues, addressing them through various fora, task forces and projects. It also works with other programmes on cross-cutting issues such as the reform of European economic governance or the new EU foreign policy structures. ii Table of Contents About the authors .................................................................................................................................... v List of tables .........................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Museum of the Macedonian Struggle and the Shifting Post-Socialist Historical Discourses in Macedonia
    Displaying a contested past: The Museum of the Macedonian Struggle and the shifting post-socialist historical discourses in Macedonia By Naum Trajanovski Submitted to Central European University Nationalism Studies Program In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Michael Laurence Miller CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2016 Abstract The project examines the newly emerged Museum of the Macedonian Struggle, as an exceptional case of a museum regarding its historical narrative and the visual representation of the narrative structure. The main analytical focus will be put on the historical narrative presented in the Museum on one hand, as part of the meta-historical narrative conducted by VMRO-DPMNE‟s government in contemporary Republic of Macedonia, and on the other hand, the functional purpose, the political and institutional aftermath of the Museum. Therefore, it will be argued that the Museum brings a particularly univocal, top-down version of one particular historical narrative, as a discursive feature with legitimizing political function. Finally, the thesis will focus on the particular need to establish museum of this kind, and moreover, will engage with the question why a museum as an institution and particular form of institutionalized memory is propounded as a solution in the contemporary Macedonian socio-political context. Key words: Museum of the Macedonian Struggle, Macedonia, historical museums, national narration, contested past CEU eTD Collection ii Acknowledgements I would like to express my deepest appreciation to my supervisor Professor Michael Laurence Miller, for the guidance during the writing process and for the constructive comments. I wish to acknowledge the help of the faculty and the staff members of the CEU Nationalism Studies Program.
    [Show full text]
  • RSCAS 2018/69 Beyond Addis Ababa and Affile: Italian Public Memory
    RSCAS 2018/69 Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Global Governance Programme-330 Beyond Addis Ababa and Affile: Italian public memory, heritage and colonialism Jasper Chalcraft European University Institute Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Global Governance Programme Beyond Addis Ababa and Affile: Italian public memory, heritage and colonialism Jasper Chalcraft EUI Working Paper RSCAS 2018/69 This text may be downloaded only for personal research purposes. Additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copies or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s), editor(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the working paper, or other series, the year and the publisher. ISSN 1028-3625 © Jasper Chalcraft, 2018 Printed in Italy, December 2018 European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy www.eui.eu/RSCAS/Publications/ www.eui.eu cadmus.eui.eu Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies The Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, created in 1992 and currently directed by Professor Brigid Laffan, aims to develop inter-disciplinary and comparative research on the major issues facing the process of European integration, European societies and Europe’s place in 21st century global politics. The Centre is home to a large post-doctoral programme and hosts major research programmes, projects and data sets, in addition to a range of working groups and ad hoc initiatives. The research agenda is organised around a set of core themes and is continuously evolving, reflecting the changing agenda of European integration, the expanding membership of the European Union, developments in Europe’s neighbourhood and the wider world.
    [Show full text]