Untangling the Punjabi Taliban Network
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Freedom Or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis
Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 3 | Issue 1 Article 4 Spring 2005 Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Hannibal Travis, Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq, 3 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 1 (2005). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol3/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2005 Northwestern University School of Law Volume 3 (Spring 2005) Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights FREEDOM OR THEOCRACY?: CONSTITUTIONALISM IN AFGHANISTAN AND IRAQ By Hannibal Travis* “Afghans are victims of the games superpowers once played: their war was once our war, and collectively we bear responsibility.”1 “In the approved version of the [Afghan] constitution, Article 3 was amended to read, ‘In Afghanistan, no law can be contrary to the beliefs and provisions of the sacred religion of Islam.’ … This very significant clause basically gives the official and nonofficial religious leaders in Afghanistan sway over every action that they might deem contrary to their beliefs, which by extension and within the Afghan cultural context, could be regarded as -
By Syed Saleem Shahzad
Pakistan Security Research Unit (PSRU) Brief Number 24 The Gathering Strength of Taliban and Tribal Militants in Pakistan Syed Saleem Shahzad 19th November 2007 About the Pakistan Security Research Unit (PSRU) The Pakistan Security Research Unit (PSRU) was established in the Department of Peace Studies at the University of Bradford, UK, in March 2007. It serves as an independent portal and neutral platform for interdisciplinary research on all aspects of Pakistani security, dealing with Pakistan's impact on regional and global security, internal security issues within Pakistan, and the interplay of the two. PSRU provides information about, and critical analysis of, Pakistani security with particular emphasis on extremism/terrorism, nuclear weapons issues, and the internal stability and cohesion of the state. PSRU is intended as a resource for anyone interested in the security of Pakistan and provides: • Briefing papers; • Reports; • Datasets; • Consultancy; • Academic, institutional and media links; • An open space for those working for positive change in Pakistan and for those currently without a voice. PSRU welcomes collaboration from individuals, groups and organisations, which share our broad objectives. Please contact us at [email protected] We welcome you to look at the website available through: http://spaces.brad.ac.uk:8080/display/ssispsru/Home Other PSRU Publications The following papers are amongst those freely available through the Pakistan Security Research Unit (PSRU) • Brief number 13. Pakistan – The Threat From Within • Brief number 14. Is the Crescent Waxing Eastwards? • Brief number 15. Is Pakistan a Failed State? • Brief number 16. Kashmir and The Process Of Conflict Resolution. • Brief number 17. -
Pakistan: Arrival and Departure
01-2180-2 CH 01:0545-1 10/13/11 10:47 AM Page 1 stephen p. cohen 1 Pakistan: Arrival and Departure How did Pakistan arrive at its present juncture? Pakistan was originally intended by its great leader, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, to transform the lives of British Indian Muslims by providing them a homeland sheltered from Hindu oppression. It did so for some, although they amounted to less than half of the Indian subcontinent’s total number of Muslims. The north Indian Muslim middle class that spearheaded the Pakistan movement found itself united with many Muslims who had been less than enthusiastic about forming Pak- istan, and some were hostile to the idea of an explicitly Islamic state. Pakistan was created on August 14, 1947, but in a decade self-styled field marshal Ayub Khan had replaced its shaky democratic political order with military-guided democracy, a market-oriented economy, and little effective investment in welfare or education. The Ayub experiment faltered, in part because of an unsuccessful war with India in 1965, and Ayub was replaced by another general, Yahya Khan, who could not manage the growing chaos. East Pakistan went into revolt, and with India’s assistance, the old Pakistan was bro- ken up with the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. The second attempt to transform Pakistan was short-lived. It was led by the charismatic Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who simultaneously tried to gain control over the military, diversify Pakistan’s foreign and security policy, build a nuclear weapon, and introduce an economic order based on both Islam and socialism. -
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’S Posture Toward Afghanistan Since 2001
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’s Posture toward Afghanistan since 2001 Since the terrorist at- tacks of September 11, 2001, Pakistan has pursued a seemingly incongruous course of action in Afghanistan. It has participated in the U.S. and interna- tional intervention in Afghanistan both by allying itself with the military cam- paign against the Afghan Taliban and al-Qaida and by serving as the primary transit route for international military forces and matériel into Afghanistan.1 At the same time, the Pakistani security establishment has permitted much of the Afghan Taliban’s political leadership and many of its military command- ers to visit or reside in Pakistani urban centers. Why has Pakistan adopted this posture of Afghan Taliban accommodation despite its nominal participa- tion in the Afghanistan intervention and its public commitment to peace and stability in Afghanistan?2 This incongruence is all the more puzzling in light of the expansion of insurgent violence directed against Islamabad by the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), a coalition of militant organizations that are independent of the Afghan Taliban but that nonetheless possess social and po- litical links with Afghan cadres of the Taliban movement. With violence against Pakistan growing increasingly indiscriminate and costly, it remains un- clear why Islamabad has opted to accommodate the Afghan Taliban through- out the post-2001 period. Despite a considerable body of academic and journalistic literature on Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan since 2001, the subject of Pakistani accommodation of the Afghan Taliban remains largely unaddressed. Much of the existing literature identiªes Pakistan’s security competition with India as the exclusive or predominant driver of Pakistani policy vis-à-vis the Afghan Khalid Homayun Nadiri is a Ph.D. -
PAKISTAN NEWS DIGEST a Selected Summary of News, Views and Trends from Pakistani Media
February 2017 PAKISTAN NEWS DIGEST A Selected Summary of News, Views and Trends from Pakistani Media Prepared by Dr Ashish Shukla & Nazir Ahmed (Research Assistants, Pakistan Project, IDSA) PAKISTAN NEWS DIGEST FEBRUARY 2017 A Select Summary of News, Views and Trends from the Pakistani Media Prepared by Dr Ashish Shukla & Nazir Ahmed (Pak-Digest, IDSA) INSTITUTE FOR DEFENCE STUDIES AND ANALYSES 1-Development Enclave, Near USI Delhi Cantonment, New Delhi-110010 Pakistan News Digest, February (1-15) 2017 PAKISTAN NEWS DIGEST, FEBRUARY 2017 CONTENTS ....................................................................................................................................... 0 ABBREVIATIONS ..................................................................................................... 2 POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS ............................................................................. 3 NATIONAL POLITICS ....................................................................................... 3 THE PANAMA PAPERS .................................................................................... 7 PROVINCIAL POLITICS .................................................................................... 8 EDITORIALS AND OPINION .......................................................................... 9 FOREIGN POLICY ............................................................................................ 11 EDITORIALS AND OPINION ........................................................................ 12 MILITARY AFFAIRS ............................................................................................. -
Distilling Eligibility and Virtue: Articles 62 and 63 of the Pakistani Constitution
Distilling Eligibility and Virtue Distilling Eligibility and Virtue: Articles 62 and 63 of the Pakistani Constitution Saad Rasool* This article analyses the provisions regarding the qualifications and disqualifications for Parliamentarians set out in the constitution of Pakistan, and traces their evolution over the years. It establishes that the objective interpretation of these provisions in the past has given way to a more subjective and moralistic approach in the run-up to the 2013 general elections. It further argues that, for the most part, these provisions lay down unascertainable and subjective criteria for qualification and disqualification of a Parliamentarian. This in turn lends support to the main argument of this article that the fundamental right of an individual to contest for a public office, and an equal fundamental right of the citizenry to choose their representative cannot be refused, on the grounds of such ambiguous ideas. However, this is not to say that there should be no minimum criteria for qualifying to be a Parliamentarian; rather it is suggested that the present criteria suffer from serious defects which need to be remedied. Introduction The endeavour of law, in a democratic dispensation, is that of creating an ideal society – a society that is not simply a reflection of who we are, but, more importantly, of who we aspire to be. This endeavour, reflected in the corpus of our laws, emanates primarily from the legislature – the arm of the state that is entrusted with shaping the laws and freedoms that define the spirit of our society. In fidelity to the democratic ethos of a * Lawyer based in Lahore, and Visiting Faculty at LUMS. -
The Haqqani Network
October 2010 Jeffrey A. Dressler AFGHANISTAN REPORT 6 THE HAQQANI NETWORK FROM PAKISTAN TO AFGHANISTAN INSTITUTE FOR THE STUDY of WAR Military A nalysis andEducation for Civilian Leaders Cover photo: Members of an Afghan-international security force pull security on a compound in Waliuddin Bak dis- trict, of Khost province, Afghanistan, Apr. 8, 2010. During the search, the security force captured a Haqqani facilita- tor, responsible for specialized improvised explosive device support and technical expertise for various militant networks. (U.S. Army photo by Spc. Mark Salazar/Released) All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. ©2010 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2010 in the United States of America by the Institute for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515, Washington, DC 20036. http://www.understandingwar.org ABOUT THE AUTHOR Jeffrey A. Dressler is a Research Analyst at the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) where he studies security dynamics in southeastern and southern Afghanistan. He previously published the ISW report, Securing Helmand: Understanding and Responding to the Enemy (October 2009). Dressler’s work has drawn praise from members of the Marine Corps and the intelligence community for its understanding of the enemy network in southern Afghanistan and analysis of the military campaign in Helmand province over the past several years. Dressler was invited to Afghanistan in July 2010 to conduct research for General David Petraeus following his assumption of command. -
Perspectives on Terrorism, Volume 5, Issue
Volume V, Issues 3-4 September 2011 PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 5, Issues 3-4 Special Double Issue on Terrorism and Political Violence in Africa Guest Editors: James J. F. Forest and Jennifer Giroux 2 September 2011 PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 5, Issues 3-4 Table of Contents: Articles Terrorism and Political Violence in Africa: Contemporary Trends in a Shifting Terrain ................................................................................................5 by James J.F. Forest and Jennifer Giroux Terrorism in Liberation Struggles: Interrogating the Engagement Tactics of the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta ........................18 by Ibaba Samuel Ibaba ‘Forcing the Horse to Drink or Making it Realise its Thirst’? Understanding the Enactment of Anti-Terrorism Legislation (ATL) in Nigeria .............................................................................................................33 by Isaac Terwase Sampson and Freedom C. Onuoha Opportunity Costs or Costly Opportunities? The Arab Spring, Osama Bin Laden, and Al-Qaeda's African Affiliates .............................................50 by Alex S. Wilner Al-Qaeda's Influence in Sub-Saharan Africa: Myths, Realities and Possibilities .....................................................................................................63 by James J.F. Forest From Theory to Practice: Exploring the Organised Crime-Terror Nexus in Sub-Saharan Africa ...................................................................................81 by Annette -
Jihadist Violence: the Indian Threat
JIHADIST VIOLENCE: THE INDIAN THREAT By Stephen Tankel Jihadist Violence: The Indian Threat 1 Available from : Asia Program Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20004-3027 www.wilsoncenter.org/program/asia-program ISBN: 978-1-938027-34-5 THE WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS, established by Congress in 1968 and headquartered in Washington, D.C., is a living national memorial to President Wilson. The Center’s mission is to commemorate the ideals and concerns of Woodrow Wilson by providing a link between the worlds of ideas and policy, while fostering research, study, discussion, and collaboration among a broad spectrum of individuals concerned with policy and scholarship in national and interna- tional affairs. Supported by public and private funds, the Center is a nonpartisan insti- tution engaged in the study of national and world affairs. It establishes and maintains a neutral forum for free, open, and informed dialogue. Conclusions or opinions expressed in Center publications and programs are those of the authors and speakers and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Center staff, fellows, trustees, advisory groups, or any individuals or organizations that provide financial support to the Center. The Center is the publisher of The Wilson Quarterly and home of Woodrow Wilson Center Press, dialogue radio and television. For more information about the Center’s activities and publications, please visit us on the web at www.wilsoncenter.org. BOARD OF TRUSTEES Thomas R. Nides, Chairman of the Board Sander R. Gerber, Vice Chairman Jane Harman, Director, President and CEO Public members: James H. -
1St CABINET UNDER the PREMIERSHIP of SYED YOUSAF RAZA GILLANI, the PRIME MINISTER from 25.03.2008 to 11.02.2011
1st CABINET UNDER THE PREMIERSHIP OF SYED YOUSAF RAZA GILLANI, THE PRIME MINISTER FROM 25.03.2008 to 11.02.2011 S.NO. NAME WITH TENURE PORTFOLIO PERIOD OF PORTFOLIO 1 2 3 4 SYED YOUSAF RAZA GILLANI, PRIME MINSITER, 25.03.2008 to 11.02.2011 FEDERAL MINISTERS 1. Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan i) Communication and 31.03.2008 to 13.05.2008 Senior Minister ii) Inter Provincial Coordination 08.04.2008 to 13.05.2008 31.03.2008 to 13.05.2008 iii) Food Agriculture & Livestock (Addl. Charge) 31.03.2008 to 13.05.2008 2. Makhdoom Amin Fahim Commerce 04.11.2008 to 11.02.2011 03.11.2008 to 11.02.2011 3. Mr. Shahid Khaqan Abbassi, Commerce 31.03.2008 to 12.05.2008 31.03.2008 to 12.05.2008 4. Dr. Arbab Alamgir Khan Communications 04.11.2008 to 11.02.2011 03.11.2008 to 11.02.2011 5. Khawaja Saad Rafique i) Culture 31.03.2008 to 13.05.2008 31.03.2008 to 13.05.2008 ii) Youth Affairs (Addl. Charge) 31.03.2008 to 13.05.2008 6. Chaudhry Ahmed Mukhtar i) Defence 31.03.2008 to 11.02.2011 31.03.2008 to 11.02.2011 ii) Textile Industry 15.04.2008 to 03.11.2008 iii) Commerce 15.04.2008 to 03.11.2008 7. Rana Tanveer Hussain Defence Production 31.03.2008 to 13.05.2008 31.03.2008 to 13.5.2008 8. Mr. Abdul Qayyum Khan Jatoi Defence Production 04.11.2008 to 03.10.2010 03.11.2008 to 03.10.2010 9. -
MEI Report Sunni Deobandi-Shi`I Sectarian Violence in Pakistan Explaining the Resurgence Since 2007 Arif Ra!Q
MEI Report Sunni Deobandi-Shi`i Sectarian Violence in Pakistan Explaining the Resurgence Since 2007 Arif Ra!q Photo Credit: AP Photo/B.K. Bangash December 2014 ! Sunni Deobandi-Shi‘i Sectarian Violence in Pakistan Explaining the Resurgence since 2007 Arif Rafiq! DECEMBER 2014 1 ! ! Contents ! ! I. Summary ................................................................................. 3! II. Acronyms ............................................................................... 5! III. The Author ............................................................................ 8! IV. Introduction .......................................................................... 9! V. Historic Roots of Sunni Deobandi-Shi‘i Conflict in Pakistan ...... 10! VI. Sectarian Violence Surges since 2007: How and Why? ............ 32! VII. Current Trends: Sectarianism Growing .................................. 91! VIII. Policy Recommendations .................................................. 105! IX. Bibliography ..................................................................... 110! X. Notes ................................................................................ 114! ! 2 I. Summary • Sectarian violence between Sunni Deobandi and Shi‘i Muslims in Pakistan has resurged since 2007, resulting in approximately 2,300 deaths in Pakistan’s four main provinces from 2007 to 2013 and an estimated 1,500 deaths in the Kurram Agency from 2007 to 2011. • Baluchistan and Karachi are now the two most active zones of violence between Sunni Deobandis and Shi‘a, -
Pakistan's Domestic Political Setting
Pakistan’s Domestic Political Setting Prepared by the Congressional Research Service for distribution to multiple congressional offices, February 19, 2013 Pakistan is a parliamentary democracy in which the Prime Minister is head of government and the President is head of state. A bicameral Parliament is comprised of a 342-seat National Assembly (NA) and a 104-seat Senate, both with directly-elected representatives from each of the country’s four provinces, as well as from the Federally Administered Tribal Areas and the Islamabad Capital Territory (the quasi-independent regions of Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan have no representation). The Prime Minister is selected for an indeterminate term by the NA. The President is elected to a five-year term by an Electoral College (EC) comprised of both chambers of Parliament, as well as members of each of the country’s four provincial assemblies. NA and provincial assembly members are elected to five-year terms. Senate terms are six years, with elections every three years. In recent years, Pakistan’s Supreme Court has taken actions significantly affecting governance. Pakistan’s political history is a troubled one. Military regimes have ruled Pakistan for more than half of its independent existence, interspersed with periods of generally weak civilian governance. In 1999, the democratically-elected government was ousted in a bloodless coup by then-Army Chief General Pervez Musharraf, who later assumed the title of President. Musharraf also retained the powerful title of Army Chief until his 2007 army retirement. Weeks before that retirement, the EC had “reelected” Musharraf to a new five-year term in a vote that many called unconstitutional (he resigned the presidency in 2008).