BOOK REVIEWS

The Brandywine. By HENRY SEIDEL CANBY. (New York: Farrar and Rinehart, Inc., 1941. xiii, 285 p. $2.50.) This is a pleasant book. It was doubtless a pleasure to its author to write, with its constant reminders of his youth. It is a pleasure to read, with its frequent glimpses of the sunny meadows and peaceful stretches of the modest Pennsylvania creek that has somehow been taken into the fraternity of the great streams that make up the main company of the "Rivers of America." Mr. Canby recognizes the boldness of this claim and argues for its propriety with ingenuity and good humor. He cites the commercial and industrial significance of the two miles of its course; the European versus the local usage of the term river; the acknowledged title of his subject to social, military and even literary fame. But after all to those of us who, like Mr. Canby, love the Brandywine, it is only one, though the longest and largest, of the five beautiful streams, Darby, Crum, Ridley, Chester and Brandywine, that make their way through the wooded hills from the higher lands of eastern Pennsylvania to the Delaware, after some six or seven hundred feet of fall and forty, fifty or sixty miles of length of course. If it is a river at all, all the implications of the term are on a small scale. Even the terrain of the Battle of Brandywine, the most notable event in its history, surprises the visitor with its small propor- tions. A region that stretches only from Chadds to Jeffries Ford, from Osborn Hill to Birmingham Meeting House, a stream that can be leaped over in some places and waded across everywhere except in a few backwaters, flanked for most of its course alternately by level meadows and open woods creates amazement that such a slight physical obstacle should be the deciding factor in a crucial battle of a continental war. But this river question is all beside the mark; the title is not the most im- portant part of a book, and there is quite enough of information and incident and interest in Mr. Canby's book to justify its production and to reward its perusal. The industries that have grown up along its course have been of great interest and importance. There was a time when more than a hundred mills—grist mills, saw mills, forges, paper mills, fulling mills, snuff mills— drew their power from its current. There was long a busy export of flour, the produce of its farms, from the port of Wilmington at its mouth and wooded ships were built there in early times as iron and steel ships are built there now. The Du Ponts have long been leaders in metal and chemical production and research. The iron and steel industry that still makes Coatesville, where the west branch of the Brandywine crosses the Chester Valley, a great if an ugly industrial community, has characterized two centuries of its history. Besides much romantic literary allusion, the Brandywine is the scene of

106 i942 BOOK REVIEWS 107 one first rate-novel, A Story of Kennett, and the native country of its author, Bayard Taylor. It was no Arno or "Bonnie Doon" but it had, nevertheless, its own inspiration for many, it must be acknowledged, second-rate novelists and poets. All of this story and description Mr. Canby gives with perpetual animation and interest and frequent eloquence. As already stated, The Brandywine is a pleasant book to read. There is little light thrown in the book on the origin of the curious name, evidently the same word as the Dutch and Swedish brandewyn, distilled wine or brandy. The author leaves little choice between the two legends, one that it was taken from a brandy laden ship sunk at its mouth, the other that it came from the name of a Swedish farmer, Brantwyn, who settled it. Media, Pennsylvania EDWARD P. CHEYNEY

Anglo-American Union: Joseph Galloway's Plans to Preserve the British Empire, 1JJ4-1J88. By JULIAN P. BOYD. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1941. x, 185 p. $2.00.) Dr. Boyd's new book has been brought out and executed with the same intellectual neatness and precision that has characterized all of his past his- torical writing. In fact, like all good writing, the material is so well organized and the exposition of the meaning of the material so clear, that the author and the reader come out together, hand in hand. Admittedly, in this case, the task was not a supremely difficult one. Joseph Galloway—even though he has not yet been treated to a full-length biography —has been pinned down adequately enough for identification. The American Revolution is known; the theory and practice of British administration are not unknown; both the concrete and the abstract problems of managing and living in an eighteenth-century imperialism have been noticed. No wilderness had to be cleared before this book could be written. But still there was something left for the author to do. There was one of those small operations to be performed that require so much accuracy and delicacy of touch—the operation of fully revealing the meaning of what an individual who lived in the past has thought about the events in which he took part. Historical writing is rich in examples of failures at this particular operation, and only someone who has tried it can fully appreciate the hidden years of knowledge, and experience on which success depends. Dr. Boyd has excellently brought off this feat. Specifically, the book consists of two parts. The printing and editing of five plans submitted by Galloway to different people and under vastly different conditions make up the appendix. An interpretation, not so much of the plans as of the mind and circumstances that produced them, introduces the docu- ments. The art of the editor consists in building up a picture by setting the documents against the background of a career, the career against a background of events and the events against a background of ideas. The result is extremely rich and satisfying, with its amazing interplay of relevant detail and its clear 108 BOOK REVIEWS January course of logical exposition. It is a model for the composition of limited historical analysis. As a matter of fact, it is so perfect within its limits that it is almost im- possible to comment unless one goes beyond the intended scope of the book and writes about the things that come to one's mind as a result of having read it. Working in this way, one thing occurs: How justified is the tactful sug- gestion that there is a significant parallelism between Galloway's time and ours ? And, in continuation of this: What of the assumption that there is such a type of mind as the conservative mind—as if conservatism were an abstraction and not a form of behavior in relation to specific events ? Dr. Boyd, consciously one assumes, saw his work in some relation to the present discussion of Anglo-American cooperation and Union Now with the British Commonwealth. The main title implies such consciousness, Anglo- American Union. Actually, the documents scarcely support this choice of title. They are more correctly described by the subtitle, "Plans to Preserve the British Empire," and represent a negative, defensive attitude rather than a creative, imaginative effort. In the same way, the generalizations about the conservative mind are only half supported by the factual details of Galloway's history. These details re- veal a man who was more intent on preserving forms than on conserving spirit. If conservatism can be generalized as the former, then it obviously is never historically adequate; and, in fact, Galloway's career shows the fundamental inadequacy of this limited conservatism. None of those to whom he addressed his "plans" were moved by them. Their failure to take root in any effective contemporary mind is evidence enough that they were not stated in terms that carried conviction to those who labored to control the patent forces of the dissolving eighteenth century. But none of this is criticism of Dr. Boyd's work. He quickly settles within proper bounds; and makes it his task to reveal the history of the documents he edits by every tool that his trained observation can bring to bear. Of these tools, that of correlative illustration is especially well handled. A good instance of this is the footnote on Burlamaqui's Principles of Natural and Politic Law, where an abstract difference in the concept of fundamental law is made to light up the movement of ideas in Galloway's mind. It is impossible to praise as it deserves the skilled touch that makes this kind of historical analysis successful. The Historical Society of Pennsylvania WILLIAM REITZEL

The United States, Great Britain, and British North America from the Revolution to the Establishment of Peace After the War of 1812. By A. L. BURT. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1940. xv, 448, p. $3.25.) This important volume is one of the series illustrating the relations of Canada and the United States and sponsored by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. It generously accomplishes more than is to be inferred by the purpose of the series if narrowly interpreted. In fact, it is a broad and i94a BOOK REVIEWS 109 at the same time a highly discriminating review of the diplomacy that involved Anglo-American relations in North America from 1763—the year of the Peace of Paris—to and including the significant Convention of 1818. To the reviewer Professor Burt's statement that for fifty years after 1713 the peninsula of Nova Scotia under English sovereignty had been separated by "French" territory from the other English colonies on the mainland (p. 1), needs important qualifications, but he is undoubtedly right when he declares that the "British conquest of Canada precipitated the American Revolution" (ibid.). In fact, assuming the existence of eighteenth-century mercantilistic conceptions of the place of colonies in the economy of a national state, one may suggest that the American Revolution was almost inevitable after 1763. This is not to suggest that Great Britain's control of her colonies was less en- lightened than that of other colonizing powers of that period. Quite the con- trary. It was so much more enlightened in the main that, with the consequent growth of population and wealth and the self-confidence born of a high degree of political experience and political awareness, the American colonials drawn from many quarters of northern Europe found themselves—after im- mense sacrifices on the part of the mother country in destroying French power in North America that so long continued to threaten their security and to con- tract their frontiers—in a position to dictate the conditions under which they would thereafter be willing to continue in political association with her. It was the fate of the government of the latter to be in the hands of men who, while well-meaning enough, simply did not grasp the realities of the situation until it was too late to prevent the establishment of the independence of the thirteen continental colonies. In fact, even their most statesmanlike measure between 1763 and 1775, the Quebec Act, was subject to hostile misinterpreta- tions in America. With reference to activities in Canada during the American Revolution, Professor Burt frames a heavy indictment against Carleton, who, he feels, "held the fate of the Empire in his hands in the early summer of 1776" (p. 10), but who permitted the invading American army to escape when it could have been crushed and who also failed to regain control of Lake Champlain for the British and thereupon to move down the Hudson against New York before any proper resistance to these moves was possible, such as later con- fronted Burgoyne. He also in turn places the responsibility upon the shoulders of Washington, after the conclusion of the French alliance, for opposing a proposed joint French-American attack upon Canada—on account of his fear that once a French army was established there it would not leave. The chapter entitled "The Dividing Line" analyzes with clearness the complicated factors that entered into the laying down of the boundary be- tween the Confederation of the United States and Canada in the Peace Treaty of 1783 and in this connection stresses the influence of the royal Proclamation Line of 1763. However, the relation between this line and "The Representa- tion of the State of the Colonies," drawn up in 1754 at the Albany Congress and approved by the assembled commissioners, in which the British government HO BOOK REVIEWS January was requested to limit the western bounds of the colonies to the Appalachians, he does not indicate. To him, in view of the actual situation, Great Britain showed "astounding complaisance" at Paris in meeting the American terri- torial demands and foregoing her own excellent claims to the old northwest and, in doing so, ignoring, or rather forgetting, momentarily the solemn pledges made to her Indian allies. To redeem these pledges she was led, among other reasons less commanding, to delay indefinitely the surrender of the Great Lakes posts. In this connection, the chapter relating to British retention of these posts is undoubtedly one of the best in the book, throwing new light as it does upon the relations between Great Britain and the new American state and therefore correcting misconceptions that have too long been accepted and repeated by writers. Dr. Burt's historical detachment is indicated in numerous ways: among others, his indictment of Dorchester's policy of continuing to negotiate with and advise Indian groups which after the Treaty of Peace dwelt within the borders of the United States. In dealing with the Jay Treaty, he traverses the ground already covered by Professor Bemis's volume and some of his interpre- tations are opposed to those of the latter particularly with respect to the failure of Jay to secure certain desired concessions from Great Britain in her conduct of the naval war then being waged with France, which concessions Dr. Bemis feels could have been secured had not Hamilton undermined him. In approaching the War of 1812 one hundred and ten pages are given to an analysis of issues and the evolution of the causes and less than thirty pages are devoted to the War itself. In dealing with the causes the author returns to the traditional interpretation, thus rejecting the thesis widely held in recent years and which forms the basis of Julius W. Pratt's Expansionists of 1812, to wit: that while the quarrel over neutral rights on the sea brought Great Britain and the United States to the verge of war, the forces that led to the fatal step were the demand of the western frontiersmen for Canada and an end to Indian difficulties and to British competition in the fur trade. In con- trast, Dr. Burt is led to affirm: "The impressment issue was the rock that wrecked the last hope of peace" (p. 315). Referring to the utter lack of prep- arations on the part of the United States to enter a war he comments: "The men who directed the Republican administration had left undone those things which they ought to have done, they had done those things which they ought not to have done, and there was no health in them" (p. 324) ; and again: "The able Gallatin, cornered by a pack of intriguers, clung to an empty treasury. The embargo had ruined the revenue, and the nonintercourse had left it in that state" (p. 277). The termination of hostilities in 1815 saw each side intent on more than protecting its essential interests. Great Britain, in order to keep faith with her Indian allies, demanded in the approaching peace the right to set up an Indian buffer territory, following the lines of the Treaty of Greenville; while the United States asked for Canada, which she could not conquer. Comment- ing upon this, Dr. Burt writes: "With true British hypocracy, an aggressive 194^ BOOK REVIEWS III

object was represented as being defensive, just as, with true American hypoc- racy, the desire to get Canada was justified on the ground that it was necessary for the protection of the United States" (pp. 356-7). The volume is furnished with a number of excellent maps that add greatly to its usefulness. With its abundance of detail it, nevertheless, maintains the interest of the reader; for the narrative moves smoothly and frequently sparkles. Lehigh University LAWRENCE HENRY GIPSON

Franco-American Diplomatic Relations, 1816-1836. By RICHARD AUBREY MCLEMORE. (University, Louisiana State University Press, 1941. ix, 227 P. $2,750 This study is not as general in scope as its title implies, for it deals ex- clusively with the settlement of American spoliation claims resulting from the operating of Napoleon Bonaparte's "continental system." It is of course true that from 1814 to 1836 these claims were the dominant feature of Franco- American diplomatic relations, to which all other affairs were subordinate. John Quincy Adams tried unsuccessfully for twelve years to reach an agreement with France. The French government never denied the validity of the claims, but financial exigencies and a parsimonious legislature forced it to manufacture excuses for delay in settling the troublesome problem. It was not until Andrew Jackson became president in 1829 that a more forceful diplomacy initiated an eventual solution of the issue. By 1831 William Cabell Rives of Virginia, President Jackson's representative in Paris, managed to negotiate a treaty of settlement according to which the first payment by France was scheduled for February 2, 1833. That date passed without the payment being made. France plead the necessity of a specific legislative appropriation, which had not been secured. The 1833 session of the French chambers ad- journed without acting in the matter. Due largely to domestic political cir- cumstances, the appropriation bill was defeated by a small margin in the session of 1834. Further difficulties appeared, and in his annual message to Congress of December 2, 1834, President Jackson called for positive action. He questioned the good faith of France and suggested the use of reprisals of some type as a means of impelling respect for the United States. The chambers responded in 1835 by voting the appropriation, with the proviso that payments must be preceded by a satisfactory explanation of the offensive phrases in Jackson's message of 1834. This precipitated an acute crisis and the severance of diplomatic relations between the two states. War seemed imminent. British mediation, a lack of enthusiasm for war both in France and the United States, and a more mild presidential message in 1835 resolved the crisis. By the end of 1836 relations had been resumed, and claims payments were under way. This intricate story is told by Mr. McLemore in detail and with laudable clarity. He devotes a great deal of attention to American, French, and British public opinion as reflected in the newspapers of the respective countries. Ex- haustive use has been made of American source material of all types. Papers 112 BOOK REVIEWS January from the British Public Record Office have been utilized to explain Britain's attitude towards the whole affair. There are few references to French Foreign Office documents in which one would expect to find considerable enlighten- ment as to the inner motivations of French policy. This is a disappointing aspect of the work. The author had access to these papers, and it is not un- reasonable to expect his book to cast new light upon the French side of the picture. This it does not do. While this volume is the most complete account available of an interesting problem of American diplomacy, it is not definitive. Queens College JOHN J. MENG

Hands Off: A History of the Monroe Doctrine. By DEXTER PERKINS. (Bos- ton: Little, Brown and Company, 1941. x, 392 p. Illustrated. $3.50.) This is a timely book that should be read by all students of international relations. It describes with scholarly detachment the American rule of action known as the Monroe Doctrine. The rule itself is as old as history: no states- man has ever questioned the right of national self-defense. In December, 1823, President Monroe gave classic expression to this right, and publicists promptly attached to his message the popular label of Monroe Doctrine. In this way an American trade-mark was placed upon an ancient bale of political goods. Professor Perkins presents an interesting picture of the international situ- ation in 1823, and the disinclination of the European powers to intervene in the revolution of the Spanish American colonies against the Mother Country. The Monroe Doctrine did not give pause to an embattled Europe that was ready to re-establish Spanish tyranny over vast areas in the New World. Europe had many problems of its own that clamored for immediate settlement, and Austria, Prussia and Russia had no thought of taking part in a quarrel that would divert their attention from the European scene. The Monroe Doc- trine was the result of a misunderstanding of European purposes as far as the principle of intervention was concerned. With respect to the principle of colonization the doctrine was aimed directly at England. This fact is not sufficiently emphasized by Professor Perkins. Nowadays there is much talk of the British fleet having served as the bul- wark of the Monroe Doctrine. The falsity of this viewpoint is clearly shown by a careful reading of this monograph by Professor Perkins. The most serious attack that has ever been made upon the implications of the Monroe Doctrine was the invasion of Mexico by France in 1862 and the establishment of an empire under the rule of the Archduke Maximilian. The British fleet made no effort to prevent this French invasion, and the Palmerston government adopted an attitude of benevolent neutrality. In 1895 the American govern- ment went to the verge of war with Great Britain over alleged encroachments upon Venezuelan territory. Both President Cleveland and Secretary Olney used the Monroe Doctrine as a national rallying cry that aroused a war spirit in every part of the United States. The British government bowed before this American storm and consented to arbitration. In the United States the war hysteria found an outlet in a war against Spain, and America emerged as a I942 BOOK REVIEWS 113 world power that was determined to give real meaning to the message of President Monroe. Professor Perkins has an excellent treatment of the second Venezuelan dis- pute in which England, Germany and Italy endeavored to bring an un- principled South American dictator to terms. Upon this occasion the British fleet aided German warships in a blockade of Venezuelan ports, and partici- pated in an attack upon Venezuelan property. It certainly did not serve as any bulwark of the Monroe Doctrine, and the very fact that European powers would join in demonstrations against South American states gave a clear intimation to President Theodore Roosevelt that the United States must play the role of policeman in the Western World or face the danger of European intervention. The Roosevelt corollary of the Monroe Doctrine had its basis in the ease with which European powers laid aside their quarrels on other continents for unified action in South America. The implications of the Roosevelt doctrine were obvious and far-reaching. In the hands of Secretaries Knox, Bryan and Lansing, the new formula was applied to several countries in the Caribbean area, and it "led directly to the coercion of the very states it was intended to protect. The Monroe Doctrine . . . had become a justification for the intervention of the United States." In the fight against the League of Nations the Monroe Doctrine furnished the isolationists with a very potent weapon, for "the Covenant was conceived in the spirit of internationalism" while "the Doctrine was a manifestation of the spirit of nationalism." It seemed impossible to formulate any amendment to the Covenant that would sufficiently protect the Monroe Doctrine, but in later years the Senate was not so captious and in 1932 and in 1935 there was no serious difficulty encountered in agreeing to amendments to the World Court protocol with reference to the Doctrine. During the administration of Secretary Hughes the Department of State adopted a conciliatory attitude toward the Latin-American states, and the basis was laid for the present Good Neighbor policy. At Montevideo strong pressure was applied to Secretary Hull to accept a formula of non-intervention in the affairs of the states of the New World. After some hesitation this formula was agreed to by Mr. Hull, and in June 14, 1934, it was unanimously ratified by the Senate of the United States. Does American adherence to this formula of non-intervention mean that the Monroe Doctrine is now merely an obsolete shibboleth? The answer to this question goes back to the real meaning of the doctrine. The message of President Monroe in December, 1823, had direct reference to alleged Euro- pean plans for intervention in the New World. It served notice on these nations that the American government regarded such intervention as a menace to the United States. It was merely an expression of the ancient right of self- defense. Neither in 1823 nor in 1941 could the United States surrender this right, and as long as this nation exists and is ready to defend its interests, the Monroe Doctrine will never be out of date. Fordham University CHARLES CALLAN TANSILL 114 BOOK REVIEWS January

Agrarian Conflicts in Colonial New York, ijn-1775. By IRVING MARK. Columbia University Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, No. 469. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1940. 237 p. $3-OO.) Agrarian conflicts are of perennial interest and importance to the social minded, but, so far as the American colonial period is concerned, we have been limited heretofore to general summaries of a few of the major clashes or to partial views which are merely facets of studies of other subjects. The result has been the oversimplified impression that they may be considered as struggles between the haves and the have-nots or between the conservatives and the radicals. A detailed analysis of the interrelating economic, social, legal, and political factors in a limited area which was infested with agrarian- ism over a considerable period of time has long been needed, and this mono- graph is a brave start and successful effort in this direction. The particular geographical setting of this study consists of the portions of the Hudson Valley which were focal points of agrarian disturbances during the two generations preceding the American Revolution. So far as political boundaries are concerned, the area consists of the eighteenth-century New York counties of Westchester, Dutchess, Albany, Cumberland, Glouces- ter, and Charlotte, the last four having included territory that was claimed by New Hampshire but that ultimately set itself up as the separate state of Vermont. The main ingredients of the agrarian disaffections in this area were the tenants on the large landed estates held by the Philipse, Van Rensselaer, Livingstone, and Van Cortland families and the settlers on the land grants made by New Hampshire. The motivations were the problems resulting from the region's complicated and overlapping land systems. Of these problems, special attention is given to "the transfer of vast grants to patroons, lords of manors, and patentees; the legal incidents of these, especially insofar as they concerned landlord-tenant relations; fraud perpetrated on drunken Indians and facilitated by vague metes and bounds which gave rise to rival claims; and the political power of the great landed families." The findings, although extremely complicated, are presented in a simple but satisfactory outline. Only six chapters are used to delineate the inequi- table and fraudulent elements in colonial land distribution; the legal incidents of the land system; the political power and dominance of the landlords; the agrarian disturbances, beginning with the dissatisfactions of the Palatines in 1711 and continuing to the early 1760's; the "Great Rebellion of 1766"; and the clashes of the Yorkers and Yankees. A summary of the author's con- clusions and a classified bibliography completes the volume. The importance of this monograph will be more fully recognized when similar studies for the other English colonies along the North Atlantic coast have been made. Only then will historians be able to present a carefully delineated synthesis of agrarianism as it manifested itself during the colonial period of American history. U. S. Bureau of Agricultural Economics EVERETT E. EDWARDS I942 BOOK REVIEWS 11$

Path to Freedom: The Struggle for Self-Government in Colonial New Jersey, 1703-177 6. By DONALD L. KEMMERER. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1940. xvi, 384 p. $3-75-) This volume provides the backbone of political narrative for the more than seven decades of royal government in New Jersey. Hence it occupies a key position in the excellent Princeton series devoted to the history of the state. It presents a facet of the epic struggle which was waged wherever an ap- pointed executive was constrained to labor in uneasy collaboration with an elected assembly. Here, as elsewhere, the royal instructions were unpopular, primarily because a number of them were appropriate to situations which had gone never to return, while others appeared to have been framed more in the interests of London than of New Jersey. Thus the instructions continued to reserve to the crown control over the disbursement of appropriations, which the legislature had largely assumed, while land banks were forbidden to a colony which seems to have exercised commendable restraint in employ- ing such schemes for obtaining an adequate currency. In a suggestive epilogue Dr. Kemmerer points to the state constitution of 1776 as an exemplification of the sort of government for which the people of New Jersey had been striving. The principal officers of state, the governor among them, were now chosen annually in a joint session of the legislative council and the general assembly, a choice in which the more numerous lower house exercised the preponderant voice. The assembly could be sum- moned by the speaker, and it adjourned itself. It had the sole right of draw- ing up money bills, and these the upper house might not alter. The governor, shorn of his veto power, no longer had a voice in legislation. Reduced to little more than a figurehead, he enjoyed no patronage. Such functions as he exercised were chiefly judicial. This transformation was of course effected by revolution, but the author believes that "if the British government had not reversed its policy of salutary neglect and tried to rule the colonies more strictly, the type of government New Jersey wanted might have been peaceably attained." Such, at least, was the trend prior to the French and Indian War, with the assembly making powerful use of its control of public finances not merely to thwart intractable governors in their public policy, but to "starve" them by withholding their salary. Herein lay much of the ground for colonial opposition to parliamentary taxation. It would have pro- vided a fund, beyond assembly control, out of which the salaries of royal officials might have been paid. Not the least valuable feature of Dr. Kemmerer's study is his appraisal of the men who governed New Jersey in the sovereign's name. Fortunately, only two were unscrupulous political timeservers, but unhappily one of these, Lord Cornbury, necessitous first cousin of Queen Anne, was first in point of time. His shameless peculations attached a stigma to the office which plagued his successors for many a long year. The three ablest executives were Robert Hunter, "the most nearly ideal governor colonial New Jersey ever had"; Francis Bernard, who skilfully composed the differences of crown and llS BOOK REVIEWS January assembly at the critical time of the Seven Years War; and William Franklin, no unworthy son of the father from whom he came to differ in politics, whose capable administration won the respect of all parties during the long and trying period from the Peace of Paris to the Revolution. William Burnet, William Cosby, and Jonathan Belcher, not to mention Lewis Morris and his son Robert Hunter Morris, are also portrayed as human beings and analysed as statesmen. A useful appendix records the tenure of the more important officeholders, but the absence of a bibliography is to be regretted. A few minor slips are discernible in the text, but significant errors either of fact or of judgment are far to seek. Well and interestingly written, this volume is a far more solid contribution to scholarship than its none too appropriate title would indicate. University of Pennsylvania LEONIDAS DODSON

Justice in Grey. A History of the Judicial System of the Confederate States of America. By WILLIAM M. ROBINSON, JR. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1941. xv, 713 p. $7.50.) Ream upon ream has been written in books, manuscripts, magazines and newspaper articles on the military events of the War between the States. Little has been written on the civil administration of the Confederacy and still less on its judiciary. This book, therefore, fills a gap and does it in an extremely comprehensive and detailed way. It sets forth, first, how, upon secession, the district courts of the United States were superseded by similar courts of the Confederacy. In the six states which originally formed the Confederacy, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana, all but one of the federal district judges either resigned or vacated their offices; the sole exception was the district judge for the southern district of Florida at his isolated seat in Key West. These six states were followed shortly by Texas and then by North Carolina, Tennessee, Arkansas and Virginia. In these five states, all of the federal district judges vacated their offices except the two for the eastern and western districts of Texas, respectively. The state courts in the seceded states simply continued to function as courts of the states of the Confederacy instead of states of the United States. The judicial power of the Confederate States under the provisional con- stitution adopted at Montgomery, Alabama, was vested in one Supreme Court and in such inferior courts as the Congress might from time to time ordain. Originally, it was provided that each state should constitute a district and that the Supreme Court should consist of all the district judges, a majority of whom should constitute a quorum. This was soon changed to provide for two or more judicial districts in the larger states but the Supreme Court never functioned either in its original composition or in any other form. The history of bills in the Confederate Congress for the organization of the Supreme Court is set forth with great particularity. As early as July 31, 1861, the Congress passed a bill suspending the sitting of the Supreme Court until I942 BOOK REVIEWS 117

it should be organized under the permanent constitution; bills for such organization were introduced from time to time but failed of passage until finally the House of Representatives on March 14, 1865, laid the Supreme Court bill on the table and no further action was taken. As might be expected, the opposition to the organization of the court centered around its jurisdic- tion, particularly as to whether the final judgments of the highest courts of the several states should be reviewable by it. This question of course involved the weakness which was inherent in the Confederacy itself, for obviously if, as the southern states contended, each of them had the right to secede from the federal union and to form the Confederacy, it logically followed that each of them could at any time secede from the Confederacy—a position which was openly taken when the tide of war was turning against it, especially by Governor Brown of Georgia and by Governor Vance of North Carolina. The organization and functioning of the Confederate district courts, of the courts of admiralty, of the territorial courts, including Indian territory and Arizona, of the military courts and of the state courts are all dealt with in comprehensive detail. The book displays enormous research and intelligent marshalling of the material by the author. It is unfortunate, however, that he is prone throughout to refer to the federal authorities, not only military but civil,, as "the enemy" or "the foe." His assertion of the secession of Kentucky and Missouri is not sustained by the facts. The so-called secession of Kentucky was merely the action of a self-constituted group of southern sympathizers, mostly soldiers, at a conven- tion at Russellville in November of 1861 and the so-called secession of Missouri was merely the action of a rump of the legislature at Neosho in the autumn of 1861. Neither state ever seceded either by direct vote of the people or by the act of any representative body empowered by the people. It is also unfortunate that the two federal district judges in Texas who observed their oath to support the Constitution of the United States are referred to as clinging to their commissions, whereas the federal district judge in Kentucky who resigned his commission and had to go into Tennessee to take an oath of allegiance to the Confederacy is referred to as a "fine old gentleman." It is also regrettable that the author saw fit to use slighting expressions such as "Parson" Brownlow of Tennessee "stumping as a Union martyr"; President Lincoln beginning "a war to preserve the Union at the expense of the constitution" and, at the end of the war "attempting to quibble out of his original sanction" for the organization of the government of Virginia; and the Supreme Court of the United States exhibiting "agility in hopping from one foot to the other in order to support the war and recon- struction policies." Apart from the references just made, which seem to indicate that the author is still considerably unreconstructed, the book is a valuable contribu- tion to American history. Philadelphia BOYD LEE SPAHR Xl8 BOOK REVIEWS January

Rascals in Democracy: A Case Study of Popular Government. By W« G. CLUGSTON. (New York: Richard R. Smith, 1941. 336 p. $2.50.) This is a book about the doings—mostly reprehensible—of Kansas poli- ticians from the foxy maneuverings of Senator Samuel C. Pomeroy ("Pom the Pious") and John P. St. John to the unprincipled opportunism of Alfred M. Landon. The author concedes that much the same story could be written about the public men of the other commonwealths, but he attributes to Kansas politics a national, almost a cosmic, significance. This he believes to be justified precisely because the people of Kansas have long been devoted to an idealistic belief in democracy and have kept alive the authentic demo- cratic tradition in spite of repeated disappointments and betrayals. As the center of such a faith the state is a leaven whose importance in national affairs cannot be overestimated. Mr. Clugston's thesis may be stated as follows: The people of Kansas have a great capacity for moral idealism. The really important moral issues facing the state and the nation have to do with economic security and well- being for the people at large. Doing anything significant about such issues, however, has always been contrary to the interests of the economic overlords of the state. To make sure that nothing significant is done, the Kansas leaders have "gradually led the people to concentrate their attentions and energies on a new form of religio-political exhibitionism calculated to absorb everybody in problems of personal moral guidance, and to trick the common man into believing that it was more important for the state to help him save his soul than to help him improve his economic conditions." (p. 38.) While the masses are so bemused the rascals busily line their own pockets and feed their appetites for power. The bulk of the book is devoted to brief biographies of Kansas leaders. None comes out of this investigation unscathed. William Allen White, the "Sage of Emporia," is pictured as having valued conventional respectability more than either his own intellectual integrity or the real public good; Henry J. Allen, who is called a "Mid-American D'Artagnan," is saved from being merely ridiculous only by being made clearly sinister in his aims; Capper, the "Christlike statesman," is pilloried as a sanctimonious hypocrite; Harry Woodring and Guy Helvering are dismissed as mere climbers; while Landon is portrayed as a shrewd parvenu of small talents and no real con- victions. There is also a chapter on Doctor Brinkley and one on the "atrocities" of the Anti-Saloon League. The latter organization Mr. Clugston clearly regards as a mere "front" for his rascals. What can be done to keep such conscienceless and usually incompetent men from gaining place and power? The author accepts the New Deal and the collectivist state which he thinks it foreshadows as inevitable and is alarmed when he thinks of such a state being managed by such inefficient, though pious, frauds. But it is the system which he thinks at fault, not the people. Unless the system is improved he sees a progressive weakening of faith in democratic processes with totalitarianism at the end of the roadt Yet his plaq i942 BOOK REVIEWS 119

for improving public personnel is not really complimentary to the people whom he thinks sound. At present they elect glib fellows with a low streak in their make-up and no demonstrable fitness for the offices which they seek. "But why wouldn't it be practicable to require that every candidate for public office take an examination before a state or federal board to prove his qualifications before allowing such a candidate to get his name on a primary election ballot?" (Query: Would not rascals dominate such boards?) To the reviewer it seems that even if such a system could be got to work it would not be representative government and that the gullibility of the people as they are is necessarily one of the qualities which any representative system must deal with as best it can. While there will be a general agreement with Mr. Clugston's suggestion that the schools be so reformed as to allow the teaching of good citizenship to their pupils, it seems clear that the problem here is precisely that of finding how the schools can escape the control which the rascals presumably now have over them. We are all in such a hurry to achieve salvation; and the improvement of man proceeds with such leaden feet! The University of Nebraska LANE W. LANCASTER

Washington and the Revolution. A Reappraisal: Gates, Conway, and the Continental Congress. By BERNHARD KNOLLENBERG. (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1940. xvii, 269 p. $3.00.) This book is the first result, but not the primary object, of several years of research in the political aspects of the American Revolution from 1773 to 1778. Mr. Knollenberg began his inquiries with the assumption that the basic facts of the background of this political story were well established and generally known. But it soon appeared to him that the more widely read books on the Revolution distorted the picture, especially in that part portraying the relations between Washington and the Continental Congress and Gen- erals Gates and Conway. It also seemed to him that the efforts to retouch the picture by twentieth-century historians such as Sydney George Fisher, Claude H. Van Tyne, Francis Vinton Greene, William E. Woodward, Shelby Little, and Rupert Hughes had been largely offset by John C. Fitz- patrick's George Washington Himself, a work which, in Mr. Knollenberg's opinion, had the effect of restoring the earlier distortions. In consequence of these impressions, Washington and the Revolution intends to be not a biography of Washington, not a story of the Revolution, not a narrative of the careers of Gates and Conway, not a study of the Continental Congress, but a reappraisal of some of the facts about some of the relations of these leaders. It is also, perhaps chiefly, a counterblast to those historians who, according to the author, have commonly accepted any statement made by Washington about men and events of the Revolution as final and unimpeach- able truth and have exhibited a "Fundamentalist conception of Washington's infallibility." While Mr. Knollenberg admits that "Washington's qualities of greatness . . . tower above his limitations," he contends that the commander-in-chief 120 BOOK REVIEWS January was hypersensitive to criticism, that he was morbidly determined to prove himself always in the right, that he shifted responsibility for his errors to others, that he was unduly suspicious of those who criticized or differed with him, that he misunderstood those whose social or economic status was dif- ferent from his own, that his military judgment was not infallible, and that "the Revolution was won, not despite, but with the help of the Continental Congress, Gates, and others commonly accused of having hampered Wash- ington." In short, the author "dissents from the conventional presentation of Gates, Conway, and the Continental Congress, and also of Washington himself." As for Gates, Mr. Knollenberg thinks that the historians' verdict that he was "incompetent and contemptible" is unjust and that the Continental Congress had valid and sufficient reasons, based on Gates' military experience and competency, for giving him successive military commands of crucial im- portance. There is no doubt that Gates was effective in organizing and dis- ciplining the new army, a fact to which Washington himself testified. Gates' organizing ability was amply demonstrated when he took over the northern campaign in 1776. Not content with appraising that accomplish- ment, Mr. Knollenberg gives Gates credit for a "well-conducted and success- ful defense" of the northern gateway to the colonies. His method and point of view are illustrated in the reappraisal of Gates' behavior during that cam- paign: the historians, he charges, have apparently failed to give Gates credit for saving the northern army and the gateway to the South because of the weight attached by them to Washington's opinion. For Washington, basing his judgment on sound military theories and on the opinions of most of Gates' field officers, reproved his northern commander for abandoning Crown Point and retiring to Ticonderoga. Mr. Knollenberg challenges Washington's position and states categorically that Crown Point was not a "well or easily fortified post" (p. 9). In support of this he accepts Gates' statement, written in reply to Washington's reproof, as to the weakness of that post. Such a prejudiced use of the sources is cited here not as an isolated but as a typical instance. The omission of other kinds of evidence is also typical. It is not pointed out, for example, that both Crown Point and Ticonderoga were in a dilapidated condition in 1776, both needed extensive repairs and additional fortifications, and the former possessed several natural advantages over the latter: it commanded a much narrower channel of Lake Champlain, its fortifications were much more elaborate and costly, and, most important of all, it was not commanded by any neighboring height of land similar to that from which Burgoyne caused St. Clair to evacuate Fort Ticonderoga in 1777. Moreover, giving Gates full credit for saving the country from invasion in 1776 overlooks a fact which may—and in the opinion of some historians does —make the Washington-Gates division of opinion over Crown Point totally irrelevant. That fact is the intention of the invader himself. Did Sir Guy Carleton really intend to drive through to the Colonies? Mr. A. L. Burt, in his Old Province of Quebec, seems to have proved that he did not. 194^ BOOK REVIEWS 121 In a similar manner, Alexander Hamilton's letter about Gates' shameful abandonment of his command at Camden and his flight into North Carolina is discredited, whereas Gates' lame explanation of that notorious ride is accepted at face value (pp. 8 and 169). Mr. Knollenberg is on firm ground when he asserts that Gates is one of the few prominent figures in the American Revolution who needs a biographer. It certainly seems plausible that his incompetencies and his weaknesses have been exaggerated by historians and that he has not been given a fair day in court. But, in the writing of history, a fair day in court does not mean special pleading: it means an impartial weighing of the evidence—of all the evidence. In short, the facts presented in Washington and the Revolution are, in the main, such facts as refute particular statements by particular historians, not a full rehearsal of all the evidence. This is emphasized by the use of a quota- tion from some well-known historian at the beginning of each chapter in order to bring out "the contrast between the history of the Revolution as it has been written and the facts." The historians chosen to illustrate this con- trast are Bancroft, Trevelyan, James Truslow Adams, Worthington C. Ford, Henry Cabot Lodge, Charlemagne Tower, John C. Fitzpatrick, Paul Leicester Ford, John, Fiske, Sir John Fortescue, and Edward Channing. Of these twelve historians, only six—Trevelyan, the Fords, Beveridge, Fitzpatrick and Channing merit serious consideration today as scholarly interpreters of the American Revolution. Of the writings quoted, only two were published within the past two decades; five of the works cited were published in the nineteenth century. Many of the points of view exhibited in these quotations have long since been refuted by modern scholarship, if indeed they ever gained any wide acceptance among serious historians. Mr. Knollenberg is well aware of the fact that the treatment of evidence by a lawyer in preparing the record of a case is very different from the treat- ment required of a historian: the lawyer rejects or rebuts all evidence tending to discredit the particular point of view which he hopes and intends will prevail in the minds of a judge and twelve good men and true. The historian weighs all the evidence available and allows the preponderance of testimony to determine the conclusion. Unfortunately, though Mr. Knollenberg is well aware of this important distinction, his work is more the record of a case or a series of cases than it is history. Too often the evidence offered by a con- temporary is accepted when it agrees with the main thesis of the book, but discredited and rejected when it runs counter to that thesis. Any reappraisal of Washington which overlooks the appalling complexity and difficulty of the problems he faced—a disunited country, an untried and often unreliable militia, an uncertain and frequently failing source of supply, about him a group of officers inordinately susceptible of jealousy and envy, a responsibility for wide-flung operations against an enemy with well-trained forces, a necessity for putting up with politics above and insubordination below —is apt to be as distorted a picture as the "conventional" view it seeks to correct. Of course Washington exhibited human weaknesses of irritation, 122 BOOK REVIEWS January

anger, and resentment. He was a human being, not an archangel. Of course the Revolution was a broad and deep movement, depending upon many factors for its success. But as a symbol of all those factors, giving them strength as well as lustre by his unparalleled example, Washington still stands unassail- able as the one leader who, through sheer greatness of character, held the movement together by his indomitable will. I do not mean to imply that Mr. Knollenberg denies Washington's greatness, though I believe he does minimize unduly his genius as a military leader. But I do mean to say that the danger of Mr. Knollenberg's book lies in its concentration upon a few minor weak- nesses and errors (not all of them proved), thus giving the uncritical lay reader the handful of chaff while withholding the bushel of grain. Though it by no means deserves such a classification, it will probably have the effect of a belated example of the debunking school of writing. Princeton University JULIAN P. BOYD

With Sword and Lancet: The Life of General Hugh Mercer. By JOSEPH M. WATERMAN. (Richmond, Virginia: Garrett and Massie, Inc., 1941. xi, 165 p. $3.00.) Scotch-born Hugh Mercer, surgeon, veteran of Culloden and of Braddock's expedition, hero of Kittanning and of Trenton, promoter, land speculator and leader of inspiring genius, deserves a real biography. His life was rich in incident and sparkling with excitement; his personality was appealing and dynamic. Few would, however, guess from this biography that Mercer merited his wide acclaim. With laudable scholarly detachment, Mr. Waterman plays down his hero. With Sword and Lancet is as stripped in style and as stark in outline as a biographical footnote. Even in the hotly disputed question as to whether the plan for the battle at Princeton was Mercer's suggestion, the author takes no sides; he fails even to suggest that Mercer may have had a voice in making the arrangements. No drama appears in Waterman's recital of Mercer's difficulties after Prince Charles Edward fell, nor in the account of Mercer's experiences on the Pennsylvania frontier. His burial at Laurel Hill is not mentioned; hence, in consequence, the sordid quarrel over the cemetery matter finds no place. These quiet reticences are not due to scholarly choice but apparently spring from paucity of material. Documentation is so sketchy—viz.: "University of Aberdeen" for two important statements in Chapter 1; "Original Manu- script, Pennsylvania Historical Society" for a letter signed simply "Dumas" in Chapter 4—that it is difficult to check authenticity. D. H. Montgomery's "The Leading Facts of American History, and Modern History by Hayes and Moon are cited as authority. The bibliography mentions Sidney G. "Frashier," whom Philadelphians will know better as Fisher, C. H. "Sijse," who is apparently C. Hale Sipe, Paul "Wilstarch," who must be Wilstach and J. P, "McClay" who really bore the old Pennsylvania name Maclay, I942 BOOK REVIEWS 123

How Charles Lee acquires a middle initial, as he does in the "Charles E. Lee Papers" is something of a mystery. The format is not Mr. Waterman's responsibility but rests upon the shoulders of his publishers but this, too, except for the attractive cover, is poor in quality. Paper is scarce in these days of priorities but the text has been crowded unforgiveably, so much so that it is next to impossible to discover quickly where new chapters start. Maps would be of great assistance, for the author fails to locate such essential places as Kittanning and Conococheague, except by an off-hand mention that the latter is now Franklin County which will not readily identify the place to those who know not Pennsylvania. John T. Goolrick's The Life of General Hugh Mercer, published back in 1906, still tops its field. Valley Forge, Pennsylvania HARRY EMERSON WILDES

That Rascal Freneau. A Study in Literary Failure. By LEWIS LEARY. (New Brunswick, N. J.: Rutgers University Press, 1941. x, 501 p. $5.00.) Mr. Leary's title, George Washington's casual phrase in a moment of irritation, unfortunately suggests that he has popularized his subject or made sensational use of his materials. He has done neither. This is an honest, substantial and useful book, pleasantly written, but well-documented and sound both in its generalizations and in its use of source material. Nor is the sub-title completely accurate. That poet is hardly a failure who commands the initial position, as the first American national poet, in almost every modern anthology of our literature. Nor is this position his by virtue of priority alone. The modern recognition of the artistic merits of his poetry has been so general that Harry Hayden Clark, in his recent anthology of Major Ameri- can Poets, inevitably gave the opening pages to Freneau, among a select company that included only thirteen poets. Historians, also, have come more and more to regard Freneau as a symbol of a certain class-struggle which became acute during the Revolutionary period and the years of early nationalism—a struggle in which the common man, the new frontiersman, and the small farmer, found their champion in Jefferson, as opposed to such men as Hamilton and Adams. Freneau's un- swerving loyalty to ideals which we now call Jeffersonian democracy cost him friends and contributed to his lack of worldly success at the moment. Viewed through the perspective of time, however, his life and his character are so triumphantly vindicated that it is impossible to associate him with the idea of failure, except in its ironic implications. All of the background Mr. Leary has assembled in a very satisfactory manner. The Revolution and the early years of the Republic are brought to life from the special point of view of one man who took a vigorous part in the stirring events and was a passionate proponent of the underlying ideals of social justice stimulated by the struggle. It is thus a one-sided view of history, but perhaps especially revealing for that very reason. It is also a vivid biography of a most interesting and complex human being. 124 BOOK REVIEWS January

Not a great deal of work has been done on Freneau since Paltsits' Bibliography (1903) and Pattee's three-volume edition of the Poems (1902- 1907) with its reliable biographical introduction. Much work has in the meantime been done by the historians in clarifying the struggle for democ- racy in America during the period of early nationalism. This has enabled Mr. Leary to see Freneau more clearly in the perspective of his times and to find the true significance of his devoted if truculent idealism. He has benefited also by a judicious consideration of more recent critics of Freneau, such as Parrington, Calverton, H. H. Clark and Paul Elmer More. He has been scrupulous, moreover, in checking all of the earlier sources, and he has added important new material not hitherto employed, if, indeed, its existence was known. Mr. Leary has made a fresh study of FreneauV poetry, prose, and political writings in the light of his full-length picture of the man, with the result that literary criticism of Freneau must inevitably benefit. The appendix materials in this volume are admirable, comprising 116 pages of valuable notes and bibliography. In the bibliography the earlier works of Paltsits and Pattee has been amplified, and some corrections have been made. University of Pennsylvania SCULLEY BRADLEY

Amos Eaton, Scientist and Educator-, IJJ6-1842. By ETHEL M. MCALLISTER. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press; London: Humphrey Milford, Oxford University Press, 1941. xiv, 587 p.) Our flourishing biographical era has at last produced a full-length portrait of Amos Eaton, although we have had to wait almost a round century for it. Amos Eaton was, of course, a leader in the development of American geology, a very industrious writer of science textbooks, and, with the indis- pensable financial and moral support of Stephen Van Rensselaer, the real although unacknowledged founder of the Rensselaer School, now the Rens- selaer Polytechnic Institute. This is the first complete biography of Eaton. The author has been suc- cessful in finding an impressive body of new manuscript and newspaper material. Hundreds of letters between Eaton and Van Rensselaer, John Torrey, Benjamin Silliman, and others; several of Eaton's scientific journals; notes of his lectures and some legal documents have been laid under contribu- tion; and to aid future students the library locations are indicated. The method of use is largely that of direct quotation and this makes the volume practically a source-book. The treatment is partly chronological, but mainly topical. After the early chapters on the family and on Eaton's education, full attention is given to his business disaster, imprisonment and release at age thirty-nine. For Eaton, life began at forty, literally. He became first an itinerant science lecturer and then a geologist; and the importance and timeliness of his geological work will be allowed even by those who will not wish to call him "the founder of the American system of geology." Chapters on his work in botany, mineralogy, and zoology are followed by one on his efforts to make chemistry 1942 BOOK REVIEWS 125 serve the useful purposes of farm and home. The last section deals with the Rensselaer period upon which Eaton entered when he was forty-nine. The documents indicate, one would almost say demonstrate, that the school was his idea and also that the whole seventeen-year period of his connection with it was a constant struggle. Even at the end of his journey he could not die with the assurance that the Rensselaer School would live. One must believe that the fifty-page bibliography is as complete as a degree of industry similar to Eaton's could make it. There is an index. Two portraits and a half-dozen other illustrations are given. If one may carp there are a few errors and one consists in rendering the name of Milton Halsey Thomas in three different ways in three successive entries on page 575. More im- portant is a certain lack of historical background. Thus, neither the Uni- versity of Virginia nor the Franklin Institute, which were opened about the same time as Rensselaer and which together with differences had obvious similarities to that school, seem to be mentioned; nor is the educational movement which produced these three remarkable institutions adequately treated; but we ought to be and are thankful to have a well-documented life of Amos Eaton in a beautifully printed and well-made book of which the University of Pennsylvania Press may long be proud. The Ohio State University H. G. GOOD

Memoirs of the Philadelphia Society for Promoting Agriculture, Volume VI. Committee of Publication: LAWRENCE J. MORRIS, JOHN M. OKIE, and RICHARD PETERS, JR. (Privately printed, Philadelphia, 1939. ix, 228 p.) Four substantial volumes of the Memoirs of the Philadelphia Society for Promoting Agriculture were published between the years 1808 and 1818; followed by a fifth in 1826. These five volumes, with the Minutes of the Society published in 1854, heretofore have constituted the chief printed sources for its history. A sixth volume, modern in format and handsomely illustrated, an outgrowth of the celebration in 1935 of the one hundred fiftieth anni- versary of the founding of the Society, prepared by a committee of publica- tion composed of Lawrence Morris, John M. Okie and Richard Peters, Jr., is now available. The first four volumes of the Memoirs (the fifth is missing at the New York Public Library) include papers and addresses presented before the Society and the correspondence of the Society or its members within the field of agricultural interests. Occasional articles are illustrated by cuts; lists of members resident and honorary are given; in Volume IV, there appears a catalogue of the books of the Society's library. These four volumes, totalling more than 1500 pages, reflect the diverse interests of the Society under the vigorous presidency of Richard Peters following its reorganization in 1805, and contain a wealth of information for the student of agricultural history. The social historian also will find materials of interest as in a lecture by Dr. James Mease, long an officer of the Society, upon Comparative 126 BOOK REVIEWS January

Anatomy and the Diseases of Domestic Animals (1813) in which the his- torical background of the subject was surveyed, or in the comment and letter by Richard Peters following John Tayloe's letter on Virginia Hus- bandry (June 5, 1809. Memoirs, II, 100-102), where the larger issue of slavery intrudes. Richard Peters' paper on Coarse Flour, Brown Bread and the Force of Habit as it relates to Esculents (March 8, 1808. Memoirs, I, 232-241), reminiscent of his experience as a member of the Board of War during the Revolution, contains an interesting incident relating to food prob- lems arising among soldiers of the American Revolutionary army, due to sectional differences in food habits. In the large, however, the correspondence of the Society, ranging somewhat freely among a group of agriculturists in Pennsylvania, Delaware, New Jersey, Virginia, Maryland and the District of Columbia, and occasionally with a correspondent in New York, Con- necticut, Massachusetts or Maine, bears primarily on affairs of general agri- cultural interest. The letters of John Taylor of Caroline discussing his cedar hedge six miles in length (read August 11, 1807. Memoirs, I, 102-108) and surveying larger aspects of procedure in crop rotation and soil enrichment on his Vir- ginia plantation (January 30, 1809. Memoirs, II, 57-62) and Richard Peters' reply each reflect a scientific spirit and evince a mutual recognition of their varying problems in agriculture. Timothy Pickering, secretary of the Society upon its organization in 1785, who had served with Peters as a member of the Board of War, wrote now and then on agricultural subjects during his term as senator from Massachusetts. Jefferson wrote (March 6, 1816) of the plan for hillside ploughing used by his son-in-law, Thomas Randolph, and sent a model of a plough designed for this use. {Memoirs, IV, 13-18.) Volume VI of the Memoirs follows somewhat the same general plan as the preceding books in the series aside from its disregard of chronology. The sources for the period following 1826 also, it must be noted, appear less abundant and less closely related than those preceding it. There is a com- prehensive list of members past and present. An index is lacking. The volume opens with a stimulating historical sketch of the Society presented by the late Professor Rodney H. True at the anniversary celebration of 1935. An illus- trative section includes facsimile reproductions of pages of special interest in the first minute-book, among them a letter from Arthur Young in Suffolk, December 21, 1787. Following the practice of Volume IV, a series of ad- dresses of the period 1822-1885 are given. The address of Nicholas Biddle on agricultural progress (1822), ambitious in scope, eloquent and optimistic, drew appreciative comment from Madison, John Adams and Josiah Quincy. Jefferson, courteous but saturnine, expressed his conviction that the address would produce among farmers "salutary excitement," "especially," he added, "at a moment when the habitual Cannibalism of Europe promises a demand for bread with their blood." Craig Biddle, President of the Society, addressed it on its seventy-fifth anniversary (i860) and George Blight, on the hundredth anniversary, gave a useful i94* BOOK REVIEWS 127 sketch of the history of the Society for the three decades preceding the Civil War. The latter half of this book consists largely, though not exclusively, of materials hitherto unpublished or appearing in the Columbian Magazine, the Pennsylvania Gazette or the Pennsylvania Mercury, relating to the activities of the Society between 1785 and 1804, during which time Samuel Powel was president, and the influence of John Beale Bordley, vice-president and founder of the Society, was prominent. Among the more numerous contributors represented are John Beale Bordley, whose portrait by Charles Willson Peale, by the courtesy of Mrs. Roland S. Morris of Philadelphia, appears as the book's frontispiece, Timothy Pickering, Colonel George Morgan and Elias Boudinot. General Edward Hand of Revolutionary fame, whose coun- try house was near Lancaster, Robert R. Livingston, President of the New York Agricultural Society, and Landon Carter likewise are represented. The many friends of this distinguished and historic society, the first agri- cultural society to be established in the United States, will welcome this useful and attractive compilation of sources, a worthy successor of preceding volumes, and will hope that a complete history of the Society will follow in good time. New York City OLIVE MOORE GAMBRILL

Guide to Ten Major Depositories of Manuscript Collections in New York State {Exclusive of New York City). Compiled by The Historical Records Survey; edited by HARRY B. YOSHPE and GEORGE W. ROACH. Published as Volume 38, Number 2, of the Proceedings of the Middle States Association of History and Social Science Teachers. (New York, 1941, vi, 78 p.) The colossal undertaking of the Historical Records Survey projects of the Work Projects Administration is without question the greatest single venture directed toward making the sources of American history available to researchers. In a recent checklist of Survey publications are listed more than 500 volumes of county and municipal archives inventories, almost as many volumes on federal archives in the states, and more than 300 volumes on church records, imprints, manuscript collections, and other historical materials. The checklist would be far more extensive if it were to include volumes which have been completed in draft but have not yet been approved for publication. The work of the Survey which relates specifically to manuscript collections, as distinct from the archives of counties, municipalities, churches, and other institutions, is, in a sense, a lavish extension of the task represented in the production of the volume, Checklist of Collections of Personal Papers inx Historical Societies, University and Public Libraries, and Other Learned Institutions in the United States, published by the Library of Congress in 1918. Within this field of its activities the Survey produces three distinct types of publications: (1) the guide to depositories of manuscript collec- 128 BOOK REVIEWS January

tions (by states) ; (2) the guide to manuscript collections (by depositories or groups of depositories) ; and (3) the calendar, catalogue, descriptive list, and transcription of manuscripts in particular important collections. The New York Guide lists ten selected important depositories of the upstate region. (The manuscript resources of New York City institutions are described in a separate publication.) According to an explanatory note in the booklet, this is the first in a proposed series of publications to cover all the depositories of manuscript collections in upstate New York. In selecting institutions to be described in this first volume, the editors have made an effort to represent every section of the state. Each entry in the Guide gives information on the history, administration, accession policy, and storage facilities of the depository listed, a concise description of its holdings, and data on arrangement and cataloging of manuscripts. The editors have seen fit to present comparatively full descriptions of holdings, a practise which is cer- tainly commendable if the New York Survey does not find it practicable to produce collection guides for the depositories listed. In the index, too, the editors have deviated somewhat from the established Survey practise. It is not clear, however, what advantage they have gained by devising an elaborate index reference system of Roman numerals, capital letters, and Arabic numerals for a text of only 57 pages. Of the depositories listed, the New York State Library at Albany, with half a million manuscript items, is easily the most important. Its holdings are extremely rich in materials of the colonial period, several groups of which, such as the Sir William Johnson Papers, have been calendared and ex- tensively used. They include also a large number of relatively full series of church, business, and municipal records, particularly of the Hudson Valley, which are of primary interest to local historians, but which will certainly be of interest to social and economic historians who are not primarily con- cerned with the eastern counties of New York. The depository guides of the Historical Records Survey serve a real need in bringing together, in convenient form, essential information on such widely scattered sources of American history. Although publications of this type have appeared for only 18 states, including Illinois, Louisiana, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, New Jersey, North Carolina, Wisconsin and Penn- sylvania, it is to be hoped that the objective, a reasonably complete listing of depositories throughout the country, will be accomplished within the near future. Gettysburg BERNARD S. LEVIN

American Issues. Edited by WILLARD THORP, MERLE CURTI and CARLOS BAKER. Volume I, "The Social Record"; Volume II, "The Literary Record." (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1941. xviii, 1035; xiv, 893 PP. $6.00.) The editors of these volumes are not magicians. If they were they might have gathered for us in public forum the great voices of America's past, bade i942 BOOK REVIEWS 129

them mingle with our contemporaries and go to it over American ideas. Failing that, they have put them in a book. American Issues is designed for students but in times when incredible sins are daily committed in the name of "Americanism" it should be required reading for everyone. We are not so much concerned here with the second and less interesting of these volumes for which the editors unaccountably could find no better schema than a chronological one. Suffice it to say that in nearly a thousand double-columned pages "The Literary Record" runs the gamut from John Smith (1624) to Allen Tate (1941) including many selections that have never (as far as this reviewer can tell) appeared in any other anthology. It was intended to include here "only such writing as can honestly be said to show the artist's hand at work" (Foreword), but granting that Philip Freneau was occasionally an "artist" one might easily look in vain for his "artist's hand" in the "Rules for Changing a Limited Republican Govern- ment" (135-139). But that is only one clay pigeon among many birds that really soar and we can be thankful for a full sheaf of Emily Dickinson, forty pages of Whitman, fifty of Thoreau and complete stories by Sherwood Anderson and Ring Lardner. In all seventy-four poets, novelists, essayists and sundry other prose writers are included, with historians and philosophers among those neglected. What writers we'had more "artistic" than George Santayana or William James is hard to tell, but neither is represented in "The Literary Record." "The Literary Record" is better than many other comparable anthologies because it is longer and its selections on the average are 'longer. "The Social Record" is something else. Here in one sense is America, America at least talking and thinking. In concise introductions to the sections of the book and to the authors represented, the editors spotlight the shifting American scene and the subtle reactions to it. Then they withdraw permitting the actors once to be the actors now, talking and writing to us as they spoke and wrote for their neighbors. Just as when they were flesh and blood they are faced here also with their antagonists, sometimes indeed at much closer quarters than would have been comfortable on the rostrum, sometimes at much closer quarters than would have been possible in contemporary time and space. The editors of "The Social Record" have organized their material in a series of categories that itself is an interpretation of American history. Start- ing with the provocative "The Other World or This 1630-1790," they carry us through "Democracy and Aristocracy 1783-1840," "The East and The Frontier 1800-1860," "Nationalism and Cosmopolitanism 1825-1860," "Social Reform and Its Critics 1825-1860," "North and South: The New Nation- alism 1865-1900," "Class Conflicts and Class Protests 1870-1896," "Coun- try and City 1890-1920," "Naturalism and Supernaturalism 1860-1910," "Reform and the Conservative Defense 1900-1917," "The Big Money 1920- 1929," "Depression and Reconstruction 1929-1940." This is only a selected list but within it live again all the conflicts out of which emerged the America 130 BOOK REVIEWS January we know. Here indeed is the record of "American Issues'' and here is what those concerned with them thought and said about them. Here are the minority as well as the majority reports and if the latter are sometimes as triumphant as Beveridge's "The March of the Flag," the former frequently are as bitter as the letters of Bartolomeo Vanzetti. America's "Social Record" as revealed here is not immaculate. But it is a record of honest conflicts and, but for the tragedy of the Civil War, a record of conflicts in which the losers acquiesced in the results even when they did not quit their fight. These volumes are attractively, almost patriotically bound, even to the star that dots the "I" of "American" in American Issues. They are well indexed. For each author represented there is a summary of his or her work and a comprehensive bibliography of secondary books. No American library should lack these volumes. Certainly no student of American literature or American history can be without them. New York University WILLIAM MILLER

One Red Rose Forever. By MILDRED JORDAN. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1941. $2,750 Miss Jordan has written a corking good story which reveals her as a writer of insight and emotional sensitivity—a novel which moves with persuasion and rhythm through some five hundred pages. In One Red Rose Forever she has conceived and executed an excellent first novel in which background is well drawn, in which all the characters except the main one are carefully conceived, and in which plot is simply but firmly built. Miss Jordan is another of the group of able writers—imaginative writers—that Pennsylvania has given to the nation. But Miss Jordan makes the pretense of writing about Heinrich Wilhelm Stiegel, of creating a novel about the dreamy adventurer who made fine glass in colonial Pennsylvania. In a preface she recites the incident of the "one red rose forever" rental which was the payment for the lands demanded from the Manheim church, thus implying that the book is a historical romance built on the life of Wilhelm Stiegel. Miss Jordan is a good imaginative novelist; but as a writer of historical romance she is not the person to re-create the life and times of the exuberant "Baron" of the Lancaster hills. No one denies the novelist the right to create characters, to invent plots, and to create his own world of make-believe. But to sell a novel as a his- torical romance when it is unhistorical and!when it distorts and disregards historical fact is sheer folly. No matter how good a story this novel may be, it simply is not a story based ion the life and loves of Heinrich Wilhelm Stiegel—the man who demanded payment of "one red rose forever." The Stiegel of legend and the Stiegel of fact are both altogether different from the man that lives in Miss Jordan's book. Miss Jordan's Stiegel, torn between his violin, his mistresses, his glass-making, his philandering, is cer- tainly not the devout and careful workman who survives in the Stiegel I942 BOOK REVIEWS 131 legends. Then too, the Germanized Pennsylvania that forms the background of Miss Jordan's book is not our Pennsylvania of Amish, Mennonites, and big red barns. It is certainly not true that meticulous research, as the pub- lisher's blurb announces, produced this book, for any dabbler in Pennsylvania history will know that Miss Jordan's book is not eighteenth-century Pennsylvania. Miss Jordan shows no knowledge of the making of iron, no understanding of the process of glass manufacture, no comprehension of the products of Stiegel's furnaces. She does not even seem to have seen any Stiegel stoveplates and read their verses, although the Berks County Historical Society has a collection of Stiegel ware. Miss Jordan is an imaginative writer of power and ability. She should not write any more unhistorical romances, Allentown JOHN JOSEPH STOUDT

Emigres in the Wilderness, By T. WOOD CLARKE. (New York: The Mac- millan Company, 1941. 247 p. Illustrated. $3.00.) In this sprightly volume by the author of The Bloody Mohawk equal space is allotted to the Royalist refugees of the eighteenth century, the Napoleonic exiles of the early nineteenth, and the Bourbon mystery—the "Lost Prince," Louis XVII. New York State is the primary scene of action, though the story sometimes strays across the border. With an unerring eye for human interest and the romantic, Dr. Clarke has garnered picturesque incidents buried in dusty archives, old newspaper files and county histories, and scattered magazine articles, and reanimated piquant and forgotten figures. Some sections of his subject-matter have al- ready met adequate and compelling treatment at the hands of Cortissoz, Van Doren, Minnigerode, Macarthy and Dorrance. In providing the general reader, however, with an accessible and fairly adequate account of the family of Le Ray de Chaumont the author fills a long-felt want, and performs a real service. Le Ray the elder, friend and backer of Benjamin Franklin, John Paul Jones and our struggling young republic, was also prime mover in the de- velopment of the northern counties of New York State—a fact today recalled mainly by the geographic names of the Black River region, Leraysville, Chau- mont, Cape Vincent, Therese, and their historic mansions. On the Le Rays' 80,000 acres on the north Pennsylvania border, stretching from the Susquehanna to the Delaware, Clarke is vaguer and less adequate. But he paints a vivid picture from the old journals of the Castorland venture in upper New York State; the later manorial mansions and improvements of the Le Rays, James and Vincent; and the hunting-lodge regime of the ex- king of Spain, Napoleon's brother Joseph, who turned down the belated offer of a throne in Mexico in favor of country life in the States. The three chapters on the royalist colony of Asylum in Bradford County, Pennsylvania, are less satisfactory, adding little to L. W. Murray's narrative I32 BOOK REVIEWS January published in 1917. Here, as in the opening sketch of the Revolutionary period in France, the tone of the writer is more or less supercilious, his treatment superficial. Stressing the vaulting ambition and ephemeral course of the early land ventures, he tends to slight the permanent stimulus to American culture afforded by emigre life, however transient. The final third of the volume is devoted to the century-old controversy over the identity of Eleazar Williams. The evidence is as carefully balanced as the forepart of a detective thriller. It leaves the reader in not unpleasing suspense as to the true character of the missionary to the New York State Oneidas, later responsible for their removal to Wisconsin, a man with grandiose plans for a new Iroquois nation. Was he indeed the luckless and maltreated son of Marie Antoinette and Louis XVI, secretly transported from his Temple prison to the New World to end his days in obscurity, thus sub- serving the ambitions of divers parties? Or was he merely the half-breed issue of Eunice Williams (daughter of the Deerfield pastor, Indian captive of 1704) and a clever imposter to boot? Clarke's chronology is not always exact, invalidating some of his deductions. For example, the identity of the Dauphin can hardly have been withheld in 1853 by Louis Philippe's son, lest the news precipitate the fall of the House of Orleans, and a political revolution. The House of Orleans had succumbed fully five years earlier. The goal of the author is, however, obviously entertainment rather than an original contribution to historic accuracy. Couched in a flowing style, with crisp descriptive passages, the book parades a picturesque array of minor characters—Mine, de Feriet, the Franchots, Juliards, La Farges, the Master of Muller Hall and others. Amply illustrated, though the cuts are not always well made, the book is provided with a fairly adequate bibliography and index. Though a mosaic of discrete episodes rather than a consecutive narrative, the student of Americana will find it useful for half-hour browsings. Tloga Point Museum ELSIE MURRAY

Three Virginia Frontiers, By THOMAS PERKINS ABERNETHY. (University, Louisiana: Louisiana State University Press, 1940. xiii, 96 p. $1.50.) In three essays Dr. Abernethy has re-examined many vital questions relating to that part of the American frontier which came under the influence of Virginia. He begins his discussion with the growth of the tidewater and lower piedmont, then the piedmont and valley, the mountain and the trans-Appa- lachian frontier. By the very nature of his material he has been forced to deal in generalities with a subject which has many extremely detailed facets. The author both in his short preface and in the opening pages of the first essay indicates a consciousness of the variables which enter into the story of the whole frontier movement. Tracing the expanding frontier movement through its four stages Dr. Abernethy has been in a position to examine philosophically the web of the Virginia frontier in each of its major periods of development. He has wisely kept in mind in his interpretations the vital fact that at no two places were 1942 BOOK REVIEWS 133

the so-called frontier conditions the same, nor were the human reactions always of the same degree of intensity. Almost every hundred-mile tier of east to west advancement brought a change of conditions, and certainly each hundred-mile tier south to north produced changes of some significance. To ask that a historian define clearly and exactly what he means by frontier contributions to law, politics, economics, community organization and religion would be asking for a big order. An author would be placed at an unsporting disadvantage by such a demand. Yet what were the frontier influences? No one can deal intelligently with westward expansion without paying strict attention to the land question, and no one is better equipped to speak on this subject that Professor Abernethy. The existence of large land holdings, however, did not materially alter the common man's position on the frontier. Kentucky, as a case in point, was the football of the large landholder and speculator. In fact, the first explorations were made at the request of speculators. Later other land company repre- sentatives poured into the region to take up grants. Nevertheless there are today hundreds of old deeds in the hands of Kentuckians whose ancestors took up small holdings of land. This fact, I am certain, would go a long way toward refuting the statement, "That it was obvious that the Bluegrass country was never a poor man's frontier, despite the fact that Daniel Boone was its first famous citizen." A careful check of the disintegration of the speculator holdings, despite the high price of land in central Kentucky, would indicate a definite settlement of small holders in the region. These settlers of the Bluegrass were of the same general type as those who received warrants to Green River lands in payment for military services. In a sentence, "Thus in two regions (Bluegrass and Pennyroyal), not widely separated but differ- ing much in the quality of soil, we have two distinct types of frontier settle- ment." The land was sufficiently different, broadly speaking, in these two regions to make some difference in the type of settlement. Land variations all over the Bluegrass itself, however, were sufficient to make easily discernible marks upon the variable frontier. The same thing was true elsewhere in Ken- tucky and east of the mountains. To take the stand that the "barons of the Bluegrass," the Browns, Todds, Bullitts, McDowells, Breckinridges, Harts, George Nicholas, Harry Innes, James Wilkinson, Caleb Wallace, and Thomas Marshall, were not of major importance would hoist one on his own petard. Yet the barons were definitely influenced by their less important neighbors. It was this influence that shaped a preconceived political philosophy for its practical application on the frontier. In minor elections, and on minor issues, the system of casting votes by accla- mation or vive voce subjected the average voter to intimidation by the barons. Wilkinson and his opponents stooped pretty low in the business of snatching votes in public elections in Fayette County held to elect delegates to the Danville conventions. Likewise the influence of the barons upon the first Kentucky constitution was great, but to get a complete picture of constitu- tional history on the Kentucky frontier it is necessary to examine a large 134 BOOK REVIEWS January portion of the historical web centered about this document and its subsequent changes. Actually it was the common Kentucky frontiersman who forced the issue of drafting a new document before the end of the first decade of constitutional government in that state. It is true that both Philadelphia and Richmond influenced the framing fathers at Danville and Frankfort—the Kentucky radical, however, was not without a decisive influence. He recalled only too clearly the dire economic possibilities which stared him in the face. As yet no clear and unbiased study has been made of the influence of river trade and transportation in the West. I think such a study would go a long way to reveal the common frontiersman's fear or complete indifference to a bill of rights. This is in contradiction to most of the interpretations of the growth of state government in Kentucky. This contention does not ignore the fact that Professor Abernethy is conscious of most of these influences. Three Virginia Frontiers is a provocative series of lectures. Its author is a wise historical philosopher. He has raised a number of major questions in frontier history, and he has done this without paying too much attention to that time worn argument of "y°u are or you are not" of the Turner school. He has indicated our woeful lack of knowledge of population history. The historian of the frontier could spend some time very profitably checking back on the movement. Just how would a Bluegrass baron fit into the mold shaped by the James River baron? Where actually did political differences make themselves felt? The historian has either ignored or he has been unable to assess the importance of the frontiersman's reactions to his environment. Three Virginia Frontiers is worth reading several times because it raises many questions which have remained too long unanswered. University of Kentucky T. D. CLARK

Anthony Wayne, Trouble Shooter of the American Revolution. By HARRY EMERSON WILDES. (New York: Harcourt Brace & Co., 1941. xiii, 514 p. Illustrated. $3-750 This latest historical biography of Anthony Wayne fills a most important niche in our national archives, as it presents a definite character analysis of one of the most colorful figures of our military history. Without detracting from Wayne's incredible ability as a leader of a forlorn hope during the dark days of the Revolution; without casting the slightest aspersion upon the patriotic fervor of the officers upon whom Washington depended in times when the loyalty of many of his staff was questioned, Dr. Wildes has given us a word portrait like that of Oliver Cromwell with the wart on his nose. At first this admirable book is more or less of a shock to those who have been led to idealize Wayne because of the effulgent writings of early biog- raphers. We are shown a dynamic, virile, highstrung and impetuous man who was given much to gazing at his reflection in the mirror created by his own self esteem. We recognize in Wayne certain evidences of adult adolescence that I94I BOOK REVIEWS 135

were as pronounced in the year of his death as they were on the school playground. The implications of Wayne's lapses of moral conduct, as presented by Dr. Wildes, are less serious than seems apparent at first glance. His love affairs with Mary Vining and others were so open and frank that they were, in all probability, less dishonorable than they might be interpreted by casual reading of existing records. Had they been even compromising in those early days a pistol duel would have resulted. We have been greatly impressed with the evidence of sincere effort on the part of the author to give his readers a life story unclouded by sentimentality. The utter lack of business acumen,( the bombastic rhetoric of his letters, the childish petulance, the senseless involvement in political wrangles of dubious color, reflect mental immaturity rather than depravity of character. On the other hand, the clear vision, the cool determination, the profound knowledge of military science, together with his unquestioned loyalty to the cause he had espoused make Wayne as great a leader as we have been led to believe he was. West Chester, Pennsylvania HENRY PLEASANTS, JR.

Sixty Years of, Indian Affairs, Political, Economic and Diplomatic, ij8g^ 1850. BY GEORGE DEWEY HARMON. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1941. vm, 428 p. $5.00.) This book integrates with another having a similar objective by Walter H. Mohr, entitled Federal Indian Relations, 1774-1788. Professor Harmon's book, which begins with the next year, 1789, professes to be a study of Indian policy for the period covered by him. It is more properly a series of extracts from Indian treaties from which the reader may, if he can, make his own de- ductions as to what was the federal policy. To this reviewer the outstanding features of the book are its handsome format, the apparent amount of re- search that went into the book, its gratuitous pretentiousness, and the slipshod manner in which it is written. There is much matter in the book that would be interesting and instructive if it were not discredited by many mistakes and ineptitude in its arrangement. The material is badly organized and the sense obscured by frequent contextual non-sequiturs. A few of the many obvious mistakes will be noticed first. On page 138, re- ferring to a treaty made? with the Indians of Ohio in 1817, the author says, "One tract was given in fee simple to the Seneca chiefs which contained 30,000 acres.'' This is neither the wording nor the sense of the grant contained in Section 6 of the act. (Stat. VII, p. 160). The land was given to certain Seneca chiefs as trustees merely for three score or more individual members of the tribe whose names were attached to the treaty. Similar grants were made for the benefit of members of the Wyandotte and Shawnee tribes, which in the same paragraph the author erroneously calls grants in fee simple to Indian chiefs. On page 139 the author says that on October 6, 1818, "The Miami tribe ceded an enormous area of land to the United States in Indiana and Illinois." 136 BOOK REVIEWS January

This is a mistake. None of the lands ceded by the Miami Indians at that time lay in what is now Illinois; it was in Indiana and Ohio. The only time the Miamis ever ceded any Illinois land was when, on September 30, 1809, they joined with the Delawares and Pottawatomies of Indiana in a cession of Indiana land which extended across what is now the western boundary of that state, and included a small piece of land in Illinois. On page 282 the author states that in the autumn of 1832 the Pottawatomi tribe ceded a very large tract of land in northern Michigan. The only land they ceded in the treaty of October 20 was in Illinois, and the individuals named to whom annuities were secured in that treaty were early residents of Chicago and vicinity, where the ceded land was located. On the same page the author states that on October 26, 1832, the Pottawatomi tribe ceded all their land in Indiana, which is correct. On the next page he says that "The next day marked the signing of another agreement which granted to the United States all the Pottawatomi lands in Indiana, Illinois and the Territory of Michigan/' The author gets into difficulties in connection with these Indians because, apparently, he is not familiar with the fact that the govern- ment dealt with numerous factions of the Pottawatomi tribe, each of which had certain valid claims to separate areas. During the period covered by Pro- fessor Harmon's book, the government made thirty-six treaties with the Pottawatomi Indians, and an examination of these treaties will reveal the fact that in some of the the whole tribe was not involved, but only certain factions. There was a division of the tribe living in Indiana, one in Indiana and Michi- gan ; but thef largest and most influential was in Illinois. The assertion that these Indians conveyed their holdings in Illinois at the times indicated by the author is misleading, for it required six separate treaties to divest the Potta- watomies of all their land in Illinois, and the last was not executed until Sep- tember 26, 1833. The Illinois Pottawatomies were of that division of the tribe confederated with bands of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians, who were re- moved to Iowa, and whose consolidation and removal from Iowa to Kansas were effected by the treaty of 1846, which the author refers to in a manner that indicates that he is not familiar with the object and effect of this treaty. That is to say, on page 333 he writes that "The Chippewa, Ottawa and Pottawatomi were united in 1846." These factions had long been united in all but name, and this treaty was a formal recognition by the United States of this union of the Indians lately removed to Iowa. On page 322 it is stated that "The act [of congress] of March 1, 1889, es- tablished a United States Court in the Indian Territory, and it largely pre- vented the Five Civilized Tribes from entering into leases or contracts with others than their own citizens for mining coal, for a period not exceeding ten years." This act of congress contained no such inhibition either expressed or implied. If the involved language of the author means the court prevented the leasing, then he is equally wrong; for, on the contrary, section 6 of that act expressly repealed "all laws having the effect to prevent" the execution of such leases. i94i BOOK REVIEWS 137 There are many other mistakes of fact in the book, illustrating the careless workmanship bestowed upon it. A quotation on page 206 includes the mean- ingless words, "with a firmly belief 400 Indians," etc. Examination of the government document quoted from gives the following: "with, I firmly be- lieve, 400 Indians," etc. The next line reads, "Certification commenced yes- terday morning and about sixty were taken through." The author's source reads, "Certification commenced last evening," etc. On pages 95 and 96 Panton's partner is twice called "Lislie" instead of Leslie, his proper name. This book purports to be a discussion of federal Indian policy. It is the opinion of this reviewer that the subject of federal policy receives scant atten- tion. In the main the author has contented himself with extracts from Indian treaties, and has not undertaken adequately to discuss the execution of these treaties, or the policies that led up to them, or that emerged from their execu- tion. In fact, it is doubtful that the author understood the content or sig- nificance of the many treaties quoted from. That the author has a confused idea of federal Indian policy and of the outstanding indices of that policy, appears in many places; but none more so than in the few desultory lines referring to Andrew Jackson's famous Indian Removal Bill of 1830. Again, the important treaty council of 1815 at Portage des Sioux is mentioned in a scant three lines, only for the purpose of bringing the name of the Sioux Indians in this book. The more than a score of treaties made here and at St. Louis that summer, at the dictation of the British gov- ernment and required by Section 9 of the Treaty of Ghent, signalized a phase of Indian policy of extraordinary interest, that cannot pass unnoticed in any account of the subject that makes claim to scholarship. Muskogee, Oklahoma GRANT FOREMAN

The Rise of the Social Gospel in American Protestantism, 1865-1915. By CHARLES HOWARD HOPKINS. [Yale Studies in Religious Education.] (New Haven: Yale University Press. 1940. xii, 352 p. $3.00.) The emphasis in this valuable contribution to our understanding of Ameri- can social history is on exposition rather than on more philosophical aspects. The author observes that the social gospel has frequently been the subject of interpretation, but nowhere previously has it been furnished with an "adequate history." Dr. Hopkins has filled this gap. His volume, though utilizing such published works as Dombrowski's study of early Christian Socialism, rests upon an independent survey of a great body of materials, the dimensions of which are indicated in the author's announcement of a forthcoming bibliog- raphy "in which the more than 1500 items utilized in this research will be classified." Dr. Hopkins completely disposes of the myth that "the socializing and ethicizing of Protestantism" is chiefly a story of the twentieth century. Through 200 pages devoted to such topics as "the birth of Social Christianity," the "Labor Question" and "Christian Socialism" the author demonstrates clearly that the "social gospellers" were doing important pioneer work in the 138 BOOK REVIEWS January later decades of the nineteenth century. Indeed, and wisely, we are reminded that even in the days of the anti-slavery crusade of Horace Bushnell there were vital elements making for a social orientation in American Protestantism. Through economically briefed quotations and ably condensed summaries Dr. Hopkins builds up a clear picture of a half century of adaptation of Protestantism to an economic and social revolution whose darker aspects threatened chaos to country and loss of important influence to Protestantism. If, in the light of the findings of modern sociology, remedies proposed by the progressive Protestant clergy were short of perfection there can be no doubt about the direction of the road trod by these pioneers nor that Protestant Christianity on the eve of the World War had adopted social regeneration as the first concern of the churches. Possibly the author leaves too implicit the strength of those forces in American Protestantism which continued to define salvation in largely individualistic terms or which for practical reasons were capable of applying the breaks. For example, further comment on the dismissal of the leading Presbyterian champion of the social gospel, Charles Stelzle, would have been welcome. This head of his denomination's Church and Labor Department, whose work in behalf of labor's cause seems to have en- countered irreconcilable conservative opposition was ''forced . . . from his position in 1913." Welcome, too, would have been some extension of the several references to the Anglican influence on the early rise of social gospel among the Episcopal clergy. Whether viewed from the standpoint of the churches alone, or from the broader perspective of society, Dr. Hopkins has made a valuable contribution to the growing body of the literature of religious and social history. For American social history names such as Washington Gladden, George Herron and Walter Rauschenbusch outweigh those of many Congressmen; and "the reaction of Protestantism .... to the ethics and practices of Capitalism . . ." gives meaning to the more inclusive social history of an age of industrial triumph, labor strife, scientific upheaval and sincere belief in unlimited prog- ress. Some indication of the breadth of leadership in the social gospel crusade appears in the chapter on "Sociology in the Service of Religion." At the height of the progressive era a Boston forum, typical of the organized backing for and breadth of the movement, brought together such leaders as Louis Brandeis, Keir Hardie, Professor Carver and Walter Rauschenbusch to dis- cuss "socialism . . . the ethical character of American standards . . . savings- bank insurance . . . and the reforms accomplished by the British Labor party." Students of American history of the 1870's, who know the cures for in- dustrial maladjustment then brought forward by the clergy—and by most of the educated, cannot fail to be impressed by the gulf that separates the classic views of Henry Ward Beecher and the changed gospel of thirty years later. For its generous story of this movement the reader may go to Dr. Hopkins' scholarly and readable study with confidence and profit. University of Connecticut EDMUND A. MOORE i94i BOOK REVIEWS 139

The Letters of John Fiske. Edited by ETHEL F. FISK. (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1940. 706 p. $7.50.) As an intellectual force John Fiske has never received proper attention either from historians or from literary students. One of the chief proponents of the philosophy of Herbert Spencer, he was also a vigorous writer on re- ligion and anthropology; an able historian, especially of the earlier parts of American history; a musician; a literary critic; and a lecturer who seldom made concessions to his audiences. In Great Britain he was regarded as a great man; in the United States, although towards the close of his life a number of universities gave him honorary degrees, he had to struggle along on half recognition. The publication of his letters is therefore an important event. The letters, many of them being descriptive epistles of unusual brilliance, illumine the in- tellectual life of the United States from the late sixties to the end of the cen- tury, a time during which Fiske's whole attitude towards the problem of culture differed markedly from that of the Arnoldian school and of the genteel tradition. He brought not merely learning but gusto to bear upon life and scholarship; he was a fountainhead of energy; he was excited and stimulated by ideas, books, conversation, men. The letters are a record of an active and important intellectual life. Unfortunately they also illustrate all the weaknesses of amateur editing. There is no index and no table of contents; the editor makes no attempt to identify the persons, many of them being addressed by their Christian names only, to whom the letters were sent; such footnote elucidation as is offered is of the most elementary sort; and there is a sad variety of misprints. What is worse, some of the letters show by internal evidence that passages have been omitted, but there is no indication of editorial policy, the book being inno- cent of preface, foreword, or any other editorial statement. The publishers have permitted an amateur to bring out a book which might be of first im- portance to historians but which is ingeniously contrived to be as little usable as possible. Harvard University HOWARD MUM FORD JONES