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Domestic Violence' in London in the 1980S An investigation of policing policy in relation to 'domestic violence' in London in the 1980s by JAMES SHEPTYCKI A thesis submitted to London University in candidature for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy based on research conducted in the Sociology Department, London School of Economics, London, United Kingdom June 1991 UMI Number: U615767 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615767 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F yf£ II U^ This thesis is an examination of the social construction of the social response to a social problem. The social problem is refered to as 'domestic violence' and the social response refers to the police response. The first chapter of the thesis constructs a theoretical approach grounded in the sociology of knowledge. Drawing on some of the classical sociological literature, the ideas of historians and philosophers of science, political philosophy and current social theory the concept of Tinguistic-authority- structure' is synthesized. Subsequent chapters apply the theoretical framework that this concept implies to illuminate the unfolding history of the issue of domestic violence. The versions of the social problem as they were articulated on different institutional sites (including the Women's Refuge Movement, social science, the law, the police and several others relevant) from the late-1960s to the mid-1980s are traced in the second third and forth chapters. The thesis documents the international trade in information about the issue. Of cenral importance is the importation of a deterrence paradigm emergent from an experimental project conducted by police researchers in Minneapolis, Minnesota. The importation of these ideas was partly instrumental in persuading police policy makers in Great Britain to announce policy changes regarding the policing of doemstic violence. This formation of a paradigmatic police response to domestic violence is located at a historically low ebb in the legitimacy of British Policing. The fifth chapter charts the history of post-war British Policing. Drawing on sociological accounts of operational policing, and the relevant criminological literature, this chapter illuminates the emergent political contestability of the police institution. The sixth chapter shows how, in this context, the policy regarding the policing of domestic violence was generated. Two chapters, seven and eight, are concerned with the actual police response to calls for service regarding interpersonal violence and in particular violence between cohabiting partners. These chapters make use of semi-structured interviews with police officers and an analysis of police paperwork procedures to illuminate police practices with regard to these calls for service. The two remaining chapters continue the historical analysis up to the end of the 1980s. For Bill and Roseanne Sheptycki and Sarah Phillips whose support made my work possible Preface i-vii Chapter One Deconstructing Discourse Analysis Introduction 1 Conceptions of Consciousness in Classical Sociology 5 A Brief Historical Example 8 Back to the Classics 12 The Contribution of Philosophers and Historians of Science 18 Deconstruction and the Politics of Language 23 Towards a Sociological Approach to Discourse 29 The Problem Ahead 36 Chapter Two The Forging of an Issue Introduction 42 The First March on Chiswick High Road 45 The Role of Social Science 52 The Split in the Refuge Movement and its Consequences 55 The Select Committee Report 64 The Application of Civil Law 70 British Social Science and Feminism at the End of the Decade 75 Chapter Three North American Developments in the Discourse Introduction 84 The Emergence of the Problem in the USA 84 American Social Science Measures the Extent of the Problem 92 The battered husband syndrome- the biggest mistake 97 A Problem for Policing? 99 American Social-Scientific Feminism 101 North American Trajectories 104 Conclusion 107 Chapter Four The Slow Translation of the Issue Introduction 112 The Refuge Movement 1981-1985 119 Feminist Social Science 123 Social Administration and Violence Against Women 127 Practical Developments in North America 132 North American Social Science and Domestic Violence 135 Deterrence Research and the Policing of Domestic Violence 143 Summary and Conclusion 158 Chapter Five A Brief History of Post-war Policing Politics and Practice Introduction 164 Policing Britain in the Post-War Era 166 Policing the 1970s- Beyond Policing by Consent 179 The Politics of Policing in the 1980s - Feint, Thrust and Parry 187 Conclusion 200 Chapter Six The Consolidation of Criminalization Introduction 214 Politics, Policing and Domestic Violence in the Post-Scarman Era. 216 The Report of the London Strategic Policy Unit on the Policing of Domestic Violence 218 The Metropolitan Police Report into the Policing of Domestic Violence 221 Researching the Policing of Domestic Violence 225 The Media Presentation of the Issue 229 The Submerged Discourse 234 Conclusion 237 Chapter Seven The Operational Policing of Domestic Violence Introduction 247 The Central Categories for Operational Policing of Interpersonal Violence Calls 250 Trying to Think Outside the Categories Round Pegs and Round Holes 262 Authoritative Intervention, Advice and Referral 269 Domestic Violence Units 274 Summary and Conclusion 285 Chapter Eight A Content Analysis of Police Files Regarding Domestic Violence Introduction 297 Three levels of 'incident'- the Occurrence Book file 299 Three levels of 'incident'- The Beat Crime file 313 Family Violence' and 'Ocher' Domestic Calls 328 Three levels of 'incident'- The Major Crime File 330 'Family Violence' and 'Other' Domestic Calls 338 Summary and Conclusion 342 Chap ter Nin e Back to the Future Part One Introduction 350 North American Social Scientific articulations of the issue of 'domestic violence' - a new decade 351 Criminal Justice and 'Domestic Violence' in the North American Debates 368 Treatment Models for men who batter 374 Canadian debates on the social response to Wife Battering 378 Conclusion and Summary 389 Chapter Ten Back to the Future Part Two Introduction 397 British social scientific debates on domestic violence at the end of the decade 400 New issues and old worries -the Refuge Movement at the end of the 1980s 408 Black Women and the issue of domestic violence Policing and domestic violence at the end of the 1980s Concluding Remarks Table or Diagram Name Page No. Effectiveness of Formal Help-Sources Used by Battered Wives 137 Changing Patterns of Police Laid Charges London, Ontario 1979-1980 145 The Nature and Extent of Violence Before and After Police Intervention 146 The Linguistic-Authority-Structure of the Policing of Interpersonal Violence 265(a) A Comparison of officially Recorded Domestic Violence Incidents, 1985 & 1988 299 The Occurrence Book File March/April 1988 300 The Beat Crime File March/April 1988 316 The Major Crime File March/April 1988 331 Eight Incidents of Domestic Violence 333 Fourteen Incidents of Interpersonal Violence Between Strangers 337 \r> [?©{?©©© I began research into the issue of violence against wives in 1986. My interest had been piqued by media coverage regarding the phenomenon which was quite prevalent at that time. I wanted to find out what was behind that media coverage and why the issue was framed in the way that it was. It must also be said that I was sympathetic to the feminist struggle against male violence. However, my intellectual background was in the philosophy of the social sciences, and so I could only think to frame my approach to the research problem in that way. My problem was to see how the issue of domestic violence was socially constructed. When I began the research I had no idea about the issue, I did not know its history or its development. Nor did I realize how complicated defining the problem could get. In order to grasp how the issue of domestic violence was constructed I found that I had to embark on a very ambitious programme of reading. Initially I began by unraveling the social scientific debates on the nature of what was variously conceived of as 'wife battery', 'woman abuse’, 'family violence', 'domestic violence' and a plethora of alternative terminology. In so doing, I found myself confronted with the politics of feminism, with which I had not engaged since my days as an undergraduate at the University of Saskatchewan in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Unravelling these debates was a very complicated task, but no more difficult than coming to grips with the history, politics and practice of post-war British policing. Broadly speaking, what had to be addressed were three separate bodies of literature: feminist work on violence against women, social scientific investigations of family violence and the sociology of the police. Each area of reading comprised several ways of 'knowing' and there were blind spots within each as well as confusing overlaps between them. All were central to the issue and I had to come to terms with each. At times I felt myself to be swimming in books. At the same time, as a Canadian in Britain, I found myself deeply immersed in a culture which was not my own, which implies a considerable learning experience in and of itself. I had much to learn about recent British history which meant reading yet more books. As a foreigner in the U.K., I also wanted to gain access to a world usually hidden from the general public, something which takes great patience.
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