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“Go After the Women”: Mothers Against Illegal Aliens' Campaign
“Go After the Women”: Mothers Against Illegal Aliens’ Campaign Against Mexican Immigrant Women and Their Children ∗ MARY ROMERO INTRODUCTION.....................................................................................................1355 I. INTERSECTIONALITY AND MOTHERING DISCOURSES ..................................1363 A. Domesticity and Motherhood............................................................1363 B. Latina Immigrants and Domesticity..................................................1365 C. Race, Ethnicity, Class, Citizenship, and Unfit Mothers....................1367 II. CONSTRUCTING ANTI-IMMIGRANT CAMPAIGN AGAINST IMMIGRANT MOTHERS ...................................................................................................1370 A. Nativism and Mothering Discourse ..................................................1371 B. Establishing Economic and Security Threats ...................................1380 CONCLUSION........................................................................................................1388 INTRODUCTION “Protect Our Children, Secure Our Borders!” is the rallying cry adopted by Mothers Against Illegal Aliens (MAIA), an Arizona-based women’s anti-immigration group founded by Michelle Dallacroce in January 2006.1 Like other race-based nativist groups emerging in the United States, MAIA targets immigrants as the reason for overcrowded and low-achieving schools, increased crime, unemployment, poor access to affordable health care, and the overall drain on public benefits.2 As mounting -
Trumpfronterizo the Influence of Trumpism on Socio-Economic Cross-Border Flows in the San Diego – Tijuana Bi-National Metropolitan Area
Trumpfronterizo The influence of Trumpism on socio-economic cross-border flows in the San Diego – Tijuana bi-national metropolitan area Nadim van Minnen Radboud University Nijmegen | s4801431 1 Trumpfronterizo The influence of Trumpism on socio-economic cross-border flows in the San Diego – Tijuana bi-national metropolitan area Front page background sources: Autodesk, 2018. Own figure, 2017. Wikimedia Commons, 2017. Master thesis Nadim van Minnen Radboud University Nijmegen | Nijmegen School of Management Department of Geography, Planning and Environment MSc. Programme Human Geography: Globalisation, Migration and Development Thesis supervisor: Dr. Lothar Smith Nadim van Minnen [s4801431] [email protected] 10 July 2018 Radboud University Nijmegen 2 PREFACE This thesis was written as an integral part of the Master program of Human Geography and the track Globalisation, Migration and Development at Radboud University Nijmegen. This master thesis is the final assignment that needed to be completed in order finish this study, and therefore to receive my degree as a Master of Science. As can be seen in the methodology chapter and the conclusion, as well as annex 4, there were some small problems while doing this research, mostly due to the bi-national nature of this research. However, everything turned out alright in the end as I gathered plenty of information in order to make valid and informed statements regarding the issues at play in this thesis. A major thank you therefore goes out to my informants and expert interviewees for sacrificing their valuable time, their expertise and their willingness to participate. Without them and the useful information they provided me, I would not have gotten what I wanted out of this research. -
'Broken Borders' and Stone Walls
Talk of ‘Broken Borders’ and Stone Walls 21 Talk of ‘Broken Borders’ and Stone Walls: Anti-immigrant Discourse and Legislation from California to South Carolina Ann Kingsolver University of South Carolina The anti-immigrant sentiments that propelled the passage of California Proposition 187 in 1994 – linked to an economic downturn and worries about NAFTA – have been echoed across the U.S. over the intervening sixteen years. This article briefly reviews public discourse about anti-immigrant legislation in a wave of other states from California to South Carolina, and discusses the convergence of anti- immigrant and white supremacist projects in the U.S., using the concepts of market citizenship and citizen surveillance. As new anti-immigrant legislation is proposed in the South, understanding it within its national and historical context is important. This discussion includes consideration of the role of metaphor in both fueling and countering anti-immigrant discourse. Anti-immigrant discourse: ‘broken’ borders and stone walls Legislation that may be worded in terms of protecting U.S. or state citizens but be referred to in public discourse as anti-immigration or anti-immigrant legislation has been making its way through statehouses across the U.S. over the past decade and a half. This is the latest round of legislation blaming recent immigrants (often from a specific nation or set of nations) for economic hardship or criminal activity in the U.S., which is portrayed as possible to alleviate with the removal or barring of undocumented or “illegal immigrants.” The research question taken up here is: what larger discursive projects (e.g., racializing projects, cf. -
La Gran Marcha: Anti-Racism and Immigrants Rights in Southern California
La Gran Marcha: Anti-Racism and Immigrants Rights in Southern California Jenna M. Loyd1 Department of Geography, Syracuse University 144 Eggers Hall, Syracuse, NY 13244-1020 USA Email: [email protected] Andrew Burridge Department of Geography, University of Southern California, 416 Kaprielian Hall, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0255 USA Email: [email protected] Abstract Millions of people across the United States took to the streets in spring 2006 to protest repressive immigration legislation, demand just immigration reform, and seek justice in daily life. This article has two aims. First, we seek to intervene in the popular immigration debate, which denies racism and claims to be concerned only with law-and-order. Second, we analyze (im)migration politics in relation to national racial formations. That is, racialized immigration policies do not exist apart from a racially stratified citizenry. We rely on the concept of social death to trace state policies of immigration and criminalization as key sites of interracial and transnational struggles against racism and for justice and liberation. Thus, we seek to elucidate possibilities for anti-racist alliances and social change. We conclude with a discussion of the ways in which we see the immigrants rights movement connecting with other struggles for social justice, and the implications that 1 © Jenna M. Loyd and Andrew Burridge, 2007 La Gran Marcha: Anti-Racism and Immigrants Rights in Southern California 2 concepts of national racial formation and social death have for the movement against global apartheid. KEY WORDS: immigrants rights, racism, national racial formation, social death, criminalization, militarization, United States “Immigration politics also surfaced in California’s gubernatorial race … with Gov. -
Threatening Immigrants: Cultural Depictions of Undocumented Mexican Immigrants in Contemporary Us America
THREATENING IMMIGRANTS: CULTURAL DEPICTIONS OF UNDOCUMENTED MEXICAN IMMIGRANTS IN CONTEMPORARY US AMERICA Katharine Lee Schaab A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY August 2015 Committee: Jolie Sheffer, Advisor Lisa Hanasono Graduate Faculty Representative Rebecca Kinney Susana Peña © 2015 Katharine Schaab All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Jolie Sheffer, Advisor This project analyzes how contemporary US cultural and legislative texts shape US society’s impression of undocumented (im)migrants and whether they fit socially constructed definitions of what it means to “be American” or part of the US national imaginary. I argue that (im)migrant-themed cultural texts, alongside legal policies, participate in racial formation projects that use racial logic to implicitly mark (im)migrants as outsiders while actively employing ideologies rooted in gender, economics, and nationality to rationalize (im)migrants’ exclusion or inclusion from the US nation-state. I examine the tactics anti- and pro-(im)migrant camps utilize in suppressing the role of race—particularly the rhetorical strategies that focus on class, nation, and gender as rationale for (im)migrants’ inclusion or exclusion—in order to expose the similar strategies governing contemporary US (im)migration thought and practice. This framework challenges dichotomous thinking and instead focuses on gray areas. Through close readings of political and cultural texts focused on undocumented (im)migration (including documentaries, narrative fiction, and photography), this project homes in on the gray areas between seemingly pro- and anti-(im)migrant discourses. I contend (im)migration-themed political and popular rhetoric frequently selects a specific identity marker (e.g. -
Immigrants Targeted: Extremist Rhetoric Moves Into the Mainstream
Reprinted with permission from Anti-Defamation League, [(c) 2008], www.adl.org Immigrants Targeted: Extremist Rhetoric Moves into the Mainstream ©2007 www.adl.org Reprinted with permission from Anti-Defamation League, [(c) 2008], www.adl.org About This Report The national conversation about immigration, both before and after the June 2007 defeat of the proposed immigration reform legislation in Congress, has become a deeply polarizing issue in American politics and public life. While there are valid and sincere arguments on both sides of the issue, the debate has also been framed, at times, by vitriolic anti-immigrant – and particularly anti-Hispanic – rhetoric and propaganda. Purveyors of this extremist rhetoric use stereotypes and outright bigotry to target immigrants and hold them responsible for numerous societal ills. The Anti-Defamation League (ADL), which previously has documented how extremist groups like the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazis have exploited the immigration issue to advance their own agenda, has become increasingly concerned about the virulent anti-immigrant and anti-Hispanic rhetoric employed by a handful of groups that have positioned themselves as legitimate, mainstream advocates against illegal immigration in America. Unlike the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazis, who make no attempt to hide their racism and bigotry, these anti- immigrant groups often use more subtle language to demonize immigrants and foreigners. They are frequently quoted in the media, have been called to testify before Congress, and often hold meetings with lawmakers and other public figures. However, under the guise of warning people about the impact of illegal immigration, these anti-immigrant groups often invoke the same dehumanizing, racist stereotypes as hate groups. -
Border Security: the San Diego Fence
Order Code RS22026 Updated May 23, 2007 Border Security: The San Diego Fence Blas Nuñez-Neto Analyst in Domestic Security Domestic Social Policy Division Michael John Garcia Legislative Attorney American Law Division Summary This report outlines the issues involved with DHS’s construction of the San Diego border fence and highlights some of the major legislative and administrative developments regarding its completion; it will be updated as warranted.1 Congress first authorized the construction of a 14-mile, triple-layered fence along the U.S.-Mexico border near San Diego in the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigration Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) of 1996. By 2004, only nine miles had been completed, and construction was halted because of environmental concerns. The 109th Congress subsequently passed the REAL ID Act (P.L. 109-13, Div. B), which contained provisions to facilitate the completion of the 14-mile fence. These provisions allow the Secretary of Homeland Security to waive all legal requirements determined necessary to ensure expeditious construction of authorized barriers and roads. In September 2005, the Secretary used this authority to waive a number of mostly environmental and conservation laws. Subsequently, the Secure Fence Act of 2006 (P.L. 109-367) removed the specific IIRIRA provisions authorizing the San Diego fence and added provisions authorizing five stretches of two-layered reinforced fencing along the southwest border. While the specific authorization of the San Diego fence was deleted, the project appears permissible under a separate, more general authorization provision of IIRIRA. In the 110th Congress, S.Amdt. 1150, the Secure Borders, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Reform Act of 2007, which has been proposed in the nature of a substitute to S. -
Congressional Record United States Th of America PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES of the 106 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION
E PL UR UM IB N U U S Congressional Record United States th of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 106 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION Vol. 145 WASHINGTON, WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 1999 No. 158 House of Representatives The House met at 10 a.m. R E V I S E D N O T I C E If the 106th Congress, 1st Session, adjourns sine die on or before November 17, 1999, a final issue of the Congressional Record for the 106th Congress, 1st Session, will be published on December 2, 1999, in order to permit Members to revise and extend their remarks. All material for insertion must be signed by the Member and delivered to the respective offices of the Official Reporters of Debates (Room HT±60 or S±123 of the Capitol), Monday through Friday, between the hours of 10:00 a.m. and 3:00 p.m. through December 1. The final issue will be dated December 2, 1999, and will be delivered on Friday, December 3, 1999. If the 106th Congress does not adjourn until a later date in 1999, the final issue will be printed at a date to be an- nounced. None of the material printed in the final issue of the Congressional Record may contain subject matter, or relate to any event that occurred after the sine die date. Senators' statements should also be submitted electronically, either on a disk to accompany the signed statement, or by e-mail to the Official Reporters of Debates at ``Records@Reporters''. Members of the House of Representatives' statements may also be submitted electronically by e-mail or disk, to accom- pany the signed statement, and formatted according to the instructions for the Extensions of Remarks template at http:// clerkhouse.house.gov. -
Border Enforcement Developments Since 1993 and How to Change CBP
Border Enforcement Developments Since 1993 and How to Change CBP Daniel E. Martínez The University of Arizona Josiah Heyman The University of Texas at El Paso Jeremy Slack The University of Texas at El Paso August 24, 2020 CMS Essays, https://cmsny.org/publications/border-enforcement-developments-since-1993- and-how-to-change-cbp/ Executive Summary Enforcement along the US-Mexico border has intensified significantly since the early 1990s. Social scientists have documented several consequences of border militarization, including increased border-crosser deaths, the killing of more than 110 people by Customs and Border Protection (CBP) agents over the past decade, and expanded ethno-racial profiling in southwestern communities by immigration authorities. Less attention has been paid to the pervasive and routine mistreatment migrants experience on a daily basis in CBP custody. This paper traces major developments in border enforcement to three notable initiatives: the “prevention-through-deterrence” strategy, the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Consequence Delivery System, initiated in 2011. Despite the massive buildup in enforcement, CBP has operated with little transparency and accountability to the detriment of migrants. The paper provides an overview of the findings of nongovernmental organizations and social scientists regarding migrant mistreatment while in CBP custody. It then highlights important shifts in migration patterns over the past decade, as well as changes in border enforcement efforts during the Trump administration. It discusses how these transformations affect migrants’ everyday encounters with CBP officials. The paper concludes by providing specific recommendations for improving CBP conduct. Its core theme is the need to emphasize and inculcate lessons of appropriate police behavior, civil rights, and civil liberties in training and recruiting agents and in setting responsibilities of supervisors and administrators. -
The Nativist Lobby Three Faces of Intolerance
The Nativist Lobby Three Faces of Intolerance A Report from the Southern Poverty Law Center Montgomery, Alabama February 2009 The Nativist Lobby Three Faces of Intolerance By Heidi BeiricH • edited By Mark Potok the southern poverty law center is a nonprofit organization that combats hate, intolerance and discrimination through education and litigation. Its Intelligence Project, which prepared this report and also produces the quarterly investigative magazine Intelligence Report, tracks the activities of hate groups and the nativist movement and monitors militia and other extremist anti- government activity. Its Teaching Tolerance project helps foster respect and understanding in the classroom. Its litigation arm files lawsuits against hate groups for the violent acts of their members. MEDIA AND GENERAL INQUIRIES Mark Potok, Editor Heidi Beirich Southern Poverty Law Center 400 Washington Ave., Montgomery, Ala. (334) 956-8200 www.splcenter.org • www.intelligencereport.org • www.splcenter.org/blog This report was prepared by the staff of the Intelligence Project of the Southern Poverty Law Center. The Center is supported entirely by private donations. No government funds are involved. © Southern Poverty Law Center. All rights reserved. southern poverty law center Table of Contents Preface 4 The Puppeteer: John Tanton and the Nativist Movement 5 FAIR: The Lobby’s Action Arm 9 CIS: The Lobby’s ‘Independent’ Think Tank 13 NumbersUSA: The Lobby’s Grassroots Organizer 18 southern poverty law center Editor’s Note By Mark Potok Three Washington, D.C.-based immigration-restriction organizations stand at the nexus of the American nativist movement: the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR), the Center for Immigration Studies (CIS), and NumbersUSA. -
Niñez Migrante Retornada: Migración En Un Contexto De Riesgos (Nogales, Tijuana Y Cd
NIÑEZ MIGRANTE RETORNADA: MIGRACIÓN EN UN CONTEXTO DE RIESGOS (NOGALES, TIJUANA Y CD. JUÁREZ) Tesis presentada por Yolanda Silva Quiroz para obtener el grado de MAESTRA EN DEMOGRAFÍA Tijuana, B. C., México 2010 CONSTANCIA DE APROBACIÓN Director de Tesis: Dr. Rodolfo Cruz Piñeiro Aprobada por el Jurado Examinador: 1. 2. 3. DEDICATORIA Realizar esta tesis ha requerido esfuerzo y dedicación del autor y de su director. Sin embargo no hubiera sido posible su realización, sin la presencia de los niños, niñas y adolescentes que decidieron emprender su viaje a los Estados Unidos. Lo anotado en esta tesis, es solo una pequeña parte de sus experiencias, tanto buenas como desagradables. Todos y cada uno de los menores migrantes retornados de los Estados Unidos, con los cuales el autor pudo conversar, hicieron de una idea algo más grande. Sus historias, tristezas e incluso lágrimas, ya sea por la frustración de un sueño interrumpido, o por el recuerdo de experiencias difíciles, dieron el impulso que necesitaba la investigación para definir su eje de orientación. Que este trabajo sirva para reconocer que detrás de cada cifra, de cada riesgo anotado y de cada línea escrita, existen múltiples historias que merecen ser conocidas. Un agradecimiento para aquellos que sin comprender las implicaciones de cada palabra suya, colaboraron con esta investigación. Así también, para aquellos que interrumpieron definitivamente su trayecto migratorio, y que sus restos sirven hoy para visibilizar que la migración de niños y adolescentes tiene implicaciones y dimensiones que apenas estamos conociendo. AGRADECIMIENTOS Al Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología por otorgarme la beca que me permitió estudiar la Maestría en Demografía. -
Migraciones Internacionales 22.Indd
Opinión de los polleros tamaulipecos sobre la política migratoria estadounidense Simón Pedro IZCARA PALACIOS Universidad Autónoma de Tamaulipas Resumen Desde el comienzo de los años noventa, la política migratoria estadounidense ha centrado la atención en el control de la frontera, mientras las sanciones a los em- pleadores, la vigilancia de los lugares de trabajo y otras formas de control del inte- rior han permanecido desatendidas. Sin embargo, un resguardo más estricto de la frontera ha sido incapaz de contener el flujo de inmigrantes indocumentados. En la medida en que Estados Unidos ha reforzado la vigilancia fronteriza, los inmigrantes se han tornado más dependientes de los contrabandistas de indocumentados. Este artículo analiza qué opinión tienen los polleros tamaulipecos sobre la estrategia es- tadounidense de control de la inmigración centrada en la vigilancia de la frontera y cómo ha afectado esto el contrabando de indocumentados. Palabras clave: 1. guía de migrantes, 2. política migratoria, 3. cruce fronterizo, 4. Tamaulipas, 5. Estados Unidos. Tamaulipas Coyotes’ Views on U.S. Immigration Policy Abstract Since the early 1990s the overwhelming emphasis in U.S. immigration policy has been on border enforcement while employer sanctions, worksite enforcement and other forms of interior control have remained notoriously weak. However, border enforcement proved to be a poor deterrent to the unauthorized fl ow of immi- grants. As the United States has tightened border controls, migrants have become increasingly dependent on people smugglers. Th is article analyzes the views of Tamaulipas’ smugglers on U.S. immigration control which focuses on border sur- veillance, and how it has aff ected illegal immigrant smuggling.