The Historiographical Theater and Its Effect in Henry of Latvia’S Chronicon Livoniae

ISSN 0258-0802. LITERATŪRA 2016 58 (3)

BARBARIANS SPEAKING – THE HISTORIOGRAPHICAL THEATER AND ITS EFFECT IN HENRY OF LATVIA’S CHRONICON LIVONIAE

Ramunė Markevičiūtė Institute of Greek and Latin Languages and Literatures Freie Universität Berlin

Abstract. Since the times of Herodotus, historiographic accounts have been written employing dramatic narration, thus granting historical figures immediate appearance through direct speech. This kind of historiographical theater, considered to be fictive and unreliable by modern historiographical critique, has a tradition and function in medieval historical accounts. The present paper analyses the purpose and the effect of dramatic narration in medieval texts, focusing on examples in Henry of Latvia’s Chronicon Livoniae. In examining the utterances in direct speech in more detail, it aims to disclose the image of the native peoples in the Baltic, the Barbarians, the way it is constructed by the author, and to determine the significance of dramatic narration in a historical account. Keywords: Medieval historiography, drama, Henry of Latvia, Chronicon Livoniae, dramatic narration, Baltic Crusades, the Barbarians.

The way in which the audience reacted of the camera cinema knows to charge the during the film premiereof L’Arrivée d’un spectator’s phantasy with a sense of reality. train en gare de La Ciotat by the Lumière With a reality of horror and danger as well brothers could be seen as one of the most as with a reality of feelings.”1. However, famous moments in cinematic history. The this particular power through which our spectators began to feel uneasy about the sense of reality can be upended is not only train at the platform of the La Ciotat sta- given to cinematography. Reactions simi- tion heading right towards them. Some lar to those caused by the scene of the Lu- could not take the tension and, in a state mière locomotive have always been part of panic, fought their way out of the first and parcel of the performing arts. The play rows. Regardless of whether this episode, The Capture of Miletus by the Greek trage- as it has been told and retold, is merely dian Phrynichos, for example, had lead the exaggerated or completely fabricated, it 1 “Das Kino […] versteht es, dank der Suggestiv- illustrates a particular potential of the cin- kraft der Kamera, die Phantasie des Publikums mit Rea- ematic to uproot our sense of reality. In lität zu besetzen. Mit der Realität des Schreckens und der Gefahr wie mit der Realität der Gefühle.“ [Trans- the words of German film critic Hellmuth lations, if not indicated differently, are mine, R. M.]. Karasek: “Thanks to the suggestive power Karasek 1994.

43 audience to such an emotional outburst, these utterances can be reconciled with a that the topic was forbidden offhand and historiographer’s claim for truth. Further, the poet was fined 1000 drachma for hav- I wish to focus on the dramatic episodes ing reminded the Greeks of their father- in the Chronicon Livoniae in order to dis- land’s disaster (Hdt. Hist. VI, 21). A simi- cuss the image of the Barbarian in the way lar story can be found in a chronicle about the chronicle constructs it and to determine the beginnings of the Baltic Crusades in the significance of Henry’s historiographi- the late 12th and 13th century, the Chroni- cal theater. con Livoniae written by Henry of Latvia. According to Henry, the winter of The chronicle is mainly written in 1205 saw a lavishly arranged play, lu- a mode of non-dramatic narration2, but dus prophetarum ordinatissimus, which Henry varies his text in making his actors was staged in the middle of Riga for the speak, thus giving a voice not only to his Christian parishioners and, above all, for German comrades, but also to the native the Livish and Latvian neophytes (Chron. people of the Baltic – the Barbarians. In Liv. IX, 14). As the play was performed in the most remarkable episodes, the pagans’ Latin, the plot had been explained to them speech is filled with quotations from bib- in advance by a translator (most probably lical actors and refers thereby to a typo- Henry himself)4, but the immediate per- logical equivalence between the actor in formance, however, made an enormous the chronicle and an actor in the Bible. In impression on the minds of the indigenous the present article, I shall discuss the pur- people: “Ubi enim armati Gedeonis cum pose and the effect of dramatic narration, Phylisteis pugnabant, pagani timentes oc- that is, such utterances in direct speech in cidi fugere ceperunt, sed caute sunt revo- medieval historiographical texts. In addi- cati.” (IX, 14)5. This is the manifestation tion, I want to raise the question of how of the same “reality of horror and danger” the fictive3 character of the most part of that is able to urge upon the audience an

2 By the term ‘mode of dramatic narration’, I mean German “fiktional” and “fictive”, referring to “fiktiv”. a kind of narration that represents events dramatically, For the distinction of these terms in German practice cf. using direct speech for the characters, with possible re- e. g. Zipfel 2001, 14-19. marks regarding posture, expression and context. A non- 4 The performance in its relation to liturgical dra- dramatic mode is characterised by the absence of direct ma as well as its probable setup are discussed in: Pe- speech, whereas reactions or utterances of an actor are tersen 2011, 229-243. expressed in indirect speech, which can even be com- 5 “When, however, the army of Gideon fought the pletely absent in a factual report. In this sense, the mode Philistines, the pagans began to take flight, fearing lest of dramatic narration corresponds to Genette’s concept they be killed, but they were quietly called back.” [All of reported speech, whereas the mode of non-dramatic translations of the Chronicon Livoniae are taken from narration comprises his concepts of narrated as well as Brundage, 1961]. Actually, Gideon did not fight against transposed speech; cf. Genette 1980, 161-211. the Philistine,s but against the Midianites (Judges 6-8). 3 In the German language and in literary theory, As Henry mentions other episodes of the Bible being there is a fine differentiation between the terms “fiktiv” shown during the play, David’s, Gideon’s and Herod’s and “fiktional”. While the former indicates facts or ob- fights (Chron. Liv. IX, 14), and David is the one fight- jects that do not correspond to the real world, the latter ing against the Philistines, it is likely that Henry sim- refers to a text or speech that produces these facts or ply makes a mistake attributing in this particular scene objects. Although in English practice this specific dis- the wrong name to the actors that most probably would tinction is not always made clear, I will try to employ it have played both Philistines and Midianites during the in this text, using the terms “fictional” as referring to the play.

44 instinctive panic-like reaction against all than history, since poetry relates more of better knowledge. the universal, while history relates particu- It should not be surprising at all to find lars.” (Arist. Poet. 1451b5)6. Through this an account such as Henry’s so far away philosophical aspect, epistemological con- from the cultural centers of medieval Eu- tent is added to drama aside from a strong rope, since in missionary practice, theater emotional effect which is the reason why was a catechetical means which also Ger- historiographers have been moved to em- man missionary priests employed in the bed dramatic elements in their accounts Livonian mission. Indeed, it is the mis- since antiquity, as is the case in Herodotus’ sionary work from which medieval theater Histories7. By portraying certain charac- derives its origin, as it makes available the ters and their acts, Herodotus abandons the performative means necessary to commu- report as a mode of narration and follows nicate the Christian doctrines to the igno- the Aristotelian criteria of tragic poetry to rant, not to speak of the neophytes who, stage individual human fate as tragic histo- for the most part, faced difficulties under- riography8. Similarly, medieval historians, standing them, since the mass was cel- since the times of Beda Venerabilis, could ebrated in Latin. Thus, the celebration of describe events using the mode of dramatic the liturgical service (which, in its iterative narration, which was employed differently restaging of the Last Supper, is itself the- from author to author. The Gesta Caroli atrical) provided the first plays, beginning Magni of Notker of Saint Gall, for instance, with the scenes of the discovery of the is a collection of anecdotal accounts about empty tomb to the more and more complex Emperor Charlemagne, employing almost plays such as the Christmas, Passion and exclusively the mode of dramatic narration Mary plays (Kindermann 1980, 9 ff). to render the witty and pointed remarks of In what is probably the best-known the Emperor. Otto of Freising, in his Gesta passage of Aristotle’s Poetics, drama, in Friderici, uses elaborate monologues or contrast to an account in form of a report, speeches only moderately to portray Em- is said to have a cathartic effect aroused by peror Frederick I. On the other end of the pity and fear (Arist. Poet. 1449b25), which spectrum are the chronicles of Berthold of is followed by a comment on what a great Reichenau and Bernold of Saint Blasien or impression the performance in a theater the Annals of Lampert of Hersfeld, which leaves on the human mind (Arist. Poet. lack almost any dramatic staging. How- 1450b15). But it is not only on the emo- ever, in historiographical texts, dialogues tional level that drama unfolds its effect. or speeches could be regarded as fictive in In order to further define poetry, Aristotle 6 “ἀλλὰ τούτῳ διαφέρει, τῷ τὸν μὲν τὰ makes a comparison with historiography, γενόμενα λέγειν, τὸν δὲ οἷα ἂν γένοιτο. διὸ καὶ which is different from poetic genres not φιλοσοφώτερον καὶ σπουδαιότερον ποίησις only because of the use of the meter, but ἱστορίας ἐστίν· ἡ μὲν γὰρ ποίησις μᾶλλον τὰ καθόλου, ἡ δ‘ ἱστορία τὰ καθ‘ ἕκαστον λέγει.” because of the fact “that the one relates ac- Translation taken from Halliwell 1995. tual events, the other the kinds of things 7 For the relation of tragedy and history and the notion of 'tragic history' in Greek historiographical thought that might occur. Consequently, poetry see Juchnevičienė 2015. is more philosophical and more elevated 8 Cf. Schulte-Altedorneburg 2001, 125-200.

45 the broadest modern sense, naturally lea concept of the three kinds of entertaining ding to the question of historical truth9. speech11, is also mentioned by Isidore of In order to distinguish between poetry Seville with the aim to distinguish histo- and historiography, Aristotle emphasizes ria, which is chiefly defined as an account that a poet’s task does not lie in telling of real events in the past, from other types what really happened, but what could have of narration (Etym. I, 44). Therefore, how happened in all probability and necessity is it possible that medieval historiography, (Arist. Poet. 1450a35). This, according to for which the truth claim was regarded as a the philosopher, becomes most manifest genre-distinguishing feature (Goetz 1999, in comedy, which, unlike iambic poetry, 146-159), could tolerate the insertion of, does not refer to a historical person but as we would call it, fictive episodes in the uses a fictive cast (Arist. Poet. 1451b10). historical account? In tragedy, on the other hand, it is usual Especially in the case of medieval to employ historical persons and depict hagiography, one can see that contempo- real events for the sake of greater credibil- raries did not seem to be bothered by high- ity (Arist. Poet. 1451b20), but it is com- ly typified accounts of saints’ lives which mon enough that a tragedy’s plot and its were at times entirely invented. Notker’s characters are completely fictive, which Gesta Caroli consist almost exclusively does not make it less pleasurable: “So ad- of episodes in the mode of dramatic narra- herence to the traditional plots of tragedy tion, none of which would be likely to be should not be sought at all costs.” (Arist. handled uncritically in the light of the con- Poet. 1451b20)10. In other words, Aristo- ventions of modern historiography. Otto of tle claims that the fictivity of a plot has in- Freising in the Gesta Fiderici puts speeches fluence neither on the delectation we are of such polished rhetorical refinement into experiencing through the emotional effect the mouth of the Emperor that the German nor on the understanding of the univer- editor of the Gesta, Franz-Josef Schmale, sal as long as the plot follows the logical praises the work for its literary qualities rather than its allegiance to historical structure of the probable and the necessary. truth12. Equally constructed seems Arnold According to medieval thought, an ac- of Lübeck’s description of Duke Henry the count about events that did not really happen but could have happened is defined 11 “Tertium genus est remotum a civilibus causis, under the term argumentum and is there- quod delectationis causa non inutili cum exercitatione fore different from historia, which deals dicitur et scribitur. eius partes sunt duae, quarum altera in negotiis, altera in personis maxime versatur. ea, quae with events that really did happen, and in negotiorum expositione posita est, tres habet partes: fabula as a story about things that neither fabulam, historiam, argumentum.”, Cic. Inv. I, 27. happened nor could ever happen. This dis- 12 “It is more the coherent tendency, the literary quality and detail than the conscious will for complete- tinction, which originates from Cicero’s ness and for truth in the whole as well as in the peculiar, that grant the work a special rank among historiography 9 For rhetorical arrangement and its relation to of that time.” (“Mehr durch die einheitliche Tendenz, die verisimilitude in the historical account see Morse 1991. literarische Qualität und Ausführlichkeit im einzelnen 10 “ὥστ‘ οὐ πάντως εἶναι ζητητέον τῶν erhält das Werk seinen besonderen Rang innerhalb der παραδεδομένων μύθων, περὶ οὓς αἱ τραγῳδίαι Geschichtsschreibung der Zeit als durch den bewußten εἰσίν, ἀντέχεσθαι.” Translation taken from Halliwell Willen zur Vollständigkeit und zur Wahrheit im Ganzen 1955. wie in den Einzelheiten.“), Schmale 1965, 26.

46 Lion’s pilgrimage to Jerusalem and the in- of a form of speech. Hence, the claim that cidents that occurred on this journey as de- historical events could or should be ren- scribed in the Chronica Slavorum. Vincent dered in a more or less neutral speech loses Scior identified some of these as historio- ground. White questions the common view graphical topoi, such as the reference to that figurative speech automatically points woods as a threatening space or the over- towards fictionality. Simultaneously, he coming of the storm at sea (Scior 2002, doubts that a representation of mere facts 297 ff). These literary portrayals all serve a is possible at all: “If there is no such thing common function: the use of a certain sce- as raw facts but only events under differ- nario transmits a message about the acting ent descriptions, then factuality becomes persons, whereas the importance lies not a matter of the descriptive protocols used in a “truthful” rendition of the historical to transform events into facts. Figurative circumstances in detail, for example, the description of real events is not less factual exact time, the exact space, the exact sur- than literalist descriptions; they are factual – rounding or the exact words, but rather in or as I would put it, ‘factological’ – only the credible staging of a paradigmatic por- in a different way.” (White 1999, 18). To trayal and its rhetorical furnishing. Duke the pre-modern mind, dramatic or poetic Henry the Lion may have been caught in accounts of events present no interference a storm during his pilgrimage indeed, and with their factuality; if it were otherwise, it is highly likely that Abbot Henry would medieval historiographers’ claims of truth have prayed for rescue in a situation such would have to be regarded as mere clichés. as this. Yet the dramatic staging, as for in- The content of a message conveyed by a stance Henry’s dream about the Holy Vir- historical account is of higher importance gin and the subsequent rescue, is no more than the detail of the historical circum- (and no less) than a literary means to ex- stances. press “the truth”, namely the deep piety of Meeting the demand for probability of the Duke and Abbot Henry, in an effective an event, dramatic narration in medieval and memorable way, while it could have, historiography is consistent with Aristo- of course, been expressed more soberly in telian principles of poetical representation the form of a report. It is the paradox of of human acts. Both Aristotelian poetry as modern historiographical critique that the well as dramatic narration in medieval his- first form of historical depiction would be torical texts function through the involve- regarded as fictive and unreliable, whereas ment of universality, however they do so the latter would not arouse suspicion re- in a chiastic way: if poetic representation, garding its truthfulness – even if the con- on the one hand, points to the universal tent and message of both are the same. through the depiction of individual acts, Hayden White describes the process of historiography, on the other hand, makes history writing to be more topological than use of a universal, paradigmatic plotline logical in nature, as every representation to attribute certain qualities to individu- of events ultimately underlies a discursive als. These qualities can be both good and act. According to White, any figuration of bad ones, as different plotlines exist for the “factual content” necessitates the choice depiction of one type as well as the other.

47 Thus, by incorporating dramatic elements the portrayal of particular persons had to be in the historical account, a historiographer accomplished with a certain care, giving takes his text to a level of universality, an adequate representation of the Livonian which, in Aristotle’s view, renders poetry mission and its main protagonists, espe- more philosophical compared to historiog- cially as legal claims had to be defended raphy as a description of particular facts – not least before the papal legate William of which, following White, is somewhat Modena, who came to visit Livonia in the problematic in any case. Tragedy depicts year 122514. This can be considered as rea- universal principles through the individu- son why appearances of German protago- al, historiographical theater integrates the nists are bound to stricter plot structures, individual in universal principles. On the more formulaic verses and stereotypic one hand, this universal level can have a didactic purpose, as, in fact, it is not un- roles compared to the representations of common that medieval historiographers pagans, who get an equal chance to speak: express the wish to teach their readers. In precisely half of all utterances in direct this sense, the Gesta Caroli could be con- speech belong to non-Germans expressing sidered as a compendium to what features themselves in a great variety of situations, constitute a good emperor or an honour- whereas a substantial amount of phrases able person in general. On the other hand, uttered by German protagonists, especially universal plotlines help create a recogniz- those concerning the question about a pa- able setting, which makes it easier to lo- gan’s willingness to convert, are frequently cate and evaluate the portrayed characters. reiterated throughout the text15. Henry had Portraying high officials, who are cen- much greater flexibility when it came to tral in every chronicle, account of deeds or the portrayal of pagans and non-Germans, hagiography, the historiographer is highly as they would not have been subjected to a dependent on his relation towards the por- potential legal (or even divine) evaluation. trayed person, towards his own political or social position and his surroundings. In

Henry’s case, there were witnesses to the ed the work, but that he had read it at all, Bauer 1959, deeds of most of the protagonists in the XVIII f. It is unlikely however, that Albert, who had se- Chronicon Livoniae who were either still rious political and personal goals in the Livonian campaign, would have trusted its representation to anyone alive or only recently deceased while the not loyal to his position. See Tyerman, Henry 2011, 23 f. work was being written down. Considering 14 There is common consent about the visit of the the fact that Henry was writing at the behest papal legate being one of the main reasons for writing down the chronicle. As Bishop Albert was the one to of his masters and comrades, one of whom request the visit, it would be implausible for him not to was Bishop Albert13, it is most likely that have known about Henry’s work. Cf. Brundage 1972, 6. 15 An example could be the following sentence, which is found throughout the text in different varia- 13 “rogatu dominorum et sociorum”, Chron. Liv. tions: “Si volueritis veram pacem, oportebit vos veri XXIX, 9. This only dedication, which is found in the pacifici, qui est Christus, filios fieri, ut ipsius baptismate text, is somewhat obscure, as it does not indicate any suscepto nostram possitis fraternitatem perpetuam ad- concrete person who might have requested an account ipisci.”, “If you wish peace, it will be necessary that you of the Livonian mission. Albert Bauer, who wrote the be made sons of the true Peacemaker, who is Christ, so introduction to the German edition of the chronicle, that, after receiving His baptism, you may attain our doubted not only that it was the bishop who request- eternal friendship.” (Chron. Liv. XX, 6).

48 Further, they were not the target audience their representation in direct speech, which of the chronicle and therefore not able to is largely reserved for apostates, crimi- verify the written account in any way or nals, supernatural creatures and characters express claims of any kind. Equipped with transgressing the realm of reality. Accord- the same licentia as the medieval painter ing to Mažeika, there is not a single pas- or sculptor running wild in the depiction sage where demons or divine creatures are of infernal scenarios, diabolic orgies and not uttering direct speech except for a few sufferings in hell, Henry thus was entirely instances where dramatic narration is also free to create his own portrayal of the Bar- used to represent honest Christians. With barian. How did he use this freedom? this technique, she claims, the Barbarian Given Henry’s emphasis on the fierce is shifted into the sphere of the Other, the combats between German newcomers incomprehensive and extralegal. Mažeika and the natives, his reports of the multi- claims to detect this same tendency of al- ple times that the already baptized pagans ienation also in Henry18. However, her re- renounced the new confession, as well as sult regarding Henry’s chronicle is based the references to regular conspiracies and on a wrong calculation and therefore loses revolts against the Germans, one might ground, as we have seen that utterances of expect him to paint a rather grim portrait direct speech in the Chronicon Livoniae of a ferocious and perfidious Barbarian. are shared equally between German and 19 In a call to the Wendish Crusade in 1108, non-German speakers . ascribed to Archbishop Adelgot of Magde- Statistic can also shed some light on the burg, addressed to Saxon, Lorrainese and roles Henry typically assigns to his protag- Rhenish rulers, potential participants were onists beginning with the Germans. As one alerted: “Gentiles isti pessimi sunt, sed ter- might expect in a missionary chronicle, ra eorum optima carne, melle, farina…”16. the majority of phrases uttered by the new- Reports about disastrous pagan attacks on comers refers to the role of the missionary, the Christian ecumene and the permanent asking the pagan to finally renounce idol- atry in order to be accepted into Christ’s threat to the peaceful commercial inter- course were meant to provide arguments 18 ibid., p. 281. for the irrefutable war against the peoples 19 Mažeika bases her assertion regarding the of the Baltic (Tyerman 2011, 26). In her Chronicon Livoniae on Alan Murray’s counting, which study about the use of direct speech in Pe- he had carried out in order to reconstruct situations of communication and translation in the chronicle (Murray ter of Duisburg’s Cronica terrae Prussiae 2011, 107-134.). Murray holds that out of 54 cases of and other chronicles of the Baltic region17, communication in direct speech, 44 involve barbarians, including utterances by German speakers, which are ad- Rasa Mažeika describes an interesting ten- dressed to pagans. He adds nevertheless that in general, dency in Peter’s chronicle: the indigenous direct speech is distributed more or less equally amongst people are conspicuously alienated through pagans and Germans (whereas a slightly greater part, according to his calculations, belongs to German speakers). Without considering this second statistic, Mažeika 16 “The peoples there are the worst, but their land is refers to the first one, which is supposedly confirming very rich in meat, honey and flour…”,Urkundenbuch d. her hypothesis. According with my own count, there are Erzstifts Magdeburg Teil 1 (937-1192), 193. 61 cases of direct speech, of which 31 belong to German 17 Mažeika 2014, 271-288. and 30 to non-German speakers.

49 community20. It is equally unsurprising cal allusions were certainly recognised by in a text which reports annual military a great part of Henry’s audience, thus the expeditions, sieges and combats, that the knowledge about Judas’ mournful fate and second most frequent role is that of the the outcome of the heroic battle, where the commander who encourages his comrades weaker meet the stronger, contributes a to fight. In the portrayal of this archetype, tragic component to the described scenes. Henry undertakes an interesting differen- In contrast, the depiction of a call to a suc- tiation depending on the outcome of the cessful battle lacks biblical imagery and battle: In the year 1208, the Germans, to- the tragic tone turns to a comic atmos- gether with the Semigallians, prepare for phere. In this spirit, Albert, Duke of Saxo- a war against the Lithuanians (Chron. Liv. ny, shouts to his comrades, pressed by Oe- XII, 2), when the pagan Semigallians wish selians in the year 1220: “‘Numquid nam to consult their oracles about the goodwill ipsi sunt hostes Christi?’ Et ait quispiam: of the gods. But as the auspices turn out ‘Ipsi sunt’. Et ait: ‘Nunc ergo accedamus to be bad and the Lithuanians are already ad eos’.”23 (Chron. Liv. XXIII, 9). geared up for battle, the Semigallians try Other episodes of the Chronicon Li- to convince the Germans to withdraw. The voniae stage Germans as pious clerics latter counter: “Absit rem hanc facere, (this role is performed primarily by Bishop ut fugiamus ab eis et inferamus crimen Philipp of Ratzeburg in the scene of over- gentis nostre. Sed eamus ad adversarios coming the storm at sea and the following nostros, si poterimus pugnare cum eis.“21. prayer of thanks, XIX, 5 and 6), ardent In the First Book of Maccabees (1 Macc. missionary preachers (XVI, 4) and brave 9:1-22) these are the words of Judas Mac- martyrs (XIX, 3). In the historiographical cabeus, who, during the revolt against the theater of the Livonian Chronicle, Henry Seleucid king Antiochus IV, was forced to assigns certain roles to his actors, which he lead his army against the much stronger gathers from the topoi of historiography on forces of Bacchides and subsequently fell the one hand, and from the historiographi- in that same battle. Similarly, Henry writes cal model par excellence, the Bible, on the that the Germans suffered heavy losses other hand. Thus, Henry’s characters, like in the battle against the Lithuanians, as actors in a liturgical drama, recite texts of well as in another battle against the Esto- the Old and New Testament and take part nians in 1210, which is again marked by in the ever-present plotlines of human ac- the same words of Judas Maccabeus, this tivity as individuals. For a moment, the time uttered by Arnold, Brother of the historiographer becomes a poet and hence Order (Chron. Liv. XIV, 8).22. The bibli- a philosopher too, as he is using the per- suasive power and the emotional effect

20 See footnote 14. of the dramatic description to refer to the 21 Italicised font refers to passages from the Bible. universal principles that are manifestations “Let us shun to do this thing, for to flee from them would of the particular, to the extent to which the be to bring reproach upon our people. Let us rather go to meet our adversaries and see if we may fight them.” particular is contributing to them. For me- 22 Jaan Undusk reveals Maccabean imagery to be used in the 13th century for justification of military fail- 23 “‘Are these Christ’s enemies?’ Someone said: ure, Undusk 2011, 56. ‘They are.’ And he said: ‘Now let us attack them.’”

50 dieval historiography, this means to be in- nostri sufficiet.”25 (Chron. Liv. IX, 1). The tegrated in the course of the historia sacra, model for Žvelgaitis’ despicable arrogance an expression of typological perception of is Ben-Hadad, the frequently drunken king history. Is this procedure so fundamentally of Aram from the First Book of Kings, different from Herodotus’ approach? who threatened king Ahab of Israel to When a historical person is granted im- destroy the city of Samaria, confiding in mediate appearance through a speech act, his exceedingly great army, whereupon he the indirect flow of speech is interrupted was admonished by the farsighted words by the dramatic staging, while the reader of king Ahab: “Let not him who straps on inevitably memorizes the words spoken, his armor boast of himself as he who takes especially if their wit contrasts with the it off.” (1 Kings, 20:10-12). In fact, Ben- style of the report, and characterizes the Hadad lost all the battles against Israel speaker. This shift to the mode of dramatic despite his superior forces and was finally narration often marks special circum- constrained to beg humbly for the king’s stances in the historiographical text which mercy (1 Kings, 20:30-40). The bitter fate are thus emphasized. In the theater of the of the boastful aggressor befell the Lithu- Chronicon Livoniae, the Barbarians take anian Duke Žvelgaitis as well, when he up certain roles, as it is the case with the and his army, with all the booty, consist- Lithuanian Duke Žvelgaitis. On their way ing of Estonian prisoners of war was at- to a raid in Estonia in the year 1205,24 the tacked on his way back from Estonia by Lithuanian forces, moving along the river the allied forces of Semigallians and Ger- Daugava, pass by the city of Riga, which mans and killed in a macabre scene: “In- Žvelgaitis then enters with some of his veniens autem quidam de familia episcopi, confidantes. After having been offered to Theodericus Scilling, Suellegaten, qui se drink a cup of mead by a citizen, the Duke civitatem Dei subversurum dixerat, quem says to his companions: “Nonne Theutoni- in vehiculo sedentem videns lancea latera corum nobis medonem prebencium trepid- sua perforat. Hunc Semigallorum quidam ancium manus vidistis? Adventum quidem palpitare videntes, caput eius abscidunt et nostrum fama volante cognoverant et ideo vehiculis suis imponentes, que solis capi- timore concussi adhuc trepidare non ces- tibus Lethonum oneraverant, in Semigal- sant. Ad presens ergo excidium civitatis liam ducunt.”26 (Chron. Liv. IX, 4). One ipsius differemus. Sed si partes, ad quas 25 tendimus, vicerimus, hominibus captis “Did you not see the Germans offering us mead with a trembling hand? They had known of our arrival et occisis villam ipsorum evertemus. Vix from rumor and the fear which then struck them still enim pulvis civitatis illius pugillo populi causes them to shake. At the moment, however, let us defer the overthrow of this city, but if we conquer the places to which we are going, let us destroy this town and capture and kill its men. For the dust of this city will 24 Such raids were undertaken in order to maintain scarcely satisfy the fist of our people.” and expand an army, which provided the basis for the 26 “A certain member of the bishop’s household, th establishment of monarchical power. In the 12 century, Theodoric Scilling, came upon Svelgate, who had said they became a usual part of the Lithuanian expansion- the he would overthrow the city of God, saw him sitting ism, which, after the consolidation of German hege- in a cart, and pierced his side with a lance. Certain of the mony in Latvian terrain, was mainly concentrated on Semigalls saw him quivering, cut off his head, and put it widening control in the territory of the Rus’, Dubonis on one of their wagons which they had loaded only with 2011, 400. the heads of Lithuanians, and went into Semgallia.”

51 could one could think of this scene as an horror, astonishment or even pity, the story illustration of pride meeting its just pun- of 50 Lithuanian wives of the killed war- ishment if it were not for the fact that the riors, who hang themselves after their hus- German attack on the calmly proceeding bands’ deaths in order to reunite with them army of the Lithuanians (paulatim de villa in the afterlife (Chron. Liv. IX, 5). In this ad villam gradientes, Chron. Liv. IX, 3), context, the words of the new Lithuanian with whom they had made a peace con- commander who led an army to a revenge tract and a friendly alliance in year 1202 campaign against Livonia and addressed (Chron. Liv. V, 3), offended all legal and the eldest of the German-held fort Len- moral principles. The representation of newarde two years after Žvelgaitis’ assas- Žvelgaitis as of a Lithuanian Ben-Hadad, sination could be read as a slight reproach to which Henry is compelled to refer even on the part of Henry to those who were in the moment of his death two chapters responsible for the peace breaking attack later (qui se civitatem Dei subversurum on the Lithuanians: “Vade, nuncia christia- dixerat, IX, 3), can be interpreted as an nis, qui ante duos annos exercitum meum attempt to legitimate the unjust attack, for ab Estonia redeuntem quasi dormientem whose depiction as a victory against the interfecerunt, nunc me et omnes meos enemies of Christianity the author is fran- vigilantes invenient.”28 (Chron. Liv. XI, tically struggling for27. The far-reaching 5). Even if these words gave the Germans consequences of the caused bloodbath cause to begin the fight, one cannot help seem to have left Henry not entirely unaf- but sense a moral reproach in the statement fected, as he refers, maybe in a twinge of of the Lithuanian commander saying that the army had been insidiously assaulted 27 It is important to Henry to portray the Semigal- and slaughtered while asleep. The reader lians, in contrast to the hesitant Germans, as the actual may perceive the portrait of a Barbarian, initiators of the attack (Chron. Liv. IX, 2) and also to legitimate the assassination of the Estonian prisoners of not morally superior, but at least honorable war, part of the Lithuanian booty, who fell by the sword and dauntless, especially since he is talk- of the allied Germans and Semigallians, describing ing in his own, not borrowed words. them as Christ’s enemies (IX, 4). It is unlikely however that Žvelgaitis’ heavily loaded army, on its retreat from It is not unusual at all that Henry dis- Estonia, would have carried out an attack on the city plays a certain sympathy for the strang- of Riga, which additionally is made clear by Henry’s depiction of a slowly forward moving army. However, ers. The surprising attack on the fortress it cannot be denied that the Lithuanians strived to keep of Jersika on the shores of the Daugava in their hegemony in the parts below the river Daugava, year 1209 was not utterly indisputable, as inhabited by Latgalians, Semigallians and Livs, under- taking regular raids and exacting tribute payments by its ruler Vsevolod was of Russian origin force. Thus, the widening of the Lithuanian control area and thus an Orthodox Christian, who had up to the course of the river Daugava, the gold vein of become enemy of the Livonian church by north-eastern European commerce, on whose bank laid the city of Riga, posed an actual danger to the Livo- proving himself a loyal ally of the Lithu- nian heartland, which the Livonians tried to liquidate, supporting Latgalian, Semigallian and Livish attacks on 28 “Go, tell the Christians who, two years ago, killed Lithuanians, who had become hated for their expansion. my army as if it were asleep, as it returned from Estonia, But when these peoples realized that this would lead to that now they will find me and all my men awake.” For a subjection of their territories by Riga in the long term, the preference of medieval historiography for the por- they made allies with Lithuania again, without however trayal of characters, exhibiting a certain repartee or even being able to stop this process, Dubonis 2011, 400. slyness see Althoff 2003, 1-24.

52 anians and being married to the daughter alty to the new supremacy or the Christian of a Lithuanian Duke. The military inter- faith: the first Livonian Bishop Meinhard vention against Vsevolod, as an assault was preparing for his departure to Ger- conducted by Christians against Chris- many to gather a greater military force for tians, was somewhat precarious because of the mission, which was being hindered by the relentless proceeding of the Germans: the native peoples’ obstinacy when he was several inmates were killed, the Duke was recalled by his Livish neophytes, shedding compelled to flee, while his wife was taken false tears over the fact that he was aban- hostage, and the lavishly furnished castle doning them in order to prevent the arrival was pillaged and finally set on fire (Chron. of new forces. Believing in the honesty of Liv. XIII, 4). Duke Vsevolod had to wit- their plea, the Bishop turned back, where- ness the utter destruction of his city from upon he was given the traitorous greeting: the other side of the river Daugava, while “Ave rabbi” (Chron. Liv. I, 11). Likewise, Henry expressed the Duke’s pain and de- the second Livonian Bishop Bertold had to spair in one of the most seizing and touch- struggle throughout his missionary work ing scenes of the Chronicon Livoniae: “Et as the neophytes repeatedly washed off viso incendio rex ex alter aparte Dune sus- the newly assumed faith. In one case, the piria magna trahendo et gemitibus magnis Livs are shown speaking a kind of ritual ululando exclamavit dicens: ‘O Gercike formula, while they wash themselves in a civitas dilecta! o hereditas patrum meo- river in order to remove the Christian faith rum! o inopinatum excidium gentis mee! and send it back to Germany: “Hic iam Ve michi! Ut quid natus sum videre in- baptismatis aquam cum ipsa christianitate cendium civitatis mee, videre contritio- removemus aqua fluminis et fidem suscep- nem populi mei!’”29 (Chron. Liv., XIII, 4). tam exfestucantes post Saxones recedentes It is striking that Henry makes the Russian transmittimus.”30 (Chron. Liv. II, 7). The Duke – a designated enemy of the church Barbarian cruelty is embodied by some of Riga – speak the words of Matthew, Estonians in the scene of martyrdom of a father of Judas Maccabee, who laments priest named Friedrich, whose skull and in the First Book of Maccabees the dev- back they batter, mocking him in Estonian astation and defilement of his homeland language, which in this case expresses the by Antiochus IV (1. Macc. 2: 6-14), espe- incomprehensibility of violence: “Laula! cially as Vsevolod still remained loyal to Laula! Pappi” (“Sing, sing, parson!”, the Lithuanian side, even after having been Chron. Liv. XVIII, 8). Despite these epi- officially subjected to Bishop Albert. sodes, which, however, do not represent Naturally, pagans in the Chronicon the greater part of the scenes involving Livoniae are also assigned roles of lesser Barbarians, Henry portrays the natives also benevolence, when it comes to their loy- as allies in the battle for Christianity, re- nouncing to plot with other pagans against 29 “The king saw the burning from the other side of the Dvina, heaved a great sigh, bewailed with huge groans, and exclaimed: ‘O Gerzika beloved city! O in- 30 “We now remove the water of baptism and Chris- heritance of my fathers! O unexpected downfall of my tianity itself with the water of the river. Scrubbing off people! O woe is me! Why was I born to see the burning the faith we have received, we send it after the with- of my city and the sorrow of my people!’” drawing Saxons.”

53 the Germans (Chron. Liv. XII, 6). In a par- as their priest, as well as to his domination ticularly likeable episode, Henry describes of the local languages, through which the the Jerwen women who had been taken as otherness appeared less strange. Dramatic hostages by Oeselians. When these were narration thus provides Henry with the pos- attacked by German forces, the women sibility to express his own attitude, without fought alongside the Germans, battering being constrained to get explicit, as a report the adversary with clubs and shouting: “Te in the mode of undramatic narration would 31 percutiat Deus christianorum!” (Chron. require. In fact, it can be observed that Hen- Liv. XXIII, 9). ry’s report follows or must follow much of The staging of the Barbarian shows that the discourse, legitimizing the crusading the theater of the Chronicon Livoniae does ideology, when pagans are named inimici not represent the Baltic pagans as alien or nominis Christi and their deeds are marked abhorrent, as one might expect of a work by such words as infidelitas and perfidia meant to legitimize the Christian expansion in these regions. The example of the (Tyerman 2011, 37). A direct utterance in ambiguous representation of the Lithuanian contrast does not necessarily require a valu- commander unveils a tendency of Henry ation, as it stands for its own, free for inter- to critically reflect upon the actions of his pretation, just like the speaking character. compatriots and to always find a grain of Historiographical theater, therefore, repre- humanness within the ranks of the harsh- sents a means for the expression of a con- est opponents of the Livonian church and a trary discourse within a tendentious text. On grain of compassion within himself. Doubt- the other hand, it touches the universal level lessly, the author’s attitude is related to his of every event, which, in case of the Chro- own participation in the daily life of the Lat- nicon Livoniae, stages the repeated battle vians, for whose souls he was responsible between clashing cultures, comprehensible even in an entirely different cultural context 31 “May the God of the Christians smite you!” almost 800 years later.

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KALBA BARBARAI: „ISTORIOGRAFINIS TEATRAS“ IR JO POVEIKIS HENRIKO LATVIO LIVONIJOS KRONIKOJE Ramunė Markevičiūtė Santrauka Straipsnyje aptariami draminio pasakojimo, t. y. pa- kad poetas turi vaizduoti ne tai, kas iš tiesų įvyko sisakymų tiesiogine kalba, paskirtis ir poveikis vi- tikrovėje, o tai, kas tikėtinai ar būtinai galėjo įvykti. duramžių istoriografijoje, ypatingą dėmesį skiriant Todėl istoriografinių tekstų dialogai ir kalbos per se draminių epizodų pavyzdžiams Henriko Latvio Li- kelia istorinės tiesos klausimą. Straipsnyje siekiama vonijos kronikoje. parodyti, kad viduramžių istoriografijos prieiga prie Šioje kronikoje minimas Rygos miesto centre istorinės tiesos skiriasi nuo moderniųjų istoriogra- surengtas „pranašų spektaklis“ (ludus prophetarum), fijos standartų, reikalaujančių nuosaikaus istorinių skirtas miesto krikščioniškajai bendruomenei, taip įvykių aprašymo. Ikimodernistinės minties požiūriu, pat lyvių ir latvių naujakrikštams. Misionieriai teatrą draminis ar net poetinis įvykių vaizdavimas jų faktiš- pasitelkdavo katechetiniams tikslams, kai prireik- kumui neprieštarauja: pasitelkiant tam tikrą, nors ir davo įtaigiai paaiškinti krikščioniškąsias doktrinas fiktyvų scenarijų, apie pavaizduotą asmenį perteikia- neišmanantiems ir naujai pakrikštytiems bendruo- ma žinutė, kurios turinys yra svarbesnis už istorinių menės nariams. Dramos keliamas stiprus emocinis aplinkybių detales. poveikis nuo pat Antikos laikų skatino ir istorikus Draminio istorinių veikėjų vaizdavimo prasmė savo tekstuose įterpti draminių pasakojimų. ir paskirtis iliustruojama pavyzdžiais iš Livonijos Remiantis Aristotelio Poetika straipsnyje siekia- kronikos, kurios autorius, norėdamas išreikšti tam ma parodyti, kad draminis pasakojimas viduramžių tikras vaizduojamų asmenų savybes, priskiria jiems istoriografijoje atitinka aristoteliškuosius poetinio paradigminius vaidmenis. Pagrindiniai šio teksto, žmogaus veiksmų vaizdavimo reikalavimus. Skirda- siekiančio pateisinti karinę krikščionių ekspansiją mas poeziją nuo istoriografijos, Aristotelis pabrėžia, Baltijos kraštuose, veikėjai yra vokiečių kryžiaus

55 kariai ir vietinės tautos, arba barbarai. Skaitant au- gonis vaizduojančius draminius epizodus pasirodo, toriaus aprašomas žiaurias kovas tarp vokiečių ir kad barbaro vaizdavimas nėra toks vienareikšmis. vietos gyventojų, galima būtų tikėtis ir atitinkamai Daroma išvada, kad kronikos autorius naudojo dra- niūriomis spalvomis tapomo žiauraus ir klastingo minį pasakojimą, kad tendencingame tekste išreikštų barbaro paveikslo; tačiau įdėmiau išanalizavus pa- kitokį požiūrį.

Gauta 2016 10 26 Autorės adresas Priimta publikuoti 2016 11 29 Freie Universität Berlin Institut für Griechische und Lateinische Philologie Habelschwerdter Allee 45 14195 Berlin El. paštas: [email protected]