THE ENDURING IMPACT of the FIRST WORLD WAR a Collection of Perspectives

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THE ENDURING IMPACT of the FIRST WORLD WAR a Collection of Perspectives THE ENDURING IMPACT OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR A collection of perspectives Edited by Gail Romano and Kingsley Baird Mud, Blood and Not So Much Poppycock: ‘Myth’ Formation and the British Army in Late 1917 Alex Mayhew London School of Economics and Political Science Abstract This article explores the origins of the ‘myths’ that have come to dominate popular memory of the First World War in Britain. Perceptions of the conflict as a bloody exercise in futility, orchestrated by inept generals, and fought in fields of mud are undoubtedly unrepresentative. Yet, far from pure fiction, such impressions can be historicised. Drawing on wider research into soldiers’ perception of crisis during 1914–1918, this piece argues that the kernel of many of these ‘myths’ can be found in the lived experience of the western front in 1917. Keywords Battle of Passchendaele; First World War; historical memory; historical myths; morale; 20th century Britain The ‘myths’ of the Great War have been questioned Archbishop of Canterbury, was among the speakers and deconstructed by historians, yet, despite their paying homage to the lost servicemen. ‘On this day,’ efforts, they have had a limited impact on the popular he declared, ‘we remember all those caught up by memory of 1914–18 in Britain.1 The Battle of the the Battle of the Somme; those who faced the terrible Somme’s centennial remembrance ceremony, which waste and devastation, those who fought against all the took place on 1 July 2016, provides an illustrative case odds, who endured the clinging mud and squalor of the study of how historical memory can be distorted and trenches’.3 The failure of more balanced scholarship repurposed, used, and misinterpreted. Moving though to moderate such impressions has caused a fair it was, the event failed to capture the nuances of recent amount of soul searching, not to mention frustration, historical scholarship. Arriving at the Commonwealth among historians. Indeed, it has generated new War Graves Commission site at Thiepval, France, research evaluating ‘the extent to which the range of attendees shuffled into the seating area that lay in the commemorative activities undertaken since 2014 has shadow of Sir Edwin Lutyens’ towering memorial engaged with, challenged, or changed this “myth”’.4 to the ‘Missing of the Somme’.2 Justin Welby, the Gordon Corrigan certainly would not be pleased. 1 See, especially, H. Jones, ‘As the Centenary Approaches: The Regeneration of First World War Historiography’, The Historical Journal 56 Issue 3 (Sept. 2013): 857–878, and H. McCartney, ‘The First World War Soldier and his Contemporary Image in Britain’, International Affairs 90, no. 2 (2014): 299–315. 2 For the Thiepval Memorial see, for example, G. Stamp, The Memorial to the Missing of the Somme (London: Profile Books, 2006, 2007) or J. Winter, Sites of Memory, Sites of Mourning: The Great War in European Cultural History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995, 2003), 105–108. For discussions of centenary activities see, for example, P. Cornish, ‘Imperial War Museums and the Centenary of the First World War’, Twentieth Century British History 27 Issue 4 (Dec. 2016): 513–517 or J. Kidd and J. Sayer, ‘Unthinking Remembrance? Blood Swept Lands and Seas of Red and the Significance of Centenaries’,Cultural Trends 27, Issue 2: First World War Commemorations (2018): 68–82. 3 ‘Battle of the Somme: Royals at the Somme Commemoration’, BBC News Online, accessed 28 October 2019, https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-36674451. 4 ‘Reflections on the Centenary of the First World War: Learning and Legacies for the Future’ Research Network, accessed 16 October 2019, http://reflections1418.exeter.ac.uk/. For related research see C. Pennell, ‘Taught to Remember? British Youth and First World War Centenary Battlefield Tours’, Cultural Trends 27, Issue 2: First World War Commemorations (2018): 83–98. Bulletin of the Auckland Museum 21: 39–44 https://www.aucklandmuseum.com/discover/research/publications/bulletin/vol21/mayhew https://dx.doi.org/10.32912/bulletin/21/7 40 Alex Mayhew His monograph Mud, Blood and Poppycock was a used the personal memoirs of men and particular units, wholesale attack on these inaccurate ‘myths’ about as well as soldiers’ newspapers and ego-documents the conflict. ‘The popular view of the Great War’, (such as letters and diaries) written at the time. he wrote, ‘is of a useless slaughter of hundreds of First, though, it is important to consider exactly what 11 thousands of patriotic volunteers, flung against barbed a ‘myth’ is. Historians, with some notable exceptions, wire and machine guns by stupid generals who never often deploy the term as the antonym of ‘truth’ and consequently something to be avoided or combated. went anywhere near the front line’.5 Dan Todman, however, uses ‘myth’ as a shorthand Historians should not simply dismiss these for ‘history you can remember’. In his work a myth impressions of the First World War. It is more useful to ask describes ‘a belief about the past held by an individual where these common tropes emerged from, and why it is but common to a social group’, be it a nation, town, or that they have become so central to public interpretations family. These myths ‘simplify, reducing complex events of 1914–18. Other scholars have made attempts to of the past to an easily understood set of symbols’ that tackle these questions. Adrian Gregory, for instance, ‘ease communication’.12 Other disciplines see myths as a has examined the ways in which the commemoration category of analysis, a key feature of human society, and ceremonies came to privilege the grieving, rather than something to be studied not dismissed. They might well the veterans, and became, at least to old soldiers, a be misrepresentations, in part imaginary or exaggerated; symbol of the disconnect between the future they hoped but they are also commonplace. They vary by religion 6 for while at war and the reality of peace. Dan Todman’s and nation, and their origins are often clouded by the compelling analysis of the historical memory of the war passage of time. Nonetheless, Todman makes it clear demonstrates how ‘myths’ surrounding ‘mud’, ‘death’, that each of Britain’s historical myths has a purpose or ‘donkeys’, ‘futility’, and ‘poets’ have been filtered by function: ‘mud’, for example, is ‘used to evoke a broader generational and historical context over the course of the myth of the horror of the First World War’.13 Those who 7 20th century. Todman, however, shows that ‘the modern espouse a functionalist explanation of myths would myth of the war has its origins in events and emotions at agree and argue that they provide a frame for social the time’.8 Perhaps, then, Jay Winter’s conceptualisation action or a worldview. Paul Radin suggested that myths of ‘palimpsests’ helps to explain the formation of these direct popular perception: ‘a myth is always explanatory. stereotypes. Winter defines the ‘word “palimpsest” as The explanatory theme often is so completely dominant something that is reused or altered but still bears visible that everything else becomes subordinated to it’.14 In traces of its earlier form’.9 With this concept in mind, contrast, structuralists suggest that a myth provides this article argues that many of these ‘myths’ are drawn meaning and purpose to fragmented and often conflicting from a set of experiences that befell British soldiers on cultural attitudes and perceptions.15 The truth, as William the western front in 1917.10 To do so, it will explore G. Doty has argued, is that myths are ‘complex’. some of the key characteristics of this year, drawing on They can ‘be attempts to explain, others may satisfy the findings of a wider research project on morale, which human needs, symbolize something, consist of binary 5 G. Corrigan, Mud, Blood and Poppycock (London: Orion Publishing, 2003, 2004) 1–2. For the most balanced and successful attempt to ‘pick’ at these myths see G. Sheffield,Forgotten Victory. The First World War: Myths and Realities (London: Headline Book Publishing, 2001). For the development of myths during the war itself see, especially, E. Leed, No Man’s Land: Combat and Identity in World War I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979, 2009), 115–123. 6 A. Gregory, The Silence of Memory: Armistice Day, 1919-1948 (London: Bloomsbury, 1994). Also J. Damousi, The Labour of Loss: Mourning, Memory and Wartime Bereavement in Australia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). 7 D. Todman, The Great War: Myth and Memory (London: Bloomsbury, 2005, 2011). See also, B. Ziino (ed.), Remembering the First World War (Abingdon: Routledge, 2015); P. Grant, National Myth and the First World War (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017); G. Plain, ed., Scotland and the First World War: Myth, Memory and the Legacy of Bannockburn (Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 2016). 8 Todman, The Great War, 221. 9 J. Winter, ‘Palimpsests’, in I. Sengupta, ed., Memory, History and Colonialism (London: German Historical Institute, 2009), 167. 10 For a broader history of 1917 as a year of failure see D. Stevenson, 1917: War, Peace & Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017). 11 Leed, No Man’s Land, 118–121. 12 Todman, The Great War, xiii. 13 Ibid. 2. 14 P. Radin, ‘The Basic Myth of the North American Indians’ in Eranos-Jahrbuch: Der Mensch und die Mythische Welt (Winterthur: Rhein-Verlag Zurich, 1950), 370. 15 C. Lévi-Strauss, ‘The Structural Study of Myth’ in T. Sebeok, ed., Myth: A Symposium, (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1974). Mud, Blood and Not So Much Poppycock 41 structures, or communicate hidden messages’.16 First (while spirits lifted a little) was still evident towards World War myths are not falsehoods. They stem from the end of the year. Importantly, it contained all of the the worst of soldiers’ shared experiences, particularly in traces of the myths that have since come to dominate 1917.
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