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IS APPROVED RY ME AS FULFILLING THIS PART OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE \

IK,:, ‘, m m m or. Bachelor.,.of. Arts. ««**•****#**«»»« falllllti IKS® * •* *«•*•*»«***

JJtJ AmoVKD?

HEAD OF DEPARTMENT OF.....Hl&k&HX

OIJM TIMOTHY j SCHMITZ

thesis

for the

DEGREE OF BACHELOR OF ARTS

JN

HISTORY

Co 1 i©cje of Liborai Af ts and Sc fences

University of Illinois

Urbana, Illinois

1992 |*r

I V r ' ^ ^ . 4 5 ' ' & * ■'■: ■ ■••>:•■': .‘ ‘ •.• '# ’ W V , -vt ' ~ *- ^x '*-* ■r- %. * \&c OVERVIEW ? * ' ; ■ ^ : ' 1 ,l:s ' 1 - , • . J KW1.ISHKBII *110 fHt SPANISH

...... 3, ENGLISH MERCHANTS IN SPAIN ISSh I 4. ENGLISH CATHOLIC EXILES IN SPAIN ...... SL ' : />// , , CONCLUSION . . . * 4 * |

notes .....

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . CHAPTER 1

OVERVIEW

During the reign of Henry VIII, the previously amicable

relationship between England and Spain suffered a severe

blow. King Henry, once granted the title ficiei detensor,

proclaimed himself the head of the English church. He

dissolved his nat ion *u monaster iee and coni iscated t he 1r

lands. Hence, a religious wedge was driven between the two

kingdoms. After 1547, Henry’s sickly son, Edward VI

continued the movement away from Home. And although Queen

Mary*-who was crowned in l553-~vigorou iy'returned Eng 1and to

the Cat bo 11 c t o1d and mar r i

lasted a brief five years. Following her death, she wan

succeeded by her half sister. Elizabeth i.

With the bond of marriage linking the Habsburgs to the

Tudors, Anglo Spanish relations reached their most

comfortable level. Elizabeth1s accession changed all this.

Under her rule, England was once again jerked away trum Home.

This essay considers Englishmen m Spain during Elizabeth's

reign. During thin period (15681603), Anglo Spanish

relations deteriorated to the point of open warfare, and the situation of the English in Spain changed dramatically. Once viewed as Catholic brothers, England’s merchants increasingly

i full under suspicion. In addition, floods of Catholic exiles

• i|hrlibd‘:'In f;tr«fccor tha tow Countriaa and Spain.

At the beginning of 81 isobath's reign, the relations

between the two nations were apparently cordial.1 In 1561,

Ph i 1 ip 11 at tempted t o m t rengthen his k ingdom1s nava 1

resources by resuscitating the old legislation prohibiting

the loading of Spanish goods on to foreign ships when Spanish

bottoms were available.* At nearly the same time, Elizabeth desired to increase Engl i&h independence, to expand her trade on the Continent and to stimulate production oi raw materials. In addition, m 156£, English piracy had begun to

increase.c> Then, in 166J, the import of cerveras ingrlesas was prohibited in the Low Countries. A few months later,

English fabrics were banned.4 Yet this ban did more damage to the economy of the Low Countries than it did to England.*

Despite this fact, Elizabeth responded in kind, banning some

imports from the Low Countries, Such tit tor- tat continued until Philip II declared a general embargo upon English ships along his coasts.* Thus, the first Anyio~Spanish crisis of

Elizabeth’s reign was well underway when in June 1564, Don

Guzman de Silva, Canon of Toledo arrived at the English court as Spanish ambassador. Just six months later, in

January 1565, the Netherlands were re-opened to Engl ion and the embargo passed with relatively little strain

on the fundamental relationship between England and Spain.*

The next crisis in Anglo-Spauish relations was preceded

by the arrival in the Low Countries of the Duke of Alva. In

August lbb7, he entered Brussels as Hhi1tp U ’n viceroy.f*

Since Alva arrived with a large army with the potential to

dies tab! 1 ize t he r eg i on, r»e 1 f hbor i rig ua t i ons - -os pec tally

England— were, disturbed.w In addition., the Spanish .hake

exacerbated the situation by intensifying'the persecution of

Protest an t s i n the Low C ou t \ t r t e s . ‘v>

Many significant events occurred in 156B; these led to a

political crisis ami to another, more severe, trade embargo.

One of these events occurred in September, when Ambassador de

Silva was replaced by Don uuerau de Spes, a fervent opponent of ElIzaheth. 1 1 In that same year, Elizabeth imprisoned the

Queen of Scots, enraging the Catholic world and leading to

the excommunicat ion of the English Queen in lh70,!i? Also, by .iate 1566, English merchants reported increased harassment . in t ho how count rt* > . 1 %

In the midst of this political wrangling, the appointment and recall of English Ambassador John Man revealed the clear collision course upon which England and

Spain seemed bent. According to Gary Beil, Man’s “treatment,

in Spain was symptomatic of the slowly worsening relations ; countries .which bed begun son* tine

befor#."**

Man m m m almost ideal candidate he was well-

traveled and well-educated, yet he was not. religiously

fervent . ’ * On 4 Apr i 1 156t>, he began the duties of hi*

office. King Philip II seemed to hold Man in low esteem and

to prefer the appointment of another. Certainly English

ex lieu and the Duke of Peri a (whose wife was Jane Dormer, an

/ Eng Hah Catholic )t opposed Man. F t m attempted to make:

Man*a position ‘hint enable.n ‘*

When Man sent messages to London regarding the

imprisonment of Philip J i' * insane son. Car 1 os, it was also

reported that English religious services were not allowed at

court. On 2b' January ibbW, the queen directed Man to demand

permission to practice Anglican rites. Man requested an

audience with the Spanish King, but was refused because of

’‘evidence*1 being gathered against him. on 23 April, lie was

declared persona non grata and banished to the small village

of Barajas. in June lie was retailed by Elizabeth, who held

him blameless.'v

According to Bell, Man *o banishment and revocation

occurred not because he was a spy, but because Elizabeth

instructed him to bring the religious issue to the forefront . tb* SpMiHi King cho«e to ii«fc« * hara~iii>« religious AAcCv' CA-Sc'VAASC'W^ " ;v C SI.-iK^5-$!S % :|V A Ay S\ AyA:;':: A y s? AA- ■. ' A' A:A A'lA ■ V ■ ■' iA IIlsS A lA iS II v\ l' rntand.10 'V ’:;■•••. ‘"£»'S"" ' . ''b 1' A AA'A~, ;;': ..■ '• ’• A'AA.'’ A'. -A'.! ;;:■ -AAa'" '■ '-Aa- . cA " a';Aa''AAv AA'S'."... '-A No matter what the reason for his treatment, Elisabeth

and the Privy Council remembered John Man when they dealt

with Guerau de Spes, and Bernardino de Mendoza--both were

expelled. And tor the res* of her reign, Elizabeth employed

special ambassadors in Spain (1 ike Henry Uobham) when special

tasks were undertaken.'*''*

John Mari’s appointment and recall portrayed tne

seriousness of the religious issue in the poll tics-of the

time, and it clearly showed the see ire oi some ot the' Eng 1 is it

Catholic exiles at court to maintain and perpetuate the

collision course upon which England and Spain were set.

Man’s revocation became significant when the post was

left vacant for the 35 years following his removal. The

absence of a permanent English ambassador at the Spanish

court clearly displayed the depths to which Anyio-Spanish

amity had fallen. ! Hot that it was an easy ,joo to fi!I ~the

climate and religious orthodoxy of Spain’s meatt& central

made an appointment to Madr id a veritab le exiie," *

The moot significant event of 1568 r however, occurred- in

the last month of that year. The English government

impounded the pay-ships of the Duke of Alva's forces which

had nought haven in Engl inti port after being attacked by mm Uthough Philip II 3- - '» ‘ -T „ “ s . - ~4 ,’ «■ V I '. 1 * ' *,*- ,V$# sed ' ml 1 English ; in

Spain and the Low countries and halted trade between the

three nation*.** tn 1569 an order was published that prohibited Spanish contracts with either English merchan* -c with their factors ant i1 after the embargo was 1 if ted.**

Through such actions, the Spanish King hoped to coerce

England to better relations with Spain through economic pressure." And while it is true that Elizabeth had not anticipated such a strong Spanish reaction, she was prepared to continue the of and oft. on b January the Eng it eh

Queen proclaimed that all subjects of Philip ll and their goods were to be held in England.''* By Ibnu, England was in a much better position to oppose Spain; her network or trading partners had swelled, and Elizabeth attempted to maintain normal trade with nations not aligned with S p a m .

Additionally. throughout the embargo, England managed to receive some Spanish goods through neutral countries- tc»pM. JaJ ly Prance .

Soon alter Eiirabeih intercepted the pay ships.

Ambassador Oe Spes asked Alva to interdict ships 1 row the port of Hamburg; he hoped t<< provoke a popular revolt against the English government by limiting even further the amounts of imports entering England. Alva, however, had no desire, to 1

r i^k e^en grea tr*t conflict with Elizabeth.'** . *lhe Spanish

King, chose to accept his Duke * s' " temporizing policy"- rather

than iu .»1 low relations' to grow any colder. But by Autumn

156S, the.likelihood of any switt resolution to the conflict

seemed to disappear, even though Spanish sailors interned m

England were released in June 1560. Despite this gesture,

Anglo Spanish trade col lapsed fur the ent ire liveye »r:; ot

the embargo, vo

On 25 February 1570, the English queen w ^h excommunicated by Pope Pius V . * ‘ This waa the opening aut o!

a another tense decade in Anglo-Spanish relations. Vet the

two nat ions at tempted to solve their differences in 157 1; no

definitive solutions were reached, however, The relationship

remained effeetively dead .'-/through that year, aj though

commerce through Hamburg, piracy and contraband trad#

partially, alleviated the terrible trade n-i tuat ton. N«?ar

the end of 3571, the Kidolii Plot was uncovered, and

Ambassador be bpos was implicated. He was consequent 1 r

expelled; as a result, the Anglo'Spanish relationship took

ano t he r downwa rd t u rn . •* * The H i dol t i Obnsp i ran y, wh i ch

"originated with the Spanish ambassador in England..."

permanently disabled relations between the two monnrt.hs. * *

De Spes left England in March 1572, and according to G. D.

Ramsay, many misunderstandings subsequently evaporated. By ■ a

Spring 1572, conditions once again seemed right for England to reconsider her attitude toward Spain and the

Netherlands.*^ In March of the next year, the Puke of Alva and Queen Elizabeth reached an agreement ending the embargo and leading to the Treaty of Bristol of 1574; its main terms considered the details of restoration of embargoed property that had been seixed since Jariuary l569 . '*** The warm!ng of the relationship, according to Carlos Jimenez, was a triumph of Ei izabt than dip loma«y. ‘? Bu t t he vari ous Ang1o- Span i sh accords of this period also were influenced by significant

'international pressurethe French, the Papacy and the

English Catholics opposed such treaties. Vet the Spanish at this point were more concerned with the political situation in the Low Countries than with the opinions of the English

Catholics. *n

Because of an Increase in the Inquisition** activity in

1673, which corresponded with the better relations between the two nations, Elizabeth sent sir Henry Cobham to the

Spanish court at Madrid, The Queen hoped that her ambassador would elicit from Philip 11 the right of English merchants to practice Anglican rites, in private, and in a broader sens*, she sought some measure of protection for English merchants from the Inquisit mnJ M* According to Pauline Croft, Cobham, who arrived in Madrid in 1575, was instructed to discus© the treatment of English merchants ,< tbe; "eKi'le situation," and

the possible reopening of a permanent English embassy in

Spain,4'*' Apparently when Cobham arrived, he p^r ?e i ved an

increase in religious restriction since his last visit in

167 1, In addi t ion, lie not iced "a re lactation to admit that

the Inquisition could ever have made any mistakes."41

Despite the heightened religious stringency, Cobham'c. mission achieved a measure of success even before his arrival;

Inquisitional processes against Englishmen who had committed

"heresy" outside Spain were halted.4*

Elizabeth gave very spec Hie orders to Henry cobham.

First, he was to express the fact that the queen regretted the M interrupt ions that have ha p penod to their ami ty," He was then instructed to note her wish tor a returned goodwill between the two nations. Y*jt tor such goodwill to reoccur,

Philip must understand his obligation to control the Spanish

Inquisition, which for "malice and gain, under pretext, or religion, entrap and confiscate the goods of her subjects resorting to his realm only as merchants41 Elizabeth then told Cobham to "require" Philip II to turn for advice not to those "as have made their oath to the Pope and Church ot

Rome" but to his ministers. In addition, Cobham was to have the Spanish King

require that her subjects ministering no just cause of offence by open word, act, or writing 10

touching their rtlifion shall be receive*! as heretofore they have been, and not forced by examination to declare their consciences more than his subjects resorting to England are.'*4

E in i sh i ng h 1 s l is t o ( i ns t rue t 1 oris and " requ i re men t s ° , S i r

Henry was to request permission to practice Anglican ritual

in his own residence and to remind Philip II that neither

England nor Spain wished the French King to gain control of either Holland or Zealand.4n

Alter his arrival in Spain, Cobham wrote to Lord

Burgh ley that he had found little comfort m Spam, and that when his servants arrived, the Inquisitors examined arid inventoried ail the items lie had brought. And Cobham felt a distinct lack of the courtesy that he felt would normally be shown toward the emissary of a monarch,4*

In a letter to the Queen, Cobham slated 'that he met with

Philip II on 26 October, but that just as he entered the chamber, the King suffered from an attack of gout and referred Cobham to the Cuke of Alva.*" In his meetings with the Duke, Cobham reported that there would he better relations between the two nati ons it P1 * iI A p w<>uld ahoome to better control the ’’ dea 11n

Inquisition. Philip il ratified the promise made to

Cobham regarding Elizabeth’s subjects in Spain. “They are not to be molested in their persons or goods provided that they behave decently and do nothing openly to offend the

InquiBition. In case of transgression, the goods of the offender only are to be liable'’ Unstead of ail the goods on the entire ship).**' But the Anglican Englishmen in Spain still did have some responsibility; they were required to salute the Host in churches or in the streets, but if ships’ owners or masters committed the ’transgression,'1 only their personal property was held liable.Although the Host had to be respected, it is important to note that Inglishmen were no longer required to attend mase,*1 Thus the agreement stipulated that the English, sailors were only liable for their actions while actually in Spain, and confiscation was strictly limited to a mariner’s personal possessions--not to the;, entire cargo of a ship..*1*

This is the manner in which the order established by the

Inquisition was recorded by the English Privy Council:

All strangers going into church or meeting the sacrament in the streets are to do that reverence which is used in Spain or be proceeded against by law..,.her Majesty’s subjects might be assured that for anything committed by them contrary to this order before their coming into Spain they shall not be examined or mo looted.... they shall not be ■compelled to go to church, but it they voluntarily go they shall do the above mentioned reverence to I* ament. and if they meet it in the streets they si a 11 either kneel clown or turn away by some other street or into some house. It any person of tending be master or master’s mate or officer of a ship which is not their own the goods .mly of such offenders shall be sequent rated and t he ship and the rest of the aoodu set at liberty,*'’

As a result of the Alva dobham agreement, Englishmen in

,n were still required to maintain a low religious profile, but many of the most glaring problems of being a non-Cmtholie Englishman \n Spain i if appeared.* 4 This was evident by the Humber of cases of Engl ishmen tried by the tribunal at Seville. When the Spanish ports were reopened in

1673, there was a marked increase iu the number of cases tried by the Inquisition, by the time* hi the A1va-cobham agreem«mt , this number had diminished. Add i i iona J ly , in May

157b, the prisoners he id by the 1ngu i sit ion for crim»o; commit tad outside Spain were released; by-July of that »ame year Illgtabtth requested the return or tne sequestered goods of those found not guilty. By October 1676, Alva-Oobham was in effect in ill Spanish ports. A very real problem stili existed on the local level/ however, where m many rural or

©mail-seal© circumstances, the agreement was not enforced.

New© of the occurrence of certain abuse!-. Panned by the agreement arrived in England periodically.nn M3

To it a credit, however, the Alva cobham agreement,

remained in effect even through the crises ui the 1680s -tod

I590s. And the agreement fit nicely into the Duke of Alva’u

old plans-- hat a strong Anglo Spanish relationship would

perpetuate weakness in the how Count r ies,n** And despi te

Spanish disagreement with England over the situation in the

how Countries and the outbreak oi renewed host i lilies iri

1585, the agreement endured urn i 1 the accession ot James I, when its principles ot religious toleration were incorporated

into the peace treaty ot lt>04 .0,1 And finally,' the religious

toleration that originated with the Alva Cobham agreement was again renewed after' the war of 1824-1630.

Clearly the AMva^Cobham .agreement.- had an immediate and enduring ettect upon the English merchant community in Spain.

It helped to regulate what had become a rather risky enterprise for Englishmen. And the. changes that the agreement' imposed upon the inquisition endured throughout the entire period; they even survived trade embargo and war.

but Alva Cofoham proved to be a bright spot in an otherwise dim decade. The "Spanish Fury" of 1575 brought the

Dutch Revolt to a political center stage.in addition, from

J572-1576, there were 'eleven important English expeditions to Spanish America", in which Hawkins and Drake were the principal leaders.01 And IInally in 1579, Irish exiles, who had the support of the Pape, returned to their homeland and

attempted a revolt. They occupied a tort at Smerwiek and

appealed to European Catholics lor reinforcement, Volunteers

from Italy and Spain arrived. but the uprising was nipped in

the bud, and only 15 of the more than BOO insurgents were

spared;. ^ '

Although the relations between England and Spain were by

no means cordial, the decade from 157i to 1583 was quite

prosperous for Anglo--Spanish' traders; in f act this relative.

' “peace11 between Elizabeth" and Philip, which 'Tasted until

1555,- witnessed a m increase in English ■ commerce ' in the

Pemtisu U. p,< The bulk of Spanish woo t destined for franco

and Flanders was carried by English merchants,Also,

England consumed much of .Iberia’s wine, olive oil, soap and

dye,. in addition to great amounts or cult; . iron,

Hediterraivean fruits and other colonial products.^* indeed,

England redied heavily upon t rade with other nut ions because

of her extreme dependence upon imports; this was a weakness

well-known to liissaheth's Peninsular rival.

The 1580s were the most significant years in

Anglo-Spanish .-'relations of this era. English traders,

always seeking to extend their networks, sought independent

trade with BraEil, The ."firs* of these voyages added tension

to The climate ■ ' 15

During t lie focal decade of t he thbos, Elizabeth

realized that violent conf11 < t w 11 h Spa I nwou id <:>ecu.t , Add

the Spanish King d*e tdcd to act upon hislong -let id retire to

confront Protestant England both militarily and

economically.^ The climax of the confrontation occurred

from 15$6 to lb03 as trade embargoes led to open naval

warfare arid, to tailed Spanish.at tempts to invade Eng land.:- - the

' most,;, famous , of 'Course, being IbHA's ” Inv inc ibje Armada*"

hesp j ft! < ‘mt»i rgo and war, h>v, s - >me

degree, and the amount of bullion enter un spi.n from the New

World actually increased through t h* war *r*-«. "fi> Yet at ter;,

lb 88, tor the first time in .E t tzabeth ‘ s reign.; the situation

was permanent 1 y altered and a long war was expected. Within

a few year#, the Spanish Company dispersed and the hnglish:

colleges' m Spain were organized. A serious breach had

occurred for the f t rst time* for. tne*.** reasons., this period,'

which may just j t uibly he libeled nth t he apogee td; tim

conflict and the nadir of the amity between the two nations,

deserves further scrutiny.

According to A . ' J, ■ Loomi*-» , there was by .ho means an

absolute ‘’divorce” between religious d i f t cronces an 1

political or economic reality in sixteenth century Spam * 7 '

Vet a# huge profit# were reaped in the Peninsula, trade

increasingly became a point of contention is the English desired <* share ot t h** roianiul shipping. Kenneth Andrews noted two aspects of -English trade that led to difficulty with Spain: the expansion and qrowt h of Engl ish trade arid

"the drive of the gentry tor plunder." Through the political

< i rrums t ances <. f #*mt»a ry< - and war , which were part ly shaped by religious ditterencec, these two "t rends" were unit led under the perinon*-. of tin* pr 1 va t eers . r *

The first blows ot the decade were 'not. economic but rattier* a ser i»e. . f n »1 r i g u ♦ • a g * i r t s t fc; \ j z ab et1 i - - t h e m a n t sign it icant * »f whirr w r; t he Throcrmor t ors p io t. i n i *>«3 , t h in plan was l inked t<> bon Uernardtno de Mendoza, .t tie Span ish

Ambassador to London. He was expelled early the next year.7 ’

The Englich Attorney general, John Fopham, accused Francis

Throckmorton ot involvement in a conspiracy to free Mary,

Queen ot Scots, Additionally, Henry Percy, the Earl of

Northumberland was implicated in secret negotiations with

Charles Paget, ,•* supporter, of the Queen of Scots and an

English Catholic in exile in the Low Countries, it was also reported that Throckmorton, under torture, claimed the inv ilvement 01 Philip Howard, the Earl of Arundel , wi. discussed the invasion of England with Ambassador Mendoza.'*

In addition, letters between Cardinal Granveile and Don Juan de Idiaguez merit ioned an empresa against England two years before the third embargo occurred.*** Then, in February Tb85, another plot against Elizabeth was uncovered*--this one linked to Papal sponsorship.7** Elizabeth, therefore, seemed beset by "'''dangers even at home, just as it became increasingly difficult to maintain English interests in Spain and Portugal and ms thesituation in the Low Countries worsened. Some conflict with Spain seemed more and more likely. And as a great fleet gathered in Spanish harbors, the fear of an embargo or an invasion grew.77

Apparently numerous Spaniards, at least according to

Simon Adams, still remembered and desired the return of the booty from Sir Francis Drake’s plundering as he circumnavigated the globe (1577-1580). Thus, "This

{Anglo Iberian] trade now became the most vulnerable to retaliation for piratical exploits oversea®,..."7*1 Adams then continued in the same vein: "Therefore, one of the crucial (and still unexplained) turning points on ’the road to the Armada' was Phil ip*® decision to seize English and other Protestant shipping in Spain.. . . And while no formal war ever was declared, Adams also reported that on 29 May

1585, the Spanish King decreed the detention of "all English goods and shipping in Iberian harbours, which, ho hoped, would frighten Elizabeth into breaking off her negotiations with the Dutch and ending her support for privateering at

Iberian expense." The letter to which Adams must refer mentions the sequester of ships of all

nationalities— not just the English. English ships were.; to

be set free upon inspection, but Philip’s order was

misinterpreted. Only after Drake raided along the northern

coast of Spain were English ''ships" impounded.'***.

English commerce was focused in Andalucia— at Seville,

San Lucar de Barrameda, Puerto de Santa Maria and Cadiz. At

t hese t own s, t he ma j o r i t y o t Eng1i g h merchants me t.

Interestingly, San Luear, bevilie's natural seaport, levied

its own customs tariffs, lighter than those of the crown. it

fell under the jurisdiction of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, who encouraged foreign trade as a policy.* 1 And it was in

Andalucia that the news or Philip II'a trade embargo fell heaviest.

All Spanish ports were closed to English merchants, and

large quantities of shipping and merchandis© were sequestered, Even expecting some form of embargo, many

Englishmen remained in Spain until the last moment, perhaps emboldened because no war had been declared.^ Probably, however, they expected a brief irritant to trade, similar to past embargoes. Such was not the case, In dune 1585, according to Pauline Graft, English ships were stopped on the

Ouadalquiver River.414 After these confiscations, few

Catholic Englishmen chose to remain in Andalucia.*n The seizure of English ships in Spain dramatically '•1owed the

diffusion of peninsular productsespecially salt in Dutch

ships- to northern Europe.**

A letter from Venice in July 1S85, reported that the

King of Spain

had given orders that all English ...ships, merchants, and the goods of English merchants should be stayed wherever they were found in'his kingdoms, since he had learnt -assuredly that the English ships that were said to be going in a different -direction from the fleet of the Indies, were in truth determined to go to fight them.**’7

And als<» in that 1 et1 er f rom Phi1 ip 11 to the Corregidor of

the Signory of Biscay on 29 May 1686, there were instructions

to exempt French ships from the embargo. Philip also

mentioned the “great fleet” that was being readied at Lisbon

and in the “river of Sevilie.””” French ships were not the

oiidy vessels allowed in Spanish harbors; Scottish and Irish

bottoms were also welcome.**

In addition, a letter from Sir Edward Stafford, the

English Ambassador to France, to English Secretary of State

Walsingham confirmed that all English ships were stayed in

Spain tmd Lisbon. *u Another letter reported the effects of

the embargo on two English ships, the Emanuel and the Julian, ylt San Lucar, they were loaded with oils, but their sails

were taken away and their money confiscated.*1 King Philips embargo, however, affected men as well as

ships, Pauline Croft noted that in 15*35, members of the

English merchant community were jailed, and that English

property in San Lurar was seized and turned over to English

Catholic priests in the. area. She also stated that some of

the merchants were jailed by the Inquisition.*n Thirty-three

Englishmen appeared before the Seville tribunal from 1558 to

1585~~less than two per year in Spain's greatest port.

Although tons ions increased in the early 1580s, the

Inquisition si ill processed very raw Englishmen, as the tenets of the Aiva-Cobham agreement were still in effect,

Additionally, according to Jimenez, Spanish merchants were allowed to protect the houses of their English counterparts during the embargo, And the Spanish Crown offered special licenses to those English merchants still allowed to trade in the Peninsula.®4

The motives behind the embargo, noted Jimenez, were solely in the interests of politics and strategy.However, the embargo injured the economic dynamism or Spain more than it disturbed her opponents. Spain lost a great amount of customs tariffs from English merchants and did not have sufficient numbers of ships to compensate for the lack of

English bottoms.0® In addition, the difficulty that Philip caused for his own nation w

Despite the imposition fit the embargo, trade between the two nations ..-continued-in.■■■■ various ways, in some.areas, the embargo was not rigorousJy enforced. *“ Hariand Taylor reported that- official trade embargoes “were often no more than fiscal devices whereby revenue, could be raised through the sale of licenses., to import contraband.^-'* In tact, during t he embargo from lhba to 1^/j , many local authorities

l oo k e d 1he other way whe n tr a d i n g . one aut ho r i t y xn Ba yon a even promised a d-hour warning to a merchant trow the John or London if other Crown authorities were arriving* Several ports in northern Spain, namely those in Galicia (especially

Vigo and Bayonet, ..served as . havens;..tor English merchants threatened with the arrest of shipping. Even open bleaches of the embargo wtre "surprisingly eomion'' in other ports around Spain. Yet while these events occurred during a previous embargo, Pauline Croft noticed '"that- the pattern of

15b9-T3 was soon repeated.... Once aga in the north coast of

Spain was notably hospitable, with the town of Bayorsa promptly surrendering to brake on his arrival in September

1585 and offering watering facii it ies . " tr‘ As Taylor rioted, there was always some ’’commercial contact” between Spanish ports and English merchants. Yet such business became risky; 22 ib&h was not Each of Ibai's successive events

signified just to what extent the situation had worsened,

despite the hypa:,^ mg of the embargo in some ri*i*c. ively minor

c ircumstances, - ■ - .-....

The English, therefore, sought means to minimize their

r mks . I n the prov mm; embargo , Eng 1 i r,U ships were renamed

or reported owned by nonexistent French or Flemish

businessmen* bno#* in port. English fan tors would embark upon buying ami se 1 • i ny attempts ashore. Such activity would some * im»* * las? for weeks at a t ime, But c rot t mentioned the dangers of Spanish officials and Catholic exiles penetrating

the disguises of English shifts after iSBS, when the Angio

Spanish relationship finally broke down.101* And since the

Irish were tree to trade with Spain at ter 1SSS, many English ships posed as Irish or Scottish vessels. One exampi# occurred in September i&BS, when the Dog of England wait

transformed into the James of Leith, ly 1600, in fact; there were so many English posing as Irish or Scots that genuine

Irish and Scottish citizens were required to carry a pass at test ing their nat iona11 ties. '° * In addition, English goods were moved to Iberia via non-English ships during the". 1 f?8.0s-

-probabiy when it seemed a disguise won 1d fail.104

The English were quite willing to go to some length to continue their trade with Spain. Pauline croft wrote:

■. The Armada war even at Its peak did not command the total support ot i united bellicose population, and in particular, men who had spent their lives in trade did not see England and Spain as locked in a cosmic; struggle of ideologies.10”'

Add!tionally, Croft staled the seeming strangeness that the

continued English willingness to trade with Spain

represented. A part of this continued willingness was the

f *-%c t that the? English people had not tuliy accepted

Protestant ism. Besides, many English and Spanish concerned

themselves more with personal livelihood than with tbe­

fore iyn policies of their governments. This was shown in the continued English trade with Portugal and the Azores -atter

even though the Azores were the "cockpit“ of the sea war.1 im

Queen Elizabeth and the Privy Council were not quite so accepting of the embargo. Partly as a result of the assassination of William of Orange in July 1B84, a consensus increasingly was reached that it would be better to involve

England in a war in the Low Countries, before the Spanish could conquer them and move against England,1^ And after the imposition of the embargo, Elizabeth signed the Treaty of

Nonsuch with the Dutch rebels on 20 August iS8b-!~the? same month that Antwerp fell to Spanish forces. In addition to subsidies for the rebels, England would provide i , g g Q cavalrymen and 6,350 infantrymen for tne Low'Countries.1 p * 24

It was not ed in a let t or that b ,000 Kng1i ;hme11 had arr ived in

Zealand, that the Queen had declared herself an enemy ot

Spain and that -all Spanish and por Uiguo*;#.- good-* were to he sequestered *1

The English government responded to Philip IX in another way as well. in a letter to Secretary WaIsIngham,

Sir George Carey- asked how Englishmen sou id revenge themselves jnr the sequester it their good--, in Spain, He offered to out fit privateers arid ment ioned that one pirate had volunteered to survey the Spanish < oast , ' ’ .Th is .-letter embodied the frustration that must have been building wi thin the English aristocracy and merchant class. Up to l*>St», the

English plunder of Spanish goods became more andmore identified with Protestantism and patriotism. Some of these

"predatory*’ ventures were the result of hostility toward

Spain. Thus, by 1 the ' :uj< i *1 lorre" of “revengeful traders and rapacious gen try" was already in place; it merely awaited orderr>.,,,

Those orders were granted when, in I5S5, Elizabeth ordered reprisals for Philip 11 1 s embargo and gave " letters

"of marque" to merchants that could prove losses 'at the.hands oi the Spanish.11® On 20 June, - a commission was given to

Bernard Drake to sail to Newfoundland warning of the seizure of English ships by t he SpanI&h. 1n Newt out idland, he was to

w v1-;f:i!? ' ' f?'.1, . Oss'ks. ICIC eliec r the seizure of all Spanish goods and ships and to

bring them to England, 111 And on •' 9, July the Lord.

AdmiraI of the Engl Ash fleet gave merchants wit h goods

■/embargoed -'"by Spain "licence" to seek reprisal from Spanish

shipping.•’4 In July in the how Countries, some English

sh i ps c. aptured a Po r t ugue se vesse .1 t hat c on t a ined ■ t our

'‘'omiiiiws.ioh.ers" from Barcelona who .were authorized to or rot

hutch and English ships*.1 ** in September, Elizabeth

au t hori zed Sir Franc i s br a ke t o •,» * • r reprise] tor 111 e

interdiction of English shipping along trie Cani.abr.ican

coast.1 1 ^ During'a two year span in., the early 1 r>80>c the

English had taken 70,000 ducats in Spanish g^-ds; trom August

to November 1585, goods with the value of ?so,ouo ducats were

captured. ‘ 1 ?

A sea war had indeed begun, and it: lasted through the

years prior to and following the Armada, The English war

strategy could have been to attack the Spanish in the West

Indies and to stop the flow of silver from the New Woj id

Vet while m significant portion of Engl u.h privateering ocr urred in t he Western ' Hemispheric*, the very roast of''Spain-

seemed ripe for plunder . 1 511 From 7 to i / October 1585 , in a

raid that clearly.'.signalled the beginning of war, Sir Francis

Drake raided Vigo and Bayona, from which he let t to ravage

the Canaries and in the Caribbean* At the end of November,

■i 26

Drake attacked Santiago, u. r bo Cape Verde Islands. Finally,

in December , Santo Dorn in k was sacked and burnt, 11 ? Such

■ missions'were more than r**p? iis.

Some English exiles on the Continen* now tell the urge

to - attack England. In a letter to Se< rotary Walsingham,

Thomas Rogers reported that the exile, Charles Arundel, was

in Paris, He'desired to procure money from Don Bernadino de

Mendoza to equip a number oi ships to be used by Arundel, the

' English' Captain Go ye rind 600 or 700 so Idlers to rob and burn

somerset. ‘wM in another letter , Rogers reported that

Arundel had conferred, with Gaye about taking 2.000 men to

raid the English coast. According to Rogers, Arundel was

promised that the troops would be ready upon request.1 ’

0ii l April 1696, John Spark-of' Plymouth noted that Sir

Francis Drake had taken “Numeradedeos, " Panama and Cartagena

and that he was greatly disturbing the area.*"*- Another

letter claimed that the spoils from "Nomera de Deo*1' included

the capture of yo Spanish ©hips. Reportedly, 250 brass

pieces were captured, and the galleys were burnt. Simon

Adams, however, noted that in 1566 the sea-war was really no

success for England and that Drake.'' s 15B5 voyage failed even

to pay for itself. *■*/■*

mx^Bidrn the more routine aspects of the naval war, 1567

was marked by the illness of Philip II (in Way and

^ . ■ .i -V >. r. :'R'; ■ ;iCC U December j , by Spani:^h • breparat inns- for* tbe Armada of the

following year and by one m->re dramatic event that helped to

make Sir Francis U?'-xt sucdi a feared seaman and *♦ 'gondury

f iy ure . ■ * *' * i11 May 158 7 , id *r at t a . k*»d cad j z harbor , dealing

the Arm id a ■ prepara t ioir-> a severe i) 1 aw and “ si ngc? mg the King

ot .Spain’s., h«-*rd . “ * ■** in -a letter from brake to Raising ham *

dated 27 Ar ■ i 1 15877 * ll'* Admiral mentioned the ’ dlv^titures”

between his departure from Plymouth and .the !,Foad ot .Cadiz,.''

.In the course ut . ' b» i r j p, .brake cl aimed that :t:f sh t ps

.preparing r . r England w* i ♦* * a- k in addition to the burin ng of

a 1,500 ton vftS'.t-h '* f >n 2d Apri l 1587, brake arrived;oft

Cadiz.**'” He then attacked the harbor, oinking i taking 24

Spanish ships, .before depar t. fat j . on 1 May,’* '

In "another ..3 .otter to Secretary Walsmyham, .Drake

reported marry bet ? ]»>s with tire Spanish, resulting in the

"taking*’, of over 100 ships • of great value. ** r-- in further correspondence w i th Wa I;. i nyham , brake c la lined t hat- t he

Spanish would not soon he bothering England, because he had severeiy ;damaged the i r pruv is ioris , sh ips and sur*p.1 ie&. 17* *

Drake *s act ions > theref ore, purchased vai uabie t ime for the

English, as he disrupted the outfitting of the Armada,

Despite the naval warfare, peace negotiations were attempted ir» 1586 and iua?. These discussioms culininated in

Flanders in Spring 1588, iip tlrr instructions to her negotiator**, Elizabeth expressed a desire that they discuss

English merchant s and their treatment in Spain, bec ause ihey

were .*'ized, imprisoned, tortured -and'; k : i 1 ** i by "famine.1’ i t

was also' merit i one d that ir Spanish merchants were 'hand led in

Eng land 'in a like manner, trade would not <*.■ * uir , V ’ "* ■ in 16 h h ,

Elizabeth instructed tier commissioners to that pe-ne

Wei tuh'b came from the Duke of Parma, and that they were

delayed by.'" the continual preparations tor war in Spain and

the fow Count rie... . '* Elizabeth also wo-hed to discuss a

M re ns at ion of arms . " ‘ 4 One either statement described in .the

Queen 1 u instructions displayed both tier ire and Iter tears:

And therefore, it is requisite that her Majesty might understand of the Duke whether his purpose be to. become the executioner of the war?' with such circumstances as by the Cardinal's letter, the Pope's Bull, and by the common fame coming out of Spain; the general reports of the Duke's forces in the Low Countries and namely also by the unnatural vile brags of such English -traitors as do now attend and accompany the Duke there. obviously, ..the Armada's preparations-, were no secrete

Elizabeth clearly knew her danger. Vet Parma continued to carry on negot iat iorisr knowing rui j well that the Armada's preparation was too far along to be halted. Ia* On 29 duly

1SS7, the Papa1 Spaniah Accord was s igned . The two par t iin* agreed on the future government of catholic England, and the

Pope agreed to pay one million ducats toward*! the cost of the invasion,1 By 30 July 1688, the Armada, guided by Spa in 1s *Kperienced; sail°rs\. .^riyecl off the English coast.-"

During the Summer of 1 ,j h 8, the English fleet had attempted to

attack bpaiu but had been driven bark by severe winds,

Desj i * ♦. tnei* at Plymouth, the English were taken by

surprise; they had not expected the Armada1* Ut« arrival, !

Philip 11 failed in.his attempt to mv vie England. but

this f a i 1 ui e d i n not f. i y n i t y t lie Armada 1 n dost rue t ion.,

because in August 158h , 112 of the original 1 JO Armada ships

sill 1 s.urv ived , t>pain s l ear some rrputat ion, however , wav somewhat diminished alter the debacle,— Yet even after the

" inv im; Able A r mail a 1 s de l ♦ *> 11 , Phi i s p. l i did no t. - f-«is t away h i * desire to invade. in fact, Sir William Winter wrote to

WaisIngham on 20 December Ishh that King Philip still wished:

to defeat Elizabeth; Winter even feared that Spain would attempt to seize London.141

Simon Adams labeled the lh60s a decade or -"war.and maritime attrition,”M-s Indeed it was. And the opan from

1 5 8 5 . to 158b best / exemplified the activities of this remarkable decade.

fhe period from the defeat of the Armada to the peace or

1604 was a denouement of sort .?. The Spanish leadership realized that it must reckon with the overextension of

Spain’s empire and with her deteriorating financial tuition. And by the turn of the f;eiitury/ England reu 11zed that rrf»n» meed war achieved no real aairiS’

in 1590, however. t he war W* ' t a r t r * ev *./*■: , ,»ii< i commerce between the two hat 1one had , 1 o r the ;r/ t:t part, t a lien ■ victim' to t {,*• war . I *11 1 11 I I chone 1o assume, a defen-i; * ve y ..ore in u.t. Net her i and1 a and' t 0 unneen t rat e upon the light with France, * ** And in 5c?v 1.1 * by i39i,. t here was .a demand for lull import liberty. indeed, by the o n e sixteenth cent ury , both Ph i i i p { i .»j, d h 1 i imhet n were swimming

■against an economic’ vide that .urged tor an end to hostility and tor the resumption of norma; trade.’4 *

The English naval strength -..eemed' to iru.rea.se in the

1590s, as Iberian ships from New Spain and Tierra Einne were forced to stop in the port of Havana tor fear of English corsair} during w or. the from the new World were an obvious and exploitable risk . By 1595, .England attempted to make the Atlantic crossing even more hazardous by forming a high seas armada.*** Also in 1595, brake once again raided into the Caribbean, sacrif icing his life in a failed drive for plunder.

The war continued uninterrupted until 13 September

1598# when Philip XI died. He was succeeded by Philip til, the brother of the Infanta of Spain.14e Philip III saw few reasons to continue the fight; there was a new pressure to end the war as Spain's f inan< ;ial situation be* ome more tenuous.< i 7 The .financial crisis of the • g .in isn empire stemmed -d i re f i y .i j‘ *fn 11ic » i , i t rou* - rummersiai a i t ua’ ion **t

13 years of war t are * ‘4 *• fart iy to alleviate? some of the financial strain. Spain ended her w or With France 7 44 In

July 1.600, hhilip III penned a let ter star tug that he supported English Cathc*i.cs m their aims and that tie believed a .Catholic successor should be .named lor the

English thrv*ne. By 1 no I , there wuo great. debate in England over the succession ot a Queen without a direct heir, *^ In j602, England still embargoed Peninsular -traitic and considered Spain very much an enemy, lf)t This changed.' soon alter 24 March 1603, when Queen Elizabeth died. And James

I‘s easily accepted accession made all previous debate over royal succession seem ridiculous,1-14"

The event of a new monarch in England occasioned a ceatK-t irt? between the. two nat ioiib , and Spanish, porta-'were- opened to English ships..1®"1 By May 1604, the Archduke Albert grew:-T so exasperated with the lack of progress toward an actual, peace treaty that he sent commissioners to .England to began discussions which lasted from 20 May to 6 July, • "k4

Philip III urged religious toleration tor English

Catholics. ,ni* The English wanted the freedom to use the Book of_Cpjyaon Prayer in Spain, an end to Inquisitional searches ■'of English vessels for booN and re 1 ig i oo ■> art k an end

to compulsion to attend

r**i «kjm 11 j on , > t English >’on^ui : > m Spain,. The Enu 1 i sh,

however, c onceded that . any . merchant . who had broken

ecc J es ta*-.t: ir-a 1 law wasur tc> permanent: expu is.1011 i r un

Spain. I hey a iso Legged the r ight to worship privately and

asked that if a sailor Wan coii'/iHeh his good*, woubi bt

controlled by an English consul.-instead ol: c on f i coated . 1 *

A treaty - was signed on 21 February 1 »,*>4 , in which

England renounced any type of help tor the rebels in the Low

Countries, in aduit ion, the t r**a? y reiterated many <. f the

■.tenets of-- the Alva-Cobham agreement , ; n ' Despite ail these promises tor the .English merchants,: ■ they continued to. face discrimination at the hands of Inquisitors and trade ultie nils, and the apparatus for eff icient trade had been dismant led by Iti years of hoot i ii-t-y. 1 even though the religious issue was still somewhat; xn dispute, Lord Howard, the Earl of Nottingham, was sent to Valladolid for the

treaty’s rat if icat ion, t,yr*

Anglo-Spanish relations . during El a^atoeth *.s . re ign thus, went from good to had to worst to better. The situation brimmed with hostility and allowed precious little room for goodwill. While the peace of 1004 was indeed brief, it provides a convenient pause in this narrative. The <: »!.* mult ios arid conit t ti, ' ne ittnii ion ot hngl i'dimen in hpai n during this embargo with the s i t u-tt i--us «!u r i ug f lie ji't1'; ;oti r-'i'.M* . \h now * rm*. i do red in sir <’(»*;-. i ve 'duffer-.,,

These chapters consider tne problems of Knq i i* hroon with ♦die

I nqu i'; 1 1 i on , t he Kng 1 t sh mo rcnati t commit n i f y and t he Kng 11 sh ex i i and s » uden t s m spa i n . ELIZABETHAN EN hi.»SHMKN AND THE -DANISH INyhiSirmN

lu f ure E I j z-ih^t h, Log 1 ishrnou . ;i in., werevirtually

i qno red by the '.pan mo l.nqu \ s i t i on, wh i ch' c ohsidered them

■loyal Gath lies ihe. free el Jewish or Moorish * a m? , . This

changed after her access ion .■1 * 7 1 sseeci, accord : oy ' to i jui me

G to ft.■ t he ■ E i i r a i >e t hai* . se 11: l emehf ' D rou gh t . Khg I i shmen and* r

■■■the.' scrutiny ox the' Holy' 01! ur.,..!e ‘ ferhaph the .'most"

important of Ue* many events whi.-eh-. helped to al ienate

Englishmen in Spain was the discovery of the •ilimbrmdo movement; the mlumbrmdoi? were taken for heretical Protestants and heightened the? suspicion of the 5ajn.ro i'dtt r#8

After the death of Queen Mary m thhw, a new group t**Jl

increasing1y under t he gaze ot the Inguis i t ion--tore igners, travelers and immigrants Older English residents in

Spain, however, continued to practice Catholicism, although some concealed their acceptance of Protestant doctriner4

Henry Kamen noted that English sailors re vulnerable to the

Inquisition, because large numbers of them were old enough to have been baptized under Queen Mary; if they were not . . Ah

1: -ti i* -1 ? c , t iwn they must have s.humif»d the 'true tdiUi »nd

.co vi id nor plead ignorance. 8 ^

In tin ‘iMcniii nail of Ure -ex? h cent: tiry, Engl ami waged a propaqanda war against Spain. There were ! requeni

C t of ! ♦**» -oh the at r* j ties f'omiB 11 t f-i--j against Kn i j chmen.

While H is t rue that t he 1nqu1sition*s '’unpaid spies,'1 the

tami / j a rest op e r a t e. d i \ \ v .1 r t u a 1 i y ' * :* v e r y port in : | > * i n , some p r a m i (\ e n t f \ qu i* e s ~-even some b i. shops ■■ -Chose not to, give :t he inquis i ton a t r e ► ■ reign. T >v.. much p r

Before 1 hod . according to Jaime Contreras., there .was little:or no Prot es t an11 sin i n Spa in. Then, an in f Itix of contraband ■ h(> o k s -*p pea red oalicia, located on Spar.n* s front ier, was believed To be -at greater risk of exposure to

Protestantism, as . werer Navarre,. Aragon1 and •'at aionta,..

Cont reran not ed that commerce , .'contraband-' .and p i racy . a 11 .were able.- vehicles'' tor the ..'-penetration of heretical ideas into

Spain . *7

;-..P-ati;j--ine Croi't . claimed -.-that 1660 represented the beginning nt religious vigilance m Spain, because of the appearance of the strict index of tanned books of 1559, which made the inspection of foreign ships a more serious affair.

And in the early years of Elizabeth’s reign, there was no mechanism guaranteeing.... rights to the English in Spain. They ' -|J . jes|ttJj|.; only petition %hm' ’ghg ii'sh ■'gpvernmmnt - in' id;£. ;• - _ T* ^ M -j,V ^ 1 t _ . ':^ k f •“■■• ih g ilie h ;. »e r chant e •' great diff lenity withstanding ’ •V-,- - i,. * •- ->•* < ^ SSI m m s m • •’«» inquisitorial «xa*iri»ticm; th*y n«eded

1811 -|j&Sv*ffci.- English ;• exiles laboring for the S lliilila l '■*fe£Mfe=T\\:-rtV ; ||created even *or« difficulty for English m r c i m ^ A :." l| 8;|j ... " 'M ' kK'"'' " ...... :""":" 1"':"’ ...... "''""i : ' ' ...... " ' ' ' ' """! "' ...... m...... m...... s...... m. m m m ’■'iai'ft»**iiv, '''hecadse '■:thiy -Wt**' the • English }pn@MO*iiania. &&anfi liitwfeil fhf typical punishment for the distribution of ?,S; <• ' -’T '( littp hlfetioei literature was imprisonment served either in the M;UK 3ii|l|Sii Inquisition's Jails or in the galleys. Occasionally, the

penalty for religious offenses was life in prison, but the ■8/1 death sentence was relatively rare, despite English H ppopiiganda. Smuggling occurred anyway, and Elizabeth 11m A, * believed that many of the inquisitorial inspections were n #18 motivated by a deai *e to acquire English goods.*** S^K/-. S # # V f After the embargo from i5ba to j*>73, the resumption of

^g|©*-Spanish trade once again rejuvenated the inquisition*a

fear of heresy,‘*° Albert boomie , however, mentioned that

1S72-1S74 there was some progress to limit :;:ihe ^ t n a p

gtrust between the two nations.171 In contrast to Loomis* s

artion, in 1674, members of the crew of the Elizabeth were

4zoned for possessing "Lutheran" service books and for

ing services at sea. In 1577, two of the sailors were ?■. 8 IS 1$%;.. 8 f;88' pilrrlV-- |f:'' 'v.:-:- • 88s! 88# #88#$:,# ^ 1 in prison. croft claimed that such arrests were

■’ V-s

illlaJlIJIlP

silffiaiSSs ss ' ■ i: i*\’ J

1

' ' -.! < - ' ' ' -_ • ' ’'/•“' ''V ■ ?•-'!>•1-ji Cpt^hplas^e before the*' A®ya~Cobba» a'grf-in#int;j.;; lnJ- fsact . .v: V^y;5 /' ' '^:j ;, ; ' ' / * V'i; '- V ‘'* „ ''/ ?m.t§4 ,th€4 mntire otfewe could sometiwee he J % | ’led* V * \ -,;• i- 8 iiSjfcW‘ipS y \ .„;:;;i; £ j ^ V ^ l • £ -- S»- Hay 1516, the Supreme ordered ;r frw*brito^$4'e'; ot ;• H"."* - P’‘P:. 1 .*■■ ‘ ‘ >■’ Granada-* Harcl-a and Logrono too • fMw&rreh * W ’ , ,-. • -vj M 'i-X-' -.v -■' S & ; ^ '' bjdki6& in goods coming fro*. fbMNei.' 4 '^fcjs'testfnt books in the Spanish language •*•** entering i9pSwiitiSsf:yj. , ?■! Sli . t r n M W hotel® a definitive series of quest ions thkt:: W ? f ; W i Y ■• ; ■ ■ ;;P>'P1'iPS j ;Kv’^ . : inquisitors addressed to ships*s' crews: from whence they ^ • Iftli ,- v„ -: „ta«ie, time at sea, nature - of cargo, presence of books or isiiite#Sii'8Ss pictures offensive to the Holy Office and blasphemy against ' rv} God, the Church or the Saints. 1 *r * - df J<'*- S * P Maiil -T-C mmmass During the period or the third trade embargo and open - ■; v warfare (158h 1604), t>7 Englishmen were imprisoned by the ■KL^ ’ iSIISf Inquisition~~a number- that was rapidly reduced attc?r the ^".5; . /'- > : . peace. In rimes of peace, only a small minority of

Englishmen were accused on purely religious grounds. Indeed* til the heightened tensions or the war years preclude a iii siT: comparison with times of peace. Croft noted that the m ilSl |v Ifiqnisition was more likely to attack the “comers and goers, “

Il** travel ing factors" and seamen than the actual English m

sidents in Spain who readily realized the need for i=->W s i i ircumspection. And English sailors were reputed to be ^.f: nly contemptuous of Catholic religious practice i ?<* ll®81BIM

-. V>L„. ' ^lliliiaiteiiailiifili^i I M M P f l 30 .* '• , ' '■%: v.-'-;v*J - i- t£ngl,i®h»en traveling in . 'Spain' found nvmm ^iljigiOuS rhdstility .eved *t h o w ia Puritan :Englahd>, f i ;: 5 : : .v’ ' ' - .. ' : "9? ;U** • ''cliftflr urgad. -for a financial -pittmliy ¥r; ?-? had attended cpen or private >asp while in f t * .? •? ^ ' ' V: ' ||i|l|^inJ- ;S«oh; Urging", "displayed the suspicions of »Puritan Sill

$ * ’ ; 1'; “ • • '-V ’ ' ■'..- - t||V;jt, ;« i*eojfcie< felt that the English Jesuit, Robert Persons, who $ 4 y% $ ^ - - : ■ ' - ' ' - }py

Raine n believed that a xenophobia pervaded all aspect a of

Spanish society that "...made Spain unsafe for foreigner© for

j'f the best part of a century. ” 1 ?“* Yet vhe numher of Eriq 1 ish

^ dead attributed to the Inquisition was fewer than propaganda

alleged. Croft reported that six Englishmen were relaxed to 3-- ■ he tribunal at Seville in the sixteenth century--two were ' '■i^v; -'O'.; j-*V:: ":r*K ;?;**' :v * : :/3 /:3 }.;’3 nt at the auto da fe of 1560; one was executed in 1692.

the other three, it is unknown whether they were burnt in

/lifeli or in effigy, % *** And while the Holy Office dealt ■ , 39 IPSB* its prisoners, the secrecy of .the ■.

1rI ai4e4 in -.'the e**ation . of, tb# .mystique and Black Lagend: tMfct. ,;' ,*: :- •■= - • ' ■ ■ ' J./ -* ^ .r'pi'^:'ha*/e*S»t#d to this day.‘*w aiglt IPPT4P >P ■ 4 , leiiaill V-j;-:K , -< ■* W|#hN# 1352 and 1576, 61 alleged Lutherans wereiii burnt %y<£^rv- 5“V.:<* J ' **. -’. ' * **►- ISSIWPsi* c*;=J j • •.*. ISP•'■ - person :ror - 1 im[ :*ff igy In /Barcelona; mll -of.> f had■ llefsc j • ?

In ealahorra from 1540-1599, therm were- 6B odsi&P Srff-PP.^P:' . ■ - ~ ■ • of- suspected Protestantism. Eighty~tw© percent of these’ llSPfttai jV- i 4 ease# concerned foreigners, And in the Canary Islands, which

were a regular stopover for English ships, there wi|pi mm incidents of foreigners appearing before the local tribunal.

On 1 May 1591, the effigies of four Englishmen were burnt at

an auto in Las Palmas. On 21 December 1597, eleven English

sailors appeared at another auto, Kamen claimed that

foreigners were so frequently arrested by the Inquisition

that Protestant nations whose citizens did business inside

;; Spain often sought guarantees for their nationals at the ;? v ‘v i 44/ beginning of trade negotiations. ’ $8SS E. William Monter also provided some information about

| Englishmen and the Inquisition. He reported that one

Englishman was executed by the Toledo tribunal in 1563 and B 8 ? l that one merchant was transferred from debtors prison to one

§§?fet*4xed by the Inquisition, because he wrote letters i ■ p|SIouiifig the Pope and the defeat of the Armada, *•* ft* ‘ iA * >

B i toK »* V

ir ff litelK*; $ .14 > :: r Jjkmter stat«n4"that,,the- Ualician Ihquisition sent;

:;®4 :^ 4 ^ t o -th# Jolley*, during the, i57os. ***. • illi - % :#®3pltt#r\/-if*©!* London 'on. October l M i v> f®'"C i:>_7 ’,- A® ‘ ' l A >* ^ .; • .- - „ ' ' '* Iter&tr&po 'tie .ffenddsd ~ noted that some 'tngiiohiieii;, f£'-’ i f i ' t , * '~ --•» > - ,' * X if ,-c’ - » ’ - ’ ■ - - ,*~ . ' ~"‘ r:'' V7/-/ *; ^ • - •’ ^ • : ■ - . •■ ' ®v.r fb-~* ’in the Peninsula.' tfeudbm#': s® ^ ^ ■',7 **«. Philip II to enforce the edict which forbade «rvy 5 A® , Ac'1 ,/ Spm&m to reside with another stranger. -The;

Spanish ambassador also mentioned the persecution of

Catholics in England and the fact; that $evills was home to ©S atm the largest number of English heretics. irt>l

Croft noted a lack of religious tension in the first

decade of the seventeenth century.1*** the English trading

communities of the new century differed from their

predecessors; they expected more Spanish tolerance. Older

residents had at least partial datholic backgrounds, while

the new generation developed purely Protestant roots. &nd

although some English merchants and sailors did attend mass,

the majority sought the freedom to worship in private, for

a while after the peace. Spain accepted these communities and

assumed a more indifferent posture.5”* The inquisit ion’s

fictitious ship searching also became more and more of a

ormality, as a royal c&dula of 1607 required officials to

for ship searches themselves, rather than charging a|§f§b;

MWtviem* r«nd®*-«

; wi th the efforts of officials to coni inue to make money, the 'f’V, ’. ' ;. Inquisition operated with a clear handicap. And while the

Tribunals' various servants did search many, many ships,

trade occurring between the two nations made numbers oi those jiflfllY -ro, imprisoned by the Holy office seem rather paltry. Indeed, fe- - *nd an open war occurred m the

ie actions of the inquisition,

probably seemed a relatively * J, ./ t s. »:, i i ’ > £* > iJ*‘ sj ^RlsSftSlt ; - j' “ rv~ c *.--■• * -V . * r

:m§ m sV:...... ^SSkk^vstliire&gftQut the second ‘Half of . -the cfefitiiiy*•,!'-^ _ ::re4^tio?is ’ worsened, \ All - too* often, Ir

Its interrupt ion- - was used as a political tool, &n& ,whfe*t

legal tracts ended * less legal forms prevailed, ! ; ■ ;V - • V , Pauline Croft divided English merchants in Spain into 1’ three groups. First, she ment ioned long-term English Y 111 residents who had long years’ experience in Spain, who were ills 81 IS* treated as Spanish citizens and who orken married Spanish women. Second were the sailors on the English ships. Croix

K labeled the third group “comers and goers,'* who made brief*-- *Slt§| S*i , * * if freguent— ‘trips to Spain. 4**° Most of the merchants, however, were young and had been sent to Spain as part of 6 H their training. 41,1

1811 Until the 1560s, English merchants traded all along the

coasts of Western Europe. Englishmen, it seemy( kept fairly

tight control over their own exports, because Londoners

controlled 90 percent of goods leaving England,4 But the

; ^ngiishiwm desired access to the New World and resented the

S|i!

- 4*

ftlfc its J* -

v > k f • x vm ,; , filin'- AH'/ 3yy4 \ ; '*$'|?■ ^ :4'k:l||| :* Ji|#i|tl! l! ||ft|::-:% European source for ver/ and -Spa%: was vety

,dependent upon many imports like- grain, timber and naval

i*$r#s. **•* dimeiidt noted that the doth'trade, ' largely'ih..;

the ' hands of members of the Merchant adventurers ‘■and

Merchants of the staple, maintained the trade balance between SI?

England ano \ - - ■ By 1560, however, London's traditional

market, Antwerp, had been saturated with fabric. Many

English merchants could no longer find buyers.As trade

with the Low Countries became more difficult, larger and

larger numbers of English merchants turned South to the

warmer ports of Spain and Portugal, where both Protestants

and English Catholics still hoped for a friendly

reception, 1 After the t irst trade embargo of this era,

English sentiments toward Spain remained somewhat divided.

By 1666, some English nobles and members of the business

class still favored an alliance with Philip II, because he

could assure good trade in Antwerp.,f#s* Vet there were alfo

/.■i-eepf*faints about trade in Spain regarding: the inequalities iiffiSlSffi ' „f 3,% , ,1 V‘ <,-, • l/’’'" ' "' ' ' I" i J. j , t ' \ >* < , ' , ‘ ,' ~ S v:\ '-'■‘liT-''" :; ;*•" . 5* -vf *.--- „\ --'■ ’ - -• -*- I '• *'• -t-^ f -* '.i * -■ * VI ,lf V V ^ '-\'-1 ’■*- w ^V'' -i* ^ -V- Vv ~ f ';!£ W !».■'«** v t i/';. ^,iv n t • ' 'j:■• _ - ...... VVi *, ‘, ■ "' : - , V V V : v . ::: -■ - .■ / -■. - V,:; iJssf;,1 &v> :,ui ‘ -v ' • - " ;*'’iW.VJ *i - K:-r >■:■*■;■•:i}^'^::l MA\v/ >■-v -- • ' -' -y'r : -'.’ v : * -aa-HfiJvJSi m■ V, , m m m m ^ m * m r , imt*z9it<*ri*i ctnsorshnv a & ^ r / V ; j;.’i-;':: "W-r:^^7-v|.^:'oi •%r , V V ? .•'• • ■'-? >*.-!• 'v " H Bfr!*»•*** 4$hMiitJMft*'"** fw*. jm$Mm ** x~ :*“\ " i ; ?' *- v vv !S«j^ 4iii .• «y > i90m :--,r.rrt — •* ttw -V^', V 1 *, - n , ~ ^ ' . i ” * t *• ' jr * * J*,*' f> , i < v - .p?1 ill? ^ -;b *if ;r : « 0. ;-Bi- «*w*y • .«t*i,M ;W i t th*. Msrchftnt m s m m 5*|i||^conf i«S#n«:e in ?tr«a® ' .with? ■mm •ttiat . y#ar^«» Croft labeled thie embargo more an i*i'III ' - » tnoonv#nf#noe to trade*— not a complete ban.*"* &etween thi^

: embargo and the next one of 1586 to 1604, Harlatid Taylor K < noted that, although there were high taxes and cuetome duties wc m r in Spain, good prices could be round, and trade could still

be quite profitable, Taylor stated that food and raw

materials drew especially high prices, while manufactured

goods generally earned less.* ■ I i l l The third embargo was significantly different from the iifii,r ;K ':' kmastvj ? - . two previous— it was not a mere ** inconvenience. M Instead, it was a part of war-time strategy, and normal trade between the

two nations was halted.

In the midst of Anglo-Spanish trade in the sixteenth

century, arose the Spanish Company of English merchants

operating in Spain. Changes in the trading relationship **ere

reflected in changes in thie organisation, for thfe reason

tft#jCdmpany deserves more than a brief mention. • i . -' r ' y B i

' B,> -', f- <»' , * -'$>vp <-* a f *' '- „ ^ * “•T'/S !lt k -w. B fX , mm* : - • - , v '"...... “ .." j '.iai'O , < , - \ „ if> - v.frov #c .f> :$$. H'-:'* -v < t, <•: * - B? 'V ,, ’ 1- ' r.

7*^1 ^ Ij JtV ~:*^b V,B B, b b *■* *' '« y ; y . ;y „ b :l^fi'A "fB ‘♦““'B-- - ; V- ,> ” : * 't- B ■* * B^B ‘ b JN:

m y y L » _ ..J-

,&i|eii ' ' m f c . 5 Sif I"; :;I

0t.!. ^K»%' v.8pain ,,ahd jlfiiJajKJ*. a»« v r ^ ~ . ; •> , j ( ,» '. ; -' > . t .i c>,' ■ , . . - -< . , ^ ! , % w • , : ,J~ '■ -= r-Vfl#','", XS«#^*»y ape' root«d - in protective, o'rgattlaetj^vn'e. m m m mr /'*3 zK i a i g 8i th€ irotherhood of St, George, *c>* lill'iiliiill isi the firet embargo of English exports to Spain in U^SS' BS# >v tgi iiil its* 4y*ptomatic of the stagnation i i Anylo-spanlsh reiat.lgn#’ lilii

bf-that year* Vc?t the concept of forming a company for trade

with Spain endured through the early years of Elis&beth/s IBM reign, Some ot the KugJinh mercinmts thought to pressure

Philip II by consolidating all English trade at San Luear,

thereby depriving the Spanish King of revenue.*'** And the

English knew that the formation of a company would provide

them with a greater measure of legal protection. yet these

hopes went unrealized. The embargo of which generally

closed all Spanish ports to English traders, was, of course*

the low point i n Anglc-spanish relations up to that time. In " x*' >

that year, the English also encountered trouble with SUB pgrfufal# which was closed to English merchants after- the.:

King, Sebastian I, became angry ' ever English' A ufd

intrusions into Africa. And although Croft estimated that iilPliiiii m m -:>*-' a->4 *

'\‘’*SJb »i‘. ,-s^ >,;"« >h\i trade between England and Portugal was less than one-tenth i i total Peninsular trade, the official closure of Spanish

Portuguese ports impeded--but did not halt--Engllift commerce .*0'f I The end of the embargo and the subsequent re-opening of b the Spanish ports in !57i gave n fresh 1 i re” to t iv* hopes tor .y the formation of a Spanish company, in 1 5 /a, those desiringv to form a company received the support ot the Earl of

Leicester and ol John Mershe oi * he Merchant Adventurers.

During the embargo, Mershe had met with merchants dealing In il®it Spain: he knew the problems of trade in the Peninsula and - b l i t urged the merchants to form a company. As Arig 1 o-Spani sh trade once again increased after the embargo, plans for a

^ ' t' -i,s> **** *■ company moved swiftly ahead. By November 1574, a plan / *1$ describing the political organization of merchants doing business In Spain was drawn up. *°f*

. While there was opposition to the plan within the ranks ?■..... of the Merchant Adventurers, Meruhe, by 1577, had managed to convince the Privy council to grant a charter <8 July 1577),

Elizabeth's council also decided that a "pr inc ip * dficerw I B 1 1 J 8 would reside in Spain and that a governor would supervise from London. The Company's jurisdiction would span the entire Peninsular coast. The English Catholic, Koger * " ‘ ‘ Z . ; / .IIPIP Bodenham, was chosen as the resident officer in Spain. He lived in Seville and had married a Spaniard, Apparently# | " '• ' "f!p jiotfenham was despised by the majority of the English !|

Merchant a in Spain, and "his negligence was to be a major

factor in the subsequent disintegration of ■ tfete-jf IIS" II I - ' ' .1-I'IIIv . '/'I'- • V /I|f|'. I Ill; .% : 'illll •■■■. /I |I| bro t her hood , M * n tJ

Per his et forts, Mershe was knight ed by Elizabeth and

named president of the Company * *‘° At the beginning of

the Spanish Company sent an envoy to Madrid to request

certain privileges.*'1 In that same year, Thomas Wilford, a

relatively large-scale merchant who had married into an

influential family, succeeded Mershe as president and became

its most important figure until the Company's dissolution,***

By mid-1679, Croft noted, the Spanish Company was at

cross-purposes with the Merchant Adventurers, English port-.r

organizat ions and the English government, The Warchant j :f - * ■ . rinit# Adventurers grew angry when some members that

Iboth organizations moved goods from Hamburg

Spain and Portugal without first pausing in England, for they

were able to undercut the prices of other traders, And in

the midst of this dispute, a merchant named Thomas Puilison,

who already belonged to both organizations, proposed the

inception of yet another trade organization to be called the

Eastland Company.*1 * In addition, the city of Chester served

as a tine example of the difficulties that the Spanish lived in Seville and had married a Spaniard, Apparently,|

Ibdeiiham was despised by the majority • of the an merchants in Spain, and “his negligence was to be a ;f\

factor in the subsequent disintegration of the * 3 hr a t her hood , " -f # *•

For his efforts, Mershe was knighted by Elizabeth and named president of the Company. *1 ° At the beginning of 1579,

the Spanish Company sent an envoy to Madrid to request ,

certain privileges.*11 in that same year, Thomas Wiiford, a IP relatively large-scale merchant who had married into;, an.S!|;

influential family, succeeded Mershe as president and became

its most important figure until the company's dissolution**1*

By mid*-1679, Croft noted, the Spanish Company was at

cross-purposes with the Merchant Adventurers, English port :

organizations and the English government, the Merchant? 'hV 'A*;X4l Adventurers grew angry when some members that belonged* ■tPi.li • k F’§5h? S both organi za t ions moved goods f rom Hamburg and laetlafui sii Spain and Portugal without first pausing in England, for they

were able to undercut the prices of other traders. And in

the midst of this dispute, a merchant named Thomas Fullison,

who already belonged to both organizations, proposed the 3iKBi inception of yet another trade organization to be called the

East land company > * * ** in addition, the city of Chester serge#

as a fine example of the difficulties that the Spanish Company laced with various English localities, In 16Si,

Queen Mary had granted the Chester Merchant /Venturer!# a; monopoly over trade to the Peninsula. This organization soon found itself in competition with the Spanish Company. When the dispute was brought before the Privy Council, the Chester merchants emerged victorious.***

When Francis Drake (he was not knighted until alter thi& voyage) undertook his famed circumnavigation of the globe

(15/7-1H80}, he dealt harshly with the Spanish possessions he endbuhtered* By 1579, the Spanish Company began to fetr

retaliation for Drake’s ventures. Ambassador Mendoza used

these tears to frighten the Spanish Company into pressuring

the English government on Spain's behalf, Spain desired the

return of Drake's plunder; to get it back, Mandosft

threatened the Spanish Company, By late 1581, however>

$end0%a#s hold over the Spanish Company waned , m ;'igf dfmtaiialidn had yet been taken. a * * ' *.5^Sf

By 1585, the Spanish Company--by its very nature-

faced serious difficulties. The company sought legal

support and assurances guaranteeing its right to operate

without harassment. Yet through the war, trade decli;0«N|,

stea d ily until the maintenance o f the Company became

impractical. On St, Qeorge's Day 1591, eight remaining

:y'-r/‘ .:zZ:y;"®:Z;cvZ'Z‘; Z V yyZZZZZy . . SzTi'i'y'I yZ;/:' ■ 'yZZ?. ~.yy'..»:::- ■ Z'.y ' * -■ \ Tyy yyyyyzyZ-' ? 'yyZ . ,yz: : 'pZSvZd&ZcZv'V. /HzWZcig: Z members of the company in Spain declared that their land# «hd. ... ■ m*- i’ ' , f f r W v : lllllw;:. -‘i

l - i n c o m e would provision a confraternity of Englishmen. After -- psiiii this time, the Spanash Company ceased to exist.*1* Loomis W; teamed the confraternity a * hospice** for English sailors, ;'-fj

merchants, priests or students who may have needed aid. during;.. '

the w a r w 1 **

During the negotiations for the Peace of lt>04, Thomas

Wilford read a list of demands of English traders required is * - v - „ for them to do business in Spain. He requested ':the

reinstatement of all previous privileges enjoyed by English

merchants in Spain, and that the new taxes since should i p be abolished. Wilford*® statement seemed quite comprehensive fill ip wiii in its scope— surely not all of it® articles would have been v|f|

agreed upon. But his statement was a hopeful request for

much greater liberty in Spain,*1*

'Croft also noted that Spanish loading prohibit ibiie'W- ?%3S' • ' ' ' the English t»r* largely ineffective—*)*•«. - .SH ‘Vt!? * , W - mV '■tUrnrn.mtm It see** unlikely that . disregard for regulation, an embargo that was not immediately siiss aimed against the English would, by itself, halt the w ; :: activities of the Spanish Company, Eventually, of course* it r

^ •■juid. ■ t But the Spanish Company had its own.- prubiesw* hbfse,Sllliiiliifii llw--'; v that must have hindered operations as much as the first year# - :'.W fppsi of the third and worst embargo. And Wilford desired~$®mi irfllsM'iillifii’ .u;a b o litio n of the new taxes imposed since i 5 B6 . If trade.<&•#'_......

JcVrfm k -> ’-'-'-’~. '

■ mb

ilii ' - ' ?«u - n " : - ;r*S ' m p m m n ; 'lc>^ : W. JWvW* ,JW - : - -W - -^VTir'i^ s i‘ - W W W W - - -iW - at the outset ot the embargo, what would have been taxbdt

Indeed, numbers of Englishmen must, at least for a time, have m continued to trade in Spain despite the occurrence of embargo -fBI WMa5®®! and war. Croft noted that these merchants were not engaged in a Hcosmic struggle11 of contrasting ideologies; the Anglo-

Spanish conflict was instead an irritating interruption of

valuable commerce that led to the creation of pragmatic and r • ; flexible alternatives to normal trade— contraband and

p i r a c y . - .

K =• The English frequently ventured the contraband trade* lllii*" V • Contraband usually entered Spain through the ports along the

Sill Galician coast— especially Vigo. Along Galicia, the English

would often overtly discharge their forbidden wares with the

full consent of local and ecclesiastical official# Hill m m * Andaliiela also draw much contraband trade. There * iiiili® ,^i|iidh«aita-!would gather the mer c h and!se—usua 11 y oil^wlhe l^k; IS® eaport to England * ‘mmm® * * ' ^ iy ? becember ^ ^ i ^ ^ l&S#, ^ w ^ , (, it^ T fvr: supposed that various fruits were circumventing the embargo -

and entering England. ***** Perhaps the most significant item

that found its way into the contraband trade was coin. WiM Although the- export of Spanish coin was illegal-#'-

movement was almost necessary for the balance of trade.***'■. • .v' The ' -English found more difficulty moving c o n t ? # t ^ 4 M :;i?"l1tj . ... - • - .r • '/j/: through Andalucia, where royal controls were greater* , lmrin^:-'V-!iW: the - war, thereforer the Worth coast of Spain was more: receptive to English contraband traders, even though the southern markets were more prosperous, The risk#,; apparently, were simply too great; Seville, Iberia* s greatest”-, seaport, could only be reached via the Guadalquiver River- hurried escape was much snore difficult. And San Lucar was not much safer, because oi the numbers of English ekiles residing there, who could more easily penetrate the disguises of their countrymen. Host likely, the voyages to the South were done under cover, while those to the northern coasts

required less subterfuge and were usually directed to

smaller ports,®*4

Some of the contraband trade occurred through resident

Englishmen whose families remained in Spain, Relatives would do business or French or Flemish factors would be employed, fallowing English merchants to remain off stage.

’;$incf' the'."English were most ' often betrayed- $ y ‘5

language, many of them posed as Irishmen or Scotsmen who were

free to operate in the Peninsula. croft claimed that

Scottish passports were easily obtained or simply forged, As

:ehV"-eEe»ple, in 159S at Ayamonte, four Scott ish ships were

found to be English,one Scottish Catholic, William;

Semple» served the Spanish government as one of the most. 52

effective inventigatore of the contraband trade; he even

filed a report concerning English covert methods*

Although widespread, the contraband trade was u t ill very

much a risk. Englishmen began to turn to French ports near

Spain. St. Jean do Lug was the most prominent ot the French

towns acquiring English goods bound for Spain. Bordeaux,

Nantes, La Rochelle, Le Havre, Dieppe and Rouen all served

also as locations to trade Spanish and English wares. In

Bill addition. Englishmen in some German cities directed goods to rssdfiiBB S p a i n . ~ ■

Despite the risk, the Spanish market was too appealing

for the English merchant community to ignore. Spanish demand

for grain had increased by the 1580s* covert trade in corn

and fish continued through the war years and became ^ 1 % ; ♦ j by the 1890s Edible goods were important to

Sfl^Aah rf*ar :-effort— yet they' -were traded .anyway* - - -/ - -- : ./v -.d/\>v were even traded in Spain'. ‘ In %i$Bf Spanish merchanfi

offered good prices in Flanders to Englishmen trading or

casting either ordnance or cabling for the Spanish war

msohlhe* And lead for bul tntu was shipped to Spain from

Bristol through St, Jean de Luz * * a * BB; 'SK' Vet the contraband trade did not really accelerate.;.--;-4t|| until the third and worst embargo* Croft was, perhefit r:$=m IkB!BBIb1I8 1 | 8 lilllii stating the obvious when she noted that the longer anms&sKS , V w► m‘ § m mT< s *****9 mk*2“

A ia-a 'S''"- i- -■ -5 , - ■: • - • 'r\*Y,M-3

Ipililiiil a *. M embargo endured, the more difficult it was for England and - ;; •- ’ :r- J fllBSIfl Spain to control contraband trade, More interestingly* etejk' 1 ® I I | S 1111111111® claimed that even as the antagonism between Spain and England ■saasa*^ ^ \v; Z 1 , * j-?, 'z 'intensified.in the late 1580s, trade did not , end 'because:a\ V f- war had not officially begun. *r*° This statement, however,

seems rather unlikely, because brake1s raids along the north

coast of Spain were nothing if not acts of war. Trade may.

very well have continued, but not because a war had not been % ^

declared * %

Some form of trade dad indeed continue through the war

years. Many varieties oi goods— even those that perhaps §®§wl

should have been restricted--entered the Peninsula from

England. The merchants found means to bypass governmental

restrictions in efforts to continue their business. Various u‘;f8:lhteres-tS'in'the Spanish localities-for the benefits Hof ¥¥ - W9SM-v< *-

merchants seemed willing to compromise their govwhment:ije

war**1ms in an effort to continue their profits, Beside#'*

France--not Spa in--was England * s traditional foe, ar1 *

• Osspite the fact that some trade continued through; tt|e

y«ars of war and embargo, English merchants resorted to

privateering missions after Queen Elizabeth granted them tbs

Fifht to seek reprisal for goods confiscated , in the

Peninsula, After 1585, the number of merchants - e h g * g * % / ;i|i' privateering swelled— many Englishmen found it financially

necessary to attack Spanish shipping rather than to attempt

farther trade*

Kenneth ■ Andrews claimed that the English merchants in

Iberia were not mill tun*ly anti-Spanish before the war* He

did, however. note that a *’militant maritime partyH h#d

played a role in Iberian trade. The war interrupted nbrm#l,

trading profits. By resort iny to reprisal, these merchants

could recoup their losses. Andrews wrote that

plunder attracted all kinds of men, from criminals to noble

lords, and took forms which varied from uninhibited piracy to

licensed privateering. The difference between piracy

and privateering was largely soman tic; privateers were given

permission to commit acts of piracy against a specified

ropp0ttent. ’-During the Angio-spanieh aea--var>f Yi * ^ -$f' -- \ j 1 - Y - - ' , - ^ „ „ -, ' was conducted at the discretion ,p#;;ylrl^^

inidividea Is.*-™ During the 18 years of warfare, hundreds 'of:

Iberian merchants were taken by English privateers.mt%*

According to Andrews, “Well over two hundred private /vessels

reprisal voyages In the three years 1589-fi and t^etrde

Y/vtAe. end of the war the number was probably as great va e 'it;/had

"V' ever been, M**e

•.. • . At the end of 1502, English privateers were libehaJd/Vb

*/ Include' Spanish vessels in their list of ships eldgibleYto ;be ■ - 55

/attacked, • The prises taken during these privateering raids/ were required to be first taken to an English port. Yet by

tne end of the f i r:,t embargo in 1 hbb, the desire to target

the Spanish subsided. With the n**xt embargo, the desire

reasserted itself During these first, two embargoes, most of

the privateering occurred on a limited scale. The second embargo clearly displayed the dichotomy surrounding

England’s peninsular trade policy. On one hand, families

like the Hawkins and Fenner- supported tne privateering

raids, while otr^r merchants were willing to sacrifice a

share of: New World trade in <>rder to insure receptive Spanish

markets. This dichotomy was also vi*. ible m t he year 1 b 7 7 , which witnessed the birth of the Spanish Company and the

beginning of Drake’s circumnaviyation,* ^

There were widespread assaults against Spanish ships in

15$9 , For a time in the 1570s. however, pr ivateering/piracy contradicted Eng J i oh nvtt * r« * st S ; Queen K 1 i z a be t h i &vru e d

proclamations aga i ns t such HC t ivi ty in 1 5 7 0 , 1571 and

In i&ao and 1 5 6 1 , the ■Spanish ambassador to hundon

complained t< K i i a bf - . ■'.p.-m i sh properfy taken m

Drake* e raid. Mendoza noted: ",..robberies, insults and

murders.« . ." On 14 July i f>Hl , t he Span i sh amnasuaik' r

ventured so far as to inform the Queen that if she did not Drake* s plunder, Philip IT would all inf-J;|#r; gbiids- in Spain to regain lost property,*"11*'

By the war's beginning, English merchants were

regularly participating in privateering ventures, Andrew®

wrotie: "The great took less and less care to conceal their

patronage of pirates, and themselves openly sponsored or took

part m ventures,,.from which ambition to annoy the king of

Spain’ was rarely absent. . ° ‘ fcv<»n Lord Charles Howard of

Effingham, Lord Admiral of the Navy, owned several ships used

in privateering raids.

According to Andrews, "Trade and plunder were

inseparable in the sixteenth century."'*1 During the war,

privateering held its most important place in English sea

trade. For after the embargo of 1685, the "Iberian interest"

moved behind the supporters of war with Spain and ”became the

chief force behind the privateer mg war." Thun, "The very

men whose business was with Spain seemed fated to become her

worst enemies,"*4* By summer 150b, the plundering forces had

set sail. Not all had genuine claims to reprisal, but once

the conflict was set into motion, legalism fell victim to

practical ity. Arid as Andrews wrote: "A captain without

letters ol reprisal would not be treated as a pirate so long

as he confined has attentions to Spanish commerce, though a

properly commissioned man might be indicted tor piracy if he 5?

Spoiled an English or- neutral vessel.Ma4:i And • ' *” privateers had great success; in the three years after -the :;’S: Armada, 299 prizes were taken--just 146 of these had an "1 *

estimated value of 28U.Q0O.**4 ' i l-i ' n .- t wmmsgmm s The sea did not: become entirely lawless, however.

Spanish confiscations injured the English merchants; many of

the privateers 11 legitimately" sought reparat ion for their

losses. One Englishman, Sir Thomas iullison, a member of the

Spanish Company, claimed a loss of id,000. He was just one

of numerous prominent merchant!? resorting to reprisal, Some Sii® Englishmen oven combined normal trading missions with

privateering ventures oil the Spanish coast.'*1411

Occasionally, privateers accompanied expeditions of the - English navy; these raiders may have merely attached

themselves to the f teat without formal obl igation. From

t§ag-*i§§l, more than 236 English vessels were known to have

undertaken privateering ventures. Taking repeat voyages into

account# more than 300 raids per year {on average) were mdd®

during the war years. ggjgif

/< •; Host privateering expeditions were joint-stock efforts - ** ^

with an agreement lasting for just one voyage. ****

Frivateering profits either met or exceeded the profits of KWliilfc regular trade. The majority of the profits were taken by a

rather small group of merchants who dominated the market.^***

ill® asiiiS®® :ri3;«5S»k| i H ' . a.l * gg»3 tM • V"> 4. '*-i*’44,>‘4: ;? m merchants probably rued the. peace of 1604,* they*had /, sji ,, , ' ■ /made a fortune during the sea-war»*4®

The peace of 1604 restored all the trading privileges

enjoyed by the English before the outset of the war. Vet

some Englishmen-*”retailers, shopkeepers and some others

excluded from the company’’--attacked the Spanish Company’s

chatter a© it began to reconstitute itself. The Privy

Council merely suggested that the charter be redrawn. The

new charter opened the Company to any merchant with a

legitimate interest in Iberian trade. From March 1604 to

January 1606, 149 new members were admitted to the revamped

Span 1 sh Company. *’R °

In September 1606, nine new consulships were

established in; Bayona, Lisbon, San Lucar, Seville, Malagas

Valencia and in the Canaries, the Azores and Madeira, Yet by

1606, the Spanish Company was abolished. It had been

somewhat weaker than similar organizations because of its

relatively larger size {which made it less easily organized).

And other merchants soon filled the void left by the Spanish

Company. The charm of the lucrative Iberian markets could

not be long withstood.aat

Harland Taylor noted that during the ten years after

the peace of 1604, England enjoyed immense ’’commercial

expansion and prosperity,M Employment and living standards > ’■ ijii? IlSpSillisail v * * ^ peace clearly eeeied superior the whole, England grew rich er a fte r 1604.•••

■ i Privateering is a more exciting issue than regular ■ .'■ ■: ^sV.-r.v trad e. Too much emphasis should not, however• be placed upon

K:®3S it. To best understand Anglo-Spaniah merchant relations in w:.\', :>* r- ^ § V:'the .late sixteenth century* normal and contraband trade Ki'--:-. - . .L'«^dtil4 firs t be considered. Andrews' topic is compelling.

P . , Ifti’ heesuse , it is so compelling, - - there exiets the den^f • ---■ 4 " fOTjjfef.ting ebout the continuation and interruption of trade.

^f^feit; important about privateering, however, wee its AtqfmMie > " - 8^i'Vincrease after the beginning of the sea-vmr. ,r.*5 5 ' * =j?>T CHAPTER 4

ENGLISH CATHOLIC EXILES IN SPAIN

'\kt. Th« "Spanish Elizabethans’’ were only one of many groups

Unplaced by religious circumstance. The advent of

'. 'iir i*i» (perhaps properly labeled anti-Catholicidij . ^ \-X:yX;'X - iXXX'XX:. ? ; y '■.;--:^ -•;■"-''I -Sli Jaenidse of its reactionary beginning) in England led to the

'dinperisal of English Catholics, Many of thaw were forced to

leave goods and property and were resultantly without

fortune, In addition, the exiles were essentially

.u| -leaderless,, even though some prominent Englishmen had also, S

English identity while maintaining a low profile,*hA Indeed,

their situation was hardly promising.

Elizabeths government harassed the catholic clergy in

England, excluded them from universities and fined them,***

for the English Catholics, especially because of the oaths :'X^$rx-r.#V|'v;’"--y-^:xx-X;'X X • -:;x •' ' : ' w'--vx X'-x x. x. • .. •' -. x.- - ' : .'• \ •’• : . ....:,Xy,;,: x' x ^ y -j^ ,xiXy.,W'X-X' ■ '-x-'X x y ^ x ix '^ they swore, the reign of Elizabeth divided their loyalties**^

were they to choose nation and ruler or religion and God?**** ««®p M M K m m l l i l l i f SISSt 9m iKptlil i\~ i 9 i », - ! :• ••: -- i m

8111 fcf - ■ , 61 ;■ ■ '%■- - : - " I l S i i iiiiii ?8.-- Ac core to Eguiiuz, three groups of Catholics emerged g^* :-r~ f , ' 8 8 1 . Ihrh P .-v ri. S; ? ifSfttgseei those who remained and refused to accept the n w IIPMM>L-, socio-political order and those who remained in England and liigfil ?i®4pasM Kyp /conformed* Great numbers of intellectuals fled* asking for |8p|U. - / iim asylum on the continent. Louvain became the first major •si* ■ continental center for English intellectuals after m Si J;Cl'"El ixabdth*s accession. After 1568, the center shifted to the , , ' Ml . at, college■at Douay.*nT - ; ‘ 4® l?!,-v l l i i l l l iII Luckily for the exiles, Philip 11 was sympathetic to 1111111If S l i S S I their plight. Vet the Spanish King also knew that the exiled 1 1 1 Ifeifi ills ’.‘i i - ■- could prove quite valuable to the plans for England's re~ ;ir Catholicism. Many English were also sympathetic to the am 88 axils* and perhaps aided them when the situation demanded.*** -- IMil - ' - >. . srfi,ivr » - ,f, ' t * ,C4*fe*||hd(i,;;aitl|Ough Spain offered many pension® in an effort to ■& w . ’f- IM i«iisjrtip|pOr:t the. English, the system still failed to -unit* .the V- gBiiP 44l:444\;.4■— " ' ■■:44444" ■;' 44:441444- ■ W99,i4S4444/4 - 4. ■■■ 44:444434: 9 9 m 44c3 3 7H9: ---4 ..435$:^ g8}Ji^#|ea .under one leader or to arrange them into some lllllii " 8vVt^ |§;88pv ssxbiance of a homogeneous body. Sometimes, too,- the payment Hu 'f ?!:€!! ' i ;.:'43= 4,434| fff'4’!3 ofc pensions was irregular. Spanish officials would fail to ».>„ m m J*-v -,-v ' p#y- because of the poor organization of their own finance#/-.:- r& gi"

--~i ■’ and-the- typical lack of government funds. Without Spenil^ias*. 4 'Mkbs . . <■ t-r. -* m m : support, the exiles were placed in a predicament of sorts. 111 ! & : ; t Mmais i Eobert Persona claimed that some exiles had even died from siiiisf irtsiSsiiBi hunger and thst others had decided to return to England.2** l a i i l B H . >8:4 ,\ '■ 8881 ' •■■•■.' ' 888V- 8 888; ■ 7'881 m 'iM^^y'yyyM f^iere were fewer opportunities for the exiles in Spain than I®*-*4 ■ - ■ . > y. p i l b - x - x . •■■■.. - - , ' ■ p ; i % "'t l r\ ‘ ; > / ■ 4, 4-r ; ^ .4 '4;f 44J* P I ' .

MSi&vu/rf'- 4 ;' •/' 8;'8;.-1^^ in the how Countries., English appointments

:;■ ’ Spanish court were relatively rare. Military service was the ! i:: easiest means to obtain a pension. Some exiles were regular 1 frfj f e - 1{%®idlers; some served as mercenaries. **0 - - - H i l l Most of the exiles in Spain were affiliated with the i&tii 11 ingUshEng colleges. Members of this relatively small number

;;oc c a s iotmily conflicted with Spanish off icials. *■**’ , -'Yet --

this, period, the number of exiles in %

IV ” Ons of Philip II ’s pensioners, Sir William Stanley, warn- ^IBltlStll fallowed to organize a regiment of English exiles. He $/; ' . \ .. - proposed that his forces occupy one of the channel Islands. ‘ .- fllciiC :•/' ■ ' - .. ',; 'CV: *h -g o w m e n t never gave the order to carry.•;'

„ ; Indeed* by Philip Ill’s accession in I5ts* i * W ' 4 £*i - M - *, ~ b* , / j 1 i - 1 V' ^ C ^ **> vw „ ■ ^%^^^wantchad‘b«en allowed to serve virtually no pur post 1 In ; S ?;?/.«* -r : . '. •;/•: v. .• ■iCSlJttfjf; llftE, the regiment comprised 42? soldiers and 7* if.

c. pensioners.; by the end t*f 1596. it numbered in excess of

1,000 troops. **•’ Another important English exile was Iy^7-:o;v,. . ■ - - >/;/ :>$£_ f f . Sttglef laid. Although sentenced to the Tower by '7 . ^ , " -J "r: k ^ •• W . under Mary, he became a Privy Counselori |y,-~- i ISSti -- - ' , he tied England; by 1566, he was broke. He met a ; * \> -:C ^

sympathetic Philip II, entered Spanish service and became a Hr. :' '••■ . • - Wnsioner. He labored tirelessly in attempts to bring more

|; . - more mxiles into tha Spanish pension system1* Slowly the 7 *'* c . iisiifi i-" - f-r w m m m m m m m i m 1 ' wi » , .' ‘ .N- *1 'i;:?’v

MCE *-' • 6 3

t^V: r.,\-/Vt,.\. . '* “X. *- (.i -'- ^ - * "•'.>■,«:v 3 " ^ ■ •«: situati on. improved - lag Xfitimld - M m ‘ ‘ l'W g iff •, *#, vi' r e s i n s ible for this accomplishment, ** * ‘ <

England ca&c to fear her exller abroad, and she ^■r - mim#ghS#s|ttentiy sought periodic retaliation, In addition* the £#***' of English spies posing as exiles struck fear into the' ;• - S&'ir& r‘~ , _ / ;k r . ina* exiles* because of ‘potential repercussions at 'the.--:."' ^ r Tsh. Court. 'Usually* English spies were found thrfctt^hVt^ of their, compatriots. One' of the exiled pensionersJJ;£*££?

%&igh Owen, organized an intelligence network that stretched ■ .'. . to England. His information was very much desired. As' ! f p , :;; ; , ./ - . s'%! ‘‘-bi '-result, ' however, Owen became one of t he exiles most sought IkllAilai? 'V ■i ;l:? by. the Eng 1 ieh government. *•*'** U fv, relatively' large, numbers of exiles; eddelye# ri. ‘1 < . ‘ ' - 'f - * > ’ = ; from- the Spanish coffers and enjoyed the' good...... m- *** . ' tf*e King of' Spain* the various volumes - of -; tJse-r: ^ "Mliindar- of State Papers reveal a pattern of discontent “... * : \i * , * | fllll :4mor*g. the pensioned exiles in Spain and the bow Countries by Slllllil late 1680s. *** In a letter from a spy to Elizabeth's

& ^;?ecfetary Of State* it was reported that there were 600 to

thglish' refugees ir* Flanders in 1601.*** ..The poop • ^Ibfihpioial situation of the exiles was revealed in a series af ■ to and from the English agent Thomas Barnes, Barnes

;if;;;^^#ro.te on.31 Way 1689 that "There is little money stirring-Tor 'WM ‘. 'i~ . ^ ' r^;t|ie::-^giish' unless they can get ready payment of pension# by . j j ^ J T i * t f - _1 * '' , . . . -r

04 ' '•* - : ‘ ,1' h, j«'. - ' • ,... t „ , . u . ; , ...... :;.. uater that aanw* year. • a Vetter' directed to '.r... . * i| . . . ' - -• "" ■ ^rv:#s ~ 'Earn## stated All otar pensioners >t England and Scotland, ‘ - ' . i f ‘ f ’ **?•* **

Kvttctpt a few of tho better sort, are to enter companies of

'foot or lose their pensions***** in another letter W ISiH the following year but addressed in the same fashion, " S C i - >' * 4S^-$e;Spy mentioned that pensions had been ’’castM, and that the: v ? ^ , - , a t -K ~ ".- jjjij *<'T + of many Englishmen was so poor that they desired to

to England if pardons would be offered***0 As Hfrt liis ’ v^'bhe . war wound down and the two conflicting monarchy died,' the Mmam: . ■ ;'-iligiish tKlies became concerned with the peace initiative# Pin d am#S'' VI promised "’liberty of conscience** for the exiles wiiasa lllli did not: know whether or not he could be trusted, Hugh

'for on#*' did not believe the Scottish king*# tolerant * ' ■> % s : ^ . - ' ' - saplKsass*! ; When Elizabeth died, the Spanish Couhcil gr r *.,V # i i r Chose to - maintain the pension system. And even S'S*I ■*■: * - V * ' - mmm■ p^;;-Jitter; the treaty of London of August 160&* the English still

the capture of ao»e of the exi leu, In August ISOS,

-'they-'attempted the kidnapping of the Earl of Salisbury, :•'•••; o-' . • - 7 -a ^m:lj*ain* according to Loomie, risked a diplomatic crisis ta, ' \ :: him :safety, *** This protection showed that the exiles

not., merely exist on the fringe* cf the Anglo- Spanish

;^cpnfiict^^on the contrary, many of , hem were at the center of !1#SM

controversy, . ' 1181S ipifppi ft- - - ■. ***■3?i> .*<;< “ IV,:-’i' > IIIIIIli|pil*S I S l I l' i l .. IfllBllSi jlf' •' <». -V’ “Vain I ? ! ; ; ■ -: niii 1 5. i ;., - *2- v . Itlil ■■■>- i m The a< t i v i t. j (*a or the English Jesuit., Robert Persons, ev^n more clearly esi abiished this point. K\ izabeth's access ion created the ntji t\shi »y i o r Jesu i t s to begin to } oak abroad for the tree practice of their re ilg ion. At first,

Persons sought po1 itical means to at tain Catholic religions freedom in England. Eventual;y, however, lie felt that the fore idle r*mov^i of Elizabeth was the only manner by which Iso could achieve nis goal.-7

.»>r1 gmai ly , Person?. ^ruhiod ..it i/vjt.ib to r a while at least, 1 u* .-iocepted Hoys 1 Supremacy and Anglo an ritual. In

1574, he was expelled from Oxford and left tor Porno, joining the Society of Jesus.*'74

He entered the Low Countries and contacted a group of

Catholic exiles who hoped to restore the faith to England*

of these Englishmen, H111i am Allen, hoped to create- a frbdp of English priests who could return the old religion

Elizabeth died. Persons was taken with the idea and feegatj, to write Catholic propaganda destined for England* tbi

English Parliament blamed Persons directly for the "poison” that the Jesuits were spreading,'™

Tn Hay 15d2, Person* ent e-rod ^p-nn and managed an audience with Philip II in Lisbon. King Hi > Lip had fallen

ill iri Portugal, so the Jesuit sought a meeting with Don Juan de Idiaguez, Philip’s secret ary. on 4 July, Cardinal G ra n v ille penned a le tte r *o 'h e kinq supporting Person plan against England. The Spanish king dot not believe that an Invan-ion f ]eet rnul

Persona traveled next to Madrid, meeting with the Papal nuncio. In April 158*. he left Spain and returned Pari©.

He had not ret roved Philip'© promise to invade England, but he had received th*- assurance of aid in on me measure, At tor the expulsion ot Mendoza, Philip (I relied >!><„• r*- arid mor> upon the information provided by the Catholic exiles, ot whom,

Persons and Allen had become the leaders. Persons believed that the majority of English exiles supported a Spanish invasion ot England and that a Catholic uprising would occur in England when Spain at t acked* ,'7'?

Thomas Morgan and Charles Paget arrived in Paris in

These men were influential within some groups of exiles. In 'August, Persons went to Pome to disease hi# plans. At the end nf that year he venturer* to Plunders at the behest of the Duke of i *rma, And throughout the next year, Persons continued to correspond with Mary Stuart and with Parma about the “Enterprise" against England.5"70

Persons was not the unequivocal spokesman for th# entire exile population, however. Morgan and Paget were ,g%:

<■ _ H:- > - ’o V r

■ _ ‘ ■ . ' lllpli

** i rreconcilably'* ho?»t i le to the* .Soc iety of Jesus.

Piseart is£#c t ion spread, as those Englishmen disple^ed with

#■1 their circumstances turned away from Allen, Persons and lifti " ; V ;:$patrv,

T'^" ; ’'Morgan and ' Paget"' supported ' the" Queen ~ of s-cotm-*- -and;,;

i. worked with Spain only in the hope of returnitiq her to the S a a e s throne* while Alien and Persons considered installing Philip il» \qc It as English king. This wa^ the mo*;t signiMeant difference IBSIS between t he two e:< i 1 e camps . r'-*' ’ 1 H In loHfj, Persons! mast famous hook, A Christian

Ilfil PAT®J*!!i9£YL Guiding Men to t heir sa ivat ion , was pub 1 ished ana became Mthe moar widely read treat ' *;e of that age and its

popularity continued almost unimpaired tor nearly two hundred

years»M Hiding on his success, Persons cont inued to publish '■Am'- A ;* C - ir t ; \ ^ : i>j a w.tracts' * * * against English Protestant ism.**1 1 'v ;,fn 1587, . 'William Alleyn was made a Cardinal^’-a d#.cisipfr %XT%' •> r ;* ^ » 1 i- \>::; c-t ^ ‘ ^ 1 ^ /- ti It'-was’-hoped would bolster the flagging spirit*i:.of th®':

,,\t$ U’ - " v t ’ :Vzt:.t . .‘exiles. . 'Persons ventured once again to Spa in; in

November 1588, where he would spend the next eight years ■ I working to gain support for his designs. Yet the failure of

the Armada dashed many of the hopes of forcibly returning

England to the Catholic fold.****

In 1594, Cardinal Allen died. One year after the illr Cardinal's death, Persons departed Spain for Home, convinced that the Spanish court could not provide an armed invasion of

England. In addition, opposition to Persons had increased

^'draiftitically by this time. A fear had developed that the

Jesuits were attempting to make England a possession' of

Jt^pSilnr- Persons'" had, in Tact;' considered exactiythatr

1599, the exiled Englishmen had polarised into two distinct

;'-'groups; one sought to re-Cathoi io ir.e England at any pr ice,

and the other, which supported Paget, did not accept the tali

of the English state to a foreign power. from Home, persons

continued to load his taction until 2h April tMO, when he

died.

■ \ Persons’ activities serve to show the contrasting WSipSIBlilllll intentions oi a divided group. in addition, the English

Jesuit was significant in the attempt of the invincible i&LiL*...... in ; the foundation • of.the" English e M i e g « r ;:iiML;3ip, ..‘...... ' ...... -, 'This essay turns now to discuss their founding,' YIY *■ • < - JCC; By 1S«8, English .Catholic students -had tafeguai.tiL, *.f, fea.-Ai.-L,;'...... : ...... ____ . ‘ :./L .44 . L %\% e.at .the .... .college, .'.at Oouay, . .;..The collage was L'*-’* ‘r«f partially supported by ' Philip II* And because of the

> $ j U $ l o u s wars in Prance* English students at Rheinm had'ah

uncertain future. in Hay ]*'■.«-, h*«nry Floyd, John Black*ah

and James Bosviiie left Rheims for Spain. They were followed

by some others who came to Spain expecting to take students '>£- !- ■■■??*■ r - ■. - T ?- I M m i M Iliili :ff8f<

•-, : - : t l * * - ■ ' * ■ ’ 69 *memm. SBR 1*: and to teach. Sose of the Englishmen were arrested. After

their eventual release, they settled in Valladolid.**" *1 11 111 :. -:lS;i ■ ■ k■:!-'■■ kkkf:'' ■'kk': :y'Mkr V '■'' :r' .k^'kkMMi -' : kkkk% -: - i M i - '>:•’ Robert, persons left Rome for Spain at about that same , S" v-ff , pSSHill : ji, ■' 'X time. When these groups of Englishmen were arrested, the w J ^ s s i f . tents were reported to Phi lip II * - --Per-sonsT ^.wh©--haC4>#i#^^ t • v > * ^|ii:;residing near the Spanish court* was sent by the King to iiii«i ?* ~ x *supervise the English students at Valladolid and to pfbvi$a i ll i s ' for them. Persons chose to found an English college

there.'***

An order in the Spanish council dated 22 July 1589 Slist granted the students permission to beg alms for a four-year p a ffiefiod. On l September, the college roll was b e g u m ilSIssli Si liillfi Although he founded the college* Persons did not become one

4 2 if:,. its -rectors; to alleviate "ths Inquisition's fours of f j r ■;;::ff tiff 2 '22ff:;ffSi ff.: ffff,. iff;Iff.- f : iff:.'- ■ ffiffff ff . : l . -iffffsffff . i ffffff :■ v:. , ' - - -:' - 2 ffff« ff - ffilffff- ■®ff f f f f ’* -ill*Jfft i jlgllrti' ■ I unorthodox* the- rectors of the college-•l/Wif# HR ffRltl II*

population of Englishmen lived atsan kky ' k : i “ „ - . 1 ■ - ’ - ' i!.v. &£$»** tllW evan', an English -catholic e h a p s i - ^ t , : ‘OMi|lg|sXj®ff...till ;;|i#ff'-Sf\ -.■■■•.• 1 ■•■• - -ff - ' tm »|^t$dugj* the -church had been'in decline, Parsons *m» gr^*i$ k-TV Z . #8 % a r * , Xr/r5 $4- '«,..M ff .:fctesr«»!** house: :to::serve' as.::: :a. residence ;:for:::::Eng 1 ish pr tests.;f •$:^::;M§n w » a mmmm fNirsone. viewed San . Lucar as a locale in which the newl^

ordained English priests could minister in relative ease * -f ^ ^ . before fulfilling their obligation to return to the hardships IBS? ail* of England.®^

T - . \fr 1*' -.xirt.:’: J ff-ff ® r, % »-> s ‘ ~ x t c ^ ijs. t H i l l liillii $-a ' In the same year that the church in San Lucar was givetf V. /. /;/. ./over to Persons, the English queen issued proclamations r ' /i/'; ;;agalrist the seminary priests; she even mentioned St. Alban1 si jipStllSBIjlilSIS 1 : ® :■ 1.3?'. ■■'. \ . 8“ ' Iwteii* 5 * , by name. Such publicity only increased the number of . V - ii afr- +£&£*.£} :apsi SSi W e

impism bn 2^ April 1692, a Papal Bull of Foundation w«4 ! ■ RfeSilfci®"• * * ! - t making the Valladolid college subjec t to the Holy l i ' . * ; *« See without subsidising it* The college was empowered to ,i c- 8SSI grant Phi losophy and Arts degrees equivalent t n those of /I 0W:~ /I-.:00 0 0 t 00,- 00' '0' :'00" I 0 - p\- ^0-' ':0:'0:0. 0 0 0 ::''' pp00, '. :00 0 0 $ 0 i0m::0S: ! ‘Other universities * Sill: //■ Philip XT visited the Valladolid college in Summer ^^M0M^00W0-0::.v 00^0^0- -0;t0 ^.:000-0r |SS:C. .' /S' I ■■ V / l'i ^ I; ■•• 'SS'S ■; 'V>''!;::V. ■ '. CC ''I'i' l>:''Viy' ":C;"C ' 0C:0'-:00-03--. ■ 00:pyp0W0'yr'' . t j. . ' ■ i Important !y, he was accompanied by Prince Philip, who, w ; t : a*?li & « f,, ■ I sly years later, would become King of Spain. After the visit r > i H '8 i-i- the Spanish monarch, Persons had no difficulty obtaining a ftM for the foundation of a col lege at ,9*W43S*;',' M ish Jesuit worked ■■ swiftly, and on 26 • Novemberr S t .•; ■: > ,, ib i<• w l i f iTctfJla# at Seville-opened. -tin *d ’ gjr \sS0 ^ fo u n d e d in the 'tow* O b U n t ' f l W y ^ * 5i» ^^00-^0p ^ February. 1 $9?, there were 120 atudeni# at St, 0§ert S i / S§ at Va 1 lado lid, 6 3 at Sev i 11 e and oh San hucar , With if! SS? WM ‘j. “ ' ■■■■-' l-'r fpur years, Persons had formed a network of colleger to .'/-.v / O' ^ lilt provide priests for the re Catholicism of Spain. Bolstered,

// ; Persons was convinced that with Spanish help, England would ;.4r;, ^yM^M0000:i'0' f :i:0pp0, ]00 0 Wm00000M000::m-0^00§if§^m bt returned to the true faith.541* ’ ■■ ■ After such success, Persons departed Spain and returned 1

to the college at Rome. Joseph Creswell, who had assisted i .. Persons in the maintenance of the Iberian colleges, sought to

r . f vi \ vS--i fill persons1 large shoes* Creswell left Spain in ISIS',\m&4 | | | | l $ m r. > “soon- - mi ter v Span ish Jesuits - extended--their- ~ control -over. ?• V . ' ■ ' , ■ ' : ' ' -■English colleges,**4 v>. */* ^ '' ' r Prom 1689 to the departure of Creswell, there were yytm:sy ...... , entrants to St* Alban’s. Of that number, ill returned to .\yjy. -. England at some point to fulfill their oath. There were s;t 3 a approximately 30 to 60 students at Valladolid in a given

year. While this number is rather large and probably

reflects the success of Persons' Idea, there was some: Hi *j „ i dissat is faction among the students* There were complaint*,-^-

\ s ' . ” ir about Spain’s climate, excessive discipline and overcrowdingi l l f i S S I

P Ih addit ion , \' the students ' - feared, epies . - in Spain -:''fe ' ’ :; ' . ' ' '' . ' v ; > ' * - . - - • £ studan**^. names. and • endanger , their famiIlea, *»»>■* s-t/i' ^ f ' b " were- spread all over England, as many

-*

...... tlhder...... the . patronage of eeear Sogaelo, ' a royal surgeon,;‘ \

another , co1lege, St. George1s, was founded at H a d ^ i #mmiM$ m, : mn' maj Bogacio deeded land to Creswell and made the college hi# soli m

heir. In October 1610, the school officially opened when the ...... Jflft «i*l first students arrived. On 3 July 1613, the college was

removed from the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Toledo -ahduVal l ' '* . " » ^ 1 ‘ i&5 i r f ^ > v ’^ ^-'v: *: £:. -T ^ c\,fv ,; • isi; llllll i C ‘ H ^ i W M 7*C^* ®I1 • ' /; , ^ f - ? £ # * K feSSSigtesM Wm placed under the Holy See, Because of Its location; to'-' (tsp te»S «ai v:-' ^ ■#■ H|; I t - : i;:' l i li t ...': ;lllllil I I ,; l! I ll-lI'K it'S C I 111-" :lf: ■'-,;.. ;l 1-1: • % IS ' > iV il If '/,, v ;y. - ; - • i»lSi l l Spain’s capital, there was a fear of espionage, which 'cree^ed^ v (<“i: some opposition to the new college, st , George1 m was -poor W ■: -"- «»i|l l|ll||t||ISl 111111 J“ I I fi. j j j g p l managed, and the English Jesuits eventually lost centred i>&:\ sisiiii mm v* to.cm .--art-er this-- failure-,— however, T.V.* '; i - , • : - r - , ' , . , IC English coliege-~this one unaftlliatel with the society. bf >U]M. „ X'l < - Jesus *- -opened in Lisbon. The first1 students arrived 'tr.§m ; c s»ssfe: , * * V * 'nTf . r *‘<‘ *% III > - ■ ‘ - ' , II Douay in Hovember 1628. it seemed that despite the fa jlure -

tit Madrid, the desire of English Catholic students remained

f irm,*** iili Philip II supported the English col leges. Part of th#V;-: H! cost of his , patronage was the presence of Spanish;. • : i- *\VV 1 P?*;! I siipmriore. fcooaie noted that St. Alban's may havb fone bankrupt without the support of the Spanish king P h ilip ’ -C r*: 1 0 m Veent '-secret - gifts- to--the English students on i f S-J, > v ” ' 'h(f .dortfted, i ,0 h0 .escudos-for support|»f t h s ^ l e i ■ > j '*,, J at 5 I W : - P h ilip I I viewed ;. these :- exper*djt-, 1 1 j i l | 4 C /■ ; ftS'alt,I ’' ’ I P**»|3s^*^W4«idk»**-!menf'-ih \ n "'the' 1 future restoration of " 0athol|c&|^| ' r " i - ' ' . . • - .- I::i t o g land,. It was not lost on the Spanish king./fliJif',J

students had. sworn to return to England to restore. MSI! 7 1 :T- 1 . , . . -*■ l faith * ric‘° Each Engl ish Btadmit mad** this p iedge;

l swear to Almighty God that 1 am ready and shall always "be iip ready to receive holy orders, In His own good time ill .and l, shall return to England for the salvation of soul#*:;/;vl mwm tdseneVer it shall seem good to the superior ‘of this- ■to order me to do so,301 - sv IjS ; :; w a s r«:l .: I l l I ® I : . 4 1'£ :■ r. CONCLUSION ■ -.v m ■ - ;i - a i ^ : r «& v - :•■ tiring- - the reign of - Eli^abetbr the - thought^- of ' ^:r- " 1 i iVif" Jlfij gr''Spmisli - officials and' English exile© turned tgl*‘ ‘ l;i||plillSi i ■ : ^ -<*_ *v r#~Cathalicism of England* Robert persons and the Spanish ^ • .1S 1 / :'• ' ' - ^ ^ f iS were intent upon returning England to the Roman nhureh, Much

of the political activity, culminating in the attempt of the .1 ^ f'T -« M l Armada, was focused on this goa1 * C .-|W ', .OiL’ f & #1 .vrffl =■«■-/ ■ The beginning of the war and the failure of the V; "fit ill invincible signify the definite change in Anglo*". Span-left ' ' ■' . ^ ^ Hi’ ISS:;;" relations. The religious breach brought about Nr-:'”

accession m s s not an insurmountable bbatgoia?;

; AatHtyfoas ’of the iMoe and, early iSMU^-i^ei-itr

^ -«T* ;f©rbrief— p**,Jode. , -After .e^dh ^nt&vfytleakfr.. *#i ];§' £f-\l ' ''‘I- correctedorrecte4;'theaaelvee themselves as bothbothriations riat ions expe^i^i^^l’

ii cofttimietf :'a*i-ty. - A continuity

ability of the two nations to maintain a relatively

interchange. The continuity, however, occurred on a downtstaj.^-:

slope— not on a horizontal plane« No matter how friendly*

relations were, England and Spain seemed unavoidably i f t i l K destined for a collision. hna the true n*M,r« ->f the r„,an iem*h tp. of

lhH PefJod He* wi’h d word ’-'*-»>«»* than continuity. A calculus."-examining change over r ime ^ , * *'' • •* i•> mart* appropriate. Throughout the second ha if of the ^ »yf .. . . . -iKteenth century, this

-J/? ■ wlistrtonshipwasreshapingit so It , mHi v t leay fc?g

with the continuum occurred from to

:::'.■ After the' thira embargo wav; deeUred, ,lt ter lirake

raided the Northern coast ot Spain and after PhiJip IJ,

attempted England'-, Invasion, «he tt.«.•••:,. , tl..rManBnr jy and

sigml lean' Jy aitereu. English trading xu spam halted for

eighteen years- a period uf ouch duration - hat no merchant

community could survive by regular means. New institutions,

.were. required. The numbers of merchants engaged- .'ill

privateering ventures peaked during this era, and- the English

c g i i i i e s - in Spain--whose sole' purpose was--to W s c ; % :- ■ ■ ■*.'■ c > c C : ' ' C “;g|j,8l»»ptl4C^s»i'-»ere nfgahi^ed. . • . i. OC .

• fefirfe-year periu

in- Anglo-Spanish relat ions. After this fTme.-/

the most stout-hearted Englishmen in Spain knew the, W&r

endure * The continuity had ended: the change had occurred».

and both nations immediately began in aw<* i t a return to the

prof its ot goodwi11, NOTES

Abbrtfv i a t ion'* ,i ri t he au t w h :

CSPF C alen dar o r s ta te Pape rs , fo - re ; -gn • ? ies, of * he Ht? igt; it p 1 j ','. ;*:, ■-* t j

i. e r j > Calendar = * : c » ■• A • .* L‘ S':e ■ - r i ep p Re i rjti / r R ! i-ih- i h

CSPG Calendar or Letter s o pRd: p spate :■ Papers He l a * log t s l-no) i 1» A f t ,t j j , p re ■-‘*rvt:fl Pr i in ip.-4 ; - y 1; ‘ »»*• A: d u v ^ s of Si mar teas

con 1 orrespendrim >? -J*» <‘a I’d Hi-il 0*’ iir -mve { ] ♦;

,1 .C a r lo s 6ome2 - Cent nr i»">n J tmt-nez. Felipe I i f La Empresa de Ing 1 a \ err.t y el comer p ■ Sept * nt r l < >n * ‘ I see 1 Isr'i ! i Mo i ^ : i Ed i to r ia l N aval, i 9 h h ) . 4 ?:

2 . Pae 2 M \ f ft ?h»- sp.r.u e.p * Pur. pan y 1 • 'h-A \ h. l a W . A* ! . Ma"'Fay htd . , 10 7 2: , v l i ] - av .

3 . J imone? , Fo J ipe i ; , 41', 4 i .

4.Ibid., 44.

5. G. D* Ramsay. The queen’s Merchantsand the Revolt oi the No t her lands (Mauches te r: Mat ic hen te r tin i vt- r s i t v' p rest., 1 *> H *■> ) , 1 H .

6. Jimenez, Felipe ii, 4 4.

? , Ramsay . queen ; « Merchant s , 14, e3 .

Ill ■4. J imenez, Fe ) ip * 1 I, hi.

10,Jonathan Israel, Dutch Primacy iu World Trade 16hh 1740 iOxford: Clarendon Press, 19Hg), 2#>,

/H .;\:rA-;::;I |l-:1; t::Sl

12-, Col in. Hart; in and GeoUret Parker, The _ Span ish , Ar»*t1a (New; y.or.k a n d London W* w. Norton and Co. , 1988) /' $7, ......

R a m s a y , wM®r/ibanta,; 98» *- 14»dary M Bell, "John Wan: the Last Elizabethan Resident Ambassador In Spain," The Sixteenth Centdry _ Journal 1 (October 1976): 76.

15.Ibid., 78-79, 81.

16. Ibid. , «4, 8 V

17.Ibid., 87-89.

1 a. Ibid.. 90 -m .

19.Ibid,, 92,

20. Ibid., ?f>.

21.Ibid., 77,

22.Crot t, The Spanish Company, x. Martin and Parker, The Spanish Armada, 66.

23. Martin and Parker, The Spanish Armada, *t.

24. Jimenez, Felipe II, 5b.

2$.Ramsay, The.Queen's.Merchants, 89.

26.Jimenez, Felipe II, 62. Ramsay, The Ouoen’sMerchants, 99.

2 7 ..Jimenez, Felipe, II, 59, 60-61.

28.Ibid., 63.

2 9. Ramsay, The Queen [&Jerchanta, 154, 16a.

30. Jimenez, Felipe JI , 53. 31, Federico Eguiluz, ftoltefct _.Pereonj^_< < £ X ,Architrsjdor>> _,su Y4*Mb- V au , Obra (1546-16 ip j (Madrid; Fundac ion Universitaria Espanola, 1990), 39.

32,Jimenez, Felipe. «%?»*.••**«%**-* itqm&K . ... II, 65. 33.Ibid.

34,Martin and Parker, the.Spanish Armada, 39. . The Quggn ^ a, Mer chants , IB2,

36* Ibid., 177.

37 .,) , KeJipe J ] 4 64,

*h . 1 h* id . . 7u ,

ibid, , 72 .

4u . Paul i Of4 Croi t , "Kngl i^hmen -md the Span.:sh Inquisition 1 568-1625, *’ English Historical .Review 87 (April \M2)\ ^ 4 ,

41.ibid.

42. Jbid.

43. CSFF, { 1576-157 7} (London: Longman and l'o. , l«bOj, no. 19* : ”Ihf trust ion .* lor sir Henry Cohham sent' into Spain by th*» Queen.*' X July 1575,

44.Ibid.

45.Ibid.

*6 .?$££ ( 1575“* 1577) (London Longman arid Co., 1880) , n o . 405: "Sir Henry Cohham to Lord Burgh ley." 15 o tober 1576.

4?*C?FF (1575-1577) (London: Longman and Co.. 1880). no. 451: “Sir Henry Cohham to the Queen,M 13 Hovembf?r 1675.

48.CSFF {X575“1577) {London: Longman and Co., 1880), no, 5 4 5 c "Embassy of Sir Henry Cohham in Spain," 1576.

^S.CSPf (1575-1 577) (London: Longman and Co., 1880), no, 546: "English Subjects in Spain,** December 1575,

50, CSPy (1575-1577) (London: Longman and Co,, 1880), no, 548: ’‘English Subjects in Spain," 1575.

51. Croft, ■ “Englishmen," 264. - ,

5 2, Loom i e, "Religion,14 28,

(1515-15.771 (London: Longman and, Co., 1880),. no. _§8 i,o •;w'fba; I:t|<|%iaitit3(n in Spain,*4 .27 October . 1576,

M , J1m m m ,- * ?5- 65*Croft, "Englishmen,“ 254-265.

56.Ibid., 266-257.

57 . Luom i t-, "Religion . ' 2H.

68. Henry Kameu, Inquiti.it i«-n ^nd Soc it- ty xu Spain in the Li xt,een th and Seyeri t e«*.*n ♦ h * 3*n t ur i es ( London We i deni> 1 d and Nicolson, 19 8 5 ) , 215. Jimenez, Felipe II, 76.

59. Kamen. Inqu isit ion, 215.

60. f srae 1, Du t ch JPr i macy ,26,

61. Mart in and Parker, The Spanish Armada, 89.

62.Ibid,, 90-91.

63. Pauline Croft, MTrading with the Enemy 1*65-i604," The Historical Journal 32 (June 1989): 28 3.

64. Jimenez, Fe1ipe IX, 76.

65. Jonathan Ir ae 1, The Dutch Repub 1 ie and the Hispanic Wojrld 1606-1661 (London: clarendon Press, 1982), 213.

66. Jimenez, Peljj»e_lX, 40.

67.Ibid., 41.

66. Croft, The Spanish Compan y , xxvi i i.

69, Mar tin and Parker, The i sh_ Armada, 84.

. TO .Kenneth '' Andrews, E|j^z,abeth.._^ _ privateer Inf (Cambridge:; ■■ Cambridge University Press, 1964), 224..

71.Albert J , Lcromie, "Religion and Elizabethan Commerce with Spain." Catholic Historical Review 50 iApril 1964) : 27.

12.Andrews,. E t han_Prjv_ateerJ.nj|, U .

73.Martin and Parker, The Spanish Armada, 99,

7 4 , CfP0 (1661 *“1690)-- (London: Longman, .Green, Longman, Robert# *- «reen, iS65]f, no. 79 isss}, no. '31: .“Heads of.-the Speech to hm ;frois- 8#)r Majesty' to the Earl of Arundel','* April 1585. ‘ . ^ —

(5 565 ! 583) (Brussels: Charles Plot, 1893) , ■ voj » to, no. 3: Juan d e Id iaquez an Cardinal de Granvelle," io Juno 158 i. COG ( 1565-1 58 3 > \ Hrusse j s : Char 1 es P > u» , 1 & J i) , vo 1 , 1 0 , no„ 52, 96: “Le Cardinal Granv^lU? a Don Juan riU* 1 d i , ,s c* May 1583, 21 August 1583.

76,Mart in and Parker, Tbe^Spanish_Armada, 99 1uO.

7 7. Pauli ne Croft, TheSpanish Company (Chatham; W & J Mack ay Limi ted, 1972), nxi i.

78, Adams, ** The Lurch into War, " 21.

79,Ibid.

80,Simon Adams, "The Lurch into War,■' History ..Today 38 (May 1988}? 20. Martin and Parker, The Spanish Armada, 100. CSPF (August S 584-August 1585) (London: HMSO, 1916), 485: "The Spanish King to "Licenciado Soofoar,** his Corregidor of the Signory of Biscay,M 19/29 May 1585.

81 *Or#f t, The'Spanioh Company, vi i,

82. Jimenez, relip#. II, '3 87,

83. Croft, "Trading with the Enemy 1585-1604,» 284.

84. Cro ft. The ..Span 1 sh. Company, xxviii. ; •

85.1 bid. , 'xxx. ■■■: ■

:8i6-,:;t*yaei,' Dutch primacy, tf. ■■-■■■. c

HMSO, 1916), 6i89: 3; :3C3S5SC'' •'Jf'

(August 1884-August 1585) (London: HMSO, 1918), 485: King to ^Licenciado $cgbar#” his corregidor of of 'Biscay,1* 10/29 May 1585, - - fjX

19th

1584 -August 1585) (lAndhtt: WHSj?,; 19181, 378j to WaisIngham,* 26. March. 1585.

91. CSPF (August 1584-Auguot 1585) (London: HMSO, 1916|. 527: “Roger Howe to Aider wan George Bond,1’ 5/15 June 1585.

92. emit, '’trading, " ?«*, > .

93 .Grot t, Th*\ Span \ oh Company , ;

94.Jimenez, Ej»lipe 11 , 198, lug.

95.Ibid., 210.

96,Jimenez, Felipe II, 3 V7. Loomie, HRe1ig ion." 29,

97»Israel , gut:ch Pr imacy, 3] ,

98.Israel, gutch_Primacy, 31.

99,Harland Taylor, “Pr ire Revolution or Prio* Revision? The English and Spanish Trade after 1604 Renaissance and Modern M u d i e s 12 (1968) j 10.

ICO,Croft, “Trading,M 282, 264.

10 3 * Taylor, M Pr i ce Revo iyUon/' io. 102,Croft, “Trading, ** 282, 285. lOS. Ihid., 287, 288,

104. Jimenea, gf.UpM.JJ, 198.

105. Croft, "Trading,'* 3 0 1 -3 0 2 . 106.Ibid.. 297, 295, 289, 290.

40?.Adams,."The Lurch into War," 24. GfEI. "P«J?ere in relation to the proposed aid from Her Majesty to the Low Countries," 10 October 1584 (August 15 8 4 -August 1505) (London: nto*o, •»*;- ■ ■■ ■ lQS.MSPtin and Parker, The Spanish Armada. 101. 16.

.*<**.. (August 1584-August 1085) (London• HM0Q. 191jj« 041; ' from Olvera P a rts," 31 July/10 August 1586. : =;.3 iLohdont Longman, Green, Longman, Hoberta

/« J W - '' V 7-

W H m H H B l B i l 'i? . rit.Mu'**\ 1* i-* ,• l $mu m* 36 “Sir George Carey to Wa 1 syngharn * "

H I .Andrews, Elizabethan Priyateer|ng, 15, 18, 19*

112.Crof* , The Spanish Company, xxvii i .

H3.CSPD ( 1581-1690) (Loivuon; Longman, Gf«=>en, ^'"^;rl$ and Green, )S66), an. 21: 20 June 16B5.

1; 4.Ibid. , 9 July 1585, nn. l :>.

Jlh.OSPk (August 1584-August 1585) (London: HMSO, 1916), 5/9 Hew© from Divers Parts," 3/13 July 1585,

rl 16. Ji m®nt*% t Pel ipe II , 183, 201.

UT.Xbid., 189.

118 . Adams i "The Lurch into War,11 22

,119.Martin and Parker, The Spanxsh A m d a , 20, 101-102*

120«CSPD f Addenda) (1580-1625) (London: Longman and Co., 1872), no. 55: "Thomas Rogers to secretary WalsIngham,,# 16 ;' December 1588.

121*Ibid,, no, 62: 28 December 1585,

T22.g§fR (1681-1590) (London: Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts m $ i’-Qrmift* 1865), no. I*. "Advertisement from John Spark, of Plymouth," t April 1586,

.\WJU lb|d,# no. 23.

124. Adams, "The Lurch into War," 24,

1 2 5 . Martin and Parker, The Spanish Araada. 136/ 142.

126.Adana. '♦The Lurch Into War," 19 iSf -Mtt.CfiTO (1S81-1590) (London: Longman, Green, Longman,. Roberta And Green, 1866), no. 46: "Sir Francis Drake to name," 27 April 1587

*M :' Parker , The span 1 ah Armada, 128. m

ll|P; ill® & Vr*-c’ ;/ cr ‘

WMmk 82

130 ,CSP{> (1561-1690! (London: Longaan, Green, Longman. Ko.be rta ■ iKf«S-Or#«», 1*65),n o . 3.3: "Sir Fr■ Prake to ease," 17 May 1587, m '1 3 i - OS P D f 1581-16901 i London • Longman, tircen, Longman» koner t s and <*reen, <665?, no, 7. "sir Francis Drake to Wals i ncjham,” 2 Juno i*i«7.

132. Simon Ad a mo, "The i urch into War,” 34. ill i«3.CSPK Ihpril -December 15fi7j ■; London: HMSO # l^ygj, 477: "Her Ms jes try * s inst rue t ions to t ho comm issioners , ” December l 6$ I .

534.CS3PF {January-Juno I h ttH > {London HMSO, 1931j. 43. •'Instructions by her Majesty given to the right honorable Henry, Earl at Derby. and William, Lord Cobham; Sir James 7. cr&.ft&B:- Sir 'Amice Pawlett; Dr, Dale; commissioners tor her MAJeety authorised to treat of a peace between her Majesty and j\* « \ «, the King of Spain f “ 1586,

13S»GSpF (January-June 1586) {London: HMSU, 1931) : **Note of sundry things mentioned in the instructions and needtul to be had from my Lord Treasurer, for the better instruction of the Commissioners, ** 9 April 1588, One of the “English traitors4’ that Elizabeth was oonsldaring , was. .probably Hugh Owen, a man who ^ provided' . faltob'l.e informmtioii to the Spanish"' forces and who had the >#spect of both the' Duke of Parma and Archduke Albert * See; Albert Jv Lcomie, the Span i s h r • j . Elizabethans (Hew York; Pordham University Press, 1963), 56, 59. i'Mi.ik .■ b«-?H»rtin *nd Parker. «?e.jEan|s^J^mada, 161, . f i t 3 ■: tm,nbia,, 2 0 . m181 p i MCf ,4 ■> f i l l 138.Martin and Parker, the Spanish M-aada, £3, 26

.illlfilisil "The Lurch into War,'*20, 1«.

- ziiti»fbid*.* vai4p* S3* 229, 2 6 0 , , \ . t | % h ! \ *f 1MI- 4 P ftomdoh: Longman-*' Sreen* * Lor^maii ^#;nr:l7 riip4 b^Seni, 1865) *.; no* 36; “Sir Mm* Mynter to Meisyngham.,: £V • •• • - ;bebe|ib^l?; J 668* - 7 / . ■ :>w X Am'ri* 7 J r ’’ -is. 2: ^ 'v L , v.iTfc^l,,.Lure Lwrch into , *; -28r,

I t s V:7- iMrn M m m rnm Imraei, m s h J M l m s x . J 8 r■ -■* -■ ' v 6* ,' .-v *' i : m x •••■ * i a ‘t^s»'i , ' .‘c’% * ,■< Wi 3f'’''3 r'i.

.. ‘’ V X v ■ ...... 1 .> i ■' -. ' s iv"t: v A;; L: v 7 ,> * - --ex. i •; ; ' . - 83

Croft, "Trading," 296, 297*

445.Jimenez, Felipe ll, 2 h 0 , 281,

146 * Egu i \ tiz , Robert R<* r up;, 2 7H .

147,Israel, (. 4mThe Imtch Repnb li*. , i .

148. Jiifienf‘Z, Feline IT, 2 9 6.

149,1 firae .1 , The Dn tch Rejmbi i •* , 2

1 50 , Egu } i u z , Rob** r t Re rsons , JUfit 12 1.

151.74menez, Fe1Ipe 11, 3 5 0 .

,152* Egu4 1 uz , Ro be r t ^Re rf* ons, 3 3 s , 3 3 f>.

153'Loomie, "Religion," 47,

154.Grott, The Span ish Company, xxxi i i.

‘155.Croft, "Englishmen, " 236,

155* Loomie , "Rel igion* " 43* 44,

157.Loomis* "Religion," 47, Jimenez < Fe 1 ipe.. 11* 352,

15® * Jimenez, Felipe 11, 353.

15®.Croft-, "Englishmen, " 2 57. l®4J«

161.Croft, The Spanjgh Coapany. viii.

152.Orbit, "Englishmen," 252,

163,Stephen Halleaer, ed.. Modern Europe, trans. by Stephen Haliczer, {London and Sydney: Crop* Bela, 1987), 68.

164,Croft, "Englishmen," 2»3.

16$,H*nry K*mn, Ing»ie It lea. and „ Society _. in._ Spjtiji in Jh* Bth... CgntMfJes (London: Me idenfeld and Bicoison, 166. Croft, "Englishmen," 249, 361, 262.

167. Jaime Contreras, El, Santo _0f icio 14,611. 60';.

168 . Crr»t r , '• Eng 1l t'hinen , M '* .

169.ibid.,

170 . J imenez , Kel ipe I l , 7 /. .

171* Loom i e, nEpJ ktt .

172,Croft, *’ Eng 1 i sh m m nf " 7 6 9 .

17 9 * Loom i e ”R«! tgtofi* M 92- 39.

174, Crolt * flEngl ish«i€*n , *’ 9 5* ,

175, Eoomie ig3rm * “ 48,

176.Ibid., 36 .

177.Kamen, Ingu Jsi ti;hi and Sot:jety, 77 .

178.Croft, "Englishmen." 261, 260.

178.Ibid., 261 .

180. Kamen, Inquisition and_Society , 77, 217, 2 1 6 .

181, E. William Monter, frontiers__oJL Heresy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 233, 148.

182.Ibid., 237.

183CSPS (1680-1686} (London: HMSO, 1896), nos. 138, 146: *®eimawaino de Mendoza to the King," 1 October 1681, 9 October 1881.

i8f.Croft, "Englishmen," 263. f-9l«*vlbld, , ;263, 268. ‘ ' ' ■

186. Ibid., 266. ' ; ■ '' BppsSfll?^ * t, t‘Si.-: *- i f X’'- ?- - ■ r r4M. . 1 111 !® ! \.t* „ - -■ £?. v 85 m - v iMfc g $ T ; : ■, -iB-v iiiii lae.ibid., 2ei. sligsi* IBlp i l l illlBSlfpi 139,Adams, "The Lurch Into Har," 21. wt&m glli 190.Croft, "Englishmen,* 252, 253, 2 5 5, -1"fc ■» - imi.ibid., 252.

192 * Jimenez, re U p e II, 39,

193 . Loom 1 ©, T h e r.,Spanish El izabethans, 4 ,

194. Andrews, Elitab#tban_ Private©rlog, 12,

195. Croft, "Trading," 281.

196. Taylor, "Price Revolution," 7, 1 0 ,

197 ,Jimenez, Felipe IJ , 40, 41, 42,

198. Croft, "Trading," 282. Jimenez, FelipeJtJ, 44

199. Jimenez, Felipe II, 03, *,k'~&■ • 200. Taylor, "Price Revolution," 16-17. lii...Mi 201 .Ramsay, The Qu e e n .*is v:lferchants, 76,

2 0 2 .Croft, "Trading," 282. 212,Croft The,....Sj^an i.s h ^ Company HIV

'213. Ibid, * xiv, xv, xvi

214,Ibid.» xvii i, xix.

215 . X b i d. , XX X i ! , XX i V. xxv,

216,Ibid., xxx, xxv1ii , x x x i .

217.Loomis "Re Iig inn,“ 4O *

218,Ibid,, xxxiU, xxxiv.

213.Ibid., xxv,

220, Croft, "Trading, " 902 ,

221 , Jimenez tXU-X5*- 1 * * 61 ,

222.Ibid,, 193,

223.Croft, “Trading," 281.

224.Ibid., “Trading," 283, 234, 285,

225,Ibid,, 285, 286.

226.Ibid., 267, 288,

227.Ibid,, 288,

r 'm o , tti;

. *. Ifi * w.f • 2®©.|tei

*^4 . 296, 296. 301 iilililiii 232.Andrews, Elizabethan Rrlyategging. AS• . Andrews-examined tbeprivateering war in great detail, i rely agon Andrea for . gnantity of material. -

2 3 3 .Ibid., 6 .

.ISoT , - - v «~ - , _ v * ' * ,ev*: niiiiftsiii i i g « iia 1 8 silS ittllit« -< ” ■?- '■' ’ ; ,*) H i v 'I 11" iisfsiiteaPijllllsplii! mwmmmiisaPilifl# • , - -'-k > V - ; , liiBiil ipilip llllll III® :il«a %1 • J : 234.Andrews . IW^^S^Ei'BSieelS^. 124- • I -- - W$ ®li> • • if]fIfi:... M i ■ 1 235,Ibid.. ! s; f - * - 236.Ibid,, sita#

■i$7 .jimeriet .' m*m~zb-to** so,

238.CSPS (J580-1586) (London: HMRO, tass*, ■■*-- • Is& u> * 4 9 , i j *. - J , "Berruirdino de Mendoza to the Kina." 2 3 October 1561 . !beo- U july

239.Andrews > Elizabethan F>rivateerinr?, 4 5 , ; 8.

240.Hart in and Parker The Spanish Armada, 58,

24i.Ibid., 15 .

242.Ibid., 2.1-1 IS .

243.Ibid,. P 4, 5.

244.Ibid., J >A .

245.Ibid., 105, n 2, 120-121, 102. n 245. Andrews , Eli.?atothan ,?rivateerif§g.» 21, W m " ,, if* ' V® 247.Ibid., 61, 120.

240.Ibid., 128, 148.

249.Taylor, "Price Revolution," 9, ' I'■* ht ’ BIS aSOJtoid,, xxxiv.Kxxv, xxxvii, xli * T ^ e ? ;.***.e**#*.".Milk,- Jtlv, Xlviii, 1. c® •' ' * c -"'Hr-r '''• - -~i 'O'- B ® - ‘ ‘ ^ ; - - ■ ;'v ®

*■* r < l i t ' 4 * * / ® B BuB| B. # U liM 8 “ V * ' S ft.,' Martin'a1 Prees, Jill rJ

t ® - ® ‘ « » • M r,_ 6 ' &

■ ;,tS '-'VS,* > aa * 256.EguJ l»iz, Robert Persons, 213. 91 257 , Ibid, , 22, 23 .

25a.tOb»ie. The Spanish E lizabethans. 235, 234. V 259.Ibid., 31, 29, 30. rr$ 260.Ibid., 26, 27. 's

261.Ibid.. 27, 28.

262. Croft, " Eng 1 i shmen, " 253,

263. Loomie, The Spanish Elizabethans, iso, 165. 155, 156.

264.Ibid., 15. 16. 17, 19, 25, 26. s -i ■-rl 265.Ibid., 8, 63, 64, 54.

266.CSPS i 1580 1586) (London : HMSO, 1896), no. 40: "Th»* King to Bernardino de Mendoza," 16 August. i‘ao.

267.CSPD (Addenda) (1580-1626) (London: Longman and Co,, 1872'),'no. 42; to C e c l K ? ) , ’* October 1601.

268.0SPD (Addenda^ (1580-1625) (London; Longman and Co. Si 1872)', no. 25*: “"Report of B(arnes). " 11 May 1589. gsiit i jj g |

* i Bill 269.C$P|>_ {MilmidaJ {1680-1626} (London: Longman }ohn iS® 1B12IT7 "no, a to Thus. BarnesJ, addressed t merchant, London,” J6/2B November l$89, w O « t <1580-1628) (London; Longman f a ®sliiil ' ngn :— to (Thoe. Barn*;® J, eddrois^ed * ;V '; . London,” 31 May/iO June 1590, ' \ SfiSW * , * r . , < 4 -1 % i — IV * *¥ jr* „ ■ii i t iW* ^ , v/.1 r - -:v'_

« * - - ; '-ft - ' u ' * - f.“i *: -

3 s >Jl £ * * *1^ -i, V K J. , rs ~ ^ » - t- - * - *' \ - , wP‘^!' ',it. .aLvTiL-iLii- T. ' ■« »s of into the politic* and ctatflictB . within the . ’ :v i” if •. ■• ' •■ " . r' tr, -MV-Oi- «

l i i S l ^iif B M f c ...... •' — O' “*•_ -V? 275.I b i d , , 45, 84 .

276.Ibid., 109, 110,

277.Ibid., 112, 1 14, 3 IS.

278.Ibid., 117, 118, 120, 121.

279.Ibid., 127 ,

280.Ibid., 128.

281 . thirl. , 95, 80* 81 •

282.Ibid., 149, 151 , 15S, 136.

283.Ihid., 264, 229, 256,

284.Ibid.. 269, 286, 292, 295, 353

285 ,Wi 1 i iaws , St *, Alban*s, 1 ~2 , 3,

286,L o o m ie, The SpanishJ£1 izab£tbans* 188,

287 *U111 immm, St , jjilban* s , 7, 8, 9, 10,

288*ibid., 10. This was the same chaps1 mmntioned with the dissolution of the Spanish Company in 1691.

289,Ibid.

290,Ibid,, 11. U f91,Ibid., 11 * ll II, 19*7.1-3*

Hi|Wi^®iF ^ 'r., ‘V- , - ■ * : J -/.^ ; v ;;. , : . ;; -

7 7 : ‘ - 7 V 7 7 jii.feK a »le,• The Spanish gllaafeethaag, 237. la- the book's first appendix, townie presents e table revealing the ho«e dioceee bf.l&i-lwfciid'g students. wmmtWffmS 297.HI111ene. St. Alban's, 30. 31, 36, 38. 39, *0. 90

29H.Ibid. , xi i, xii i .

299. Loomie, The Spanish Elizabethans, 203,

3 0 0 . Tbid.* 2, 16.

301. Equi, Egbert Persons, 39. 91

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