Abstract of the Dissertation

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Abstract of the Dissertation UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Continuity or Change? Contextualizing the Role of Polarization and Racial Attitudes in the Trump Era Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2gx7g517 Author Goldstein, Lauren Michelle Publication Date 2020 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Continuity or Change? Contextualizing the Role of Polarization and Racial Attitudes in the Trump Era A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Psychology by Lauren Goldstein 2020 © Copyright by Lauren Goldstein 2020 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Continuity or Change? Contextualizing the Role of Polarization and Racial Attitudes in the Trump Era by Lauren Goldstein University of California, Los Angeles, 2020 Professor David O. Sears, Chair Donald Trump is commonly believed to deviate from traditional Republican norms and ideals, both in terms of his policy platform as well as his boorish, often explicitly racist personal conduct. These claims have come from media and from Republican Party elites, both past and present. But was his outsider status, in terms of lack of prior political experience, unorthodox policy positions, as well as personal style, reflected by marked shifts in public opinion? Were Trump voters motivated by a new set of predispositions compared to prior Republican voters? In this dissertation, I argue that Trump is better interpreted as a continuation of preexisting Republican trends than as a rogue outsider who capitalized on a wholly distinct electorate motivated by a unique profile of attitudes and preferences. Rather, I argue, Trump is best interpreted as a continuation of Obama era trends. In Chapter One, I trace the legacy of polarization and racial attitudes in modern American politics. In Chapter Two, I trace the waning of the New Deal coalitions from 1980 to 2016, examining the demographic profiles of support ii for Trump and contextualizing them as trends that predated his campaign. Chapter Three, I assess whether Trump benefited from a different set of predispositions among the mass public relative to his predecessors in the prior four elections—specifically, those related to racial attitudes and political polarization. In Chapter Four, I assess how two difference indices of racial attitudes, one that emphasizes outgroup animosity (racial resentment) and one that incorporates ingroup solidarity (ethnocentrism) impact presidential approval, in order to assess whether both exert equal and similar influence on white voters’ presidential approval over the last 5 cycles. In Chapter Five, I assess the extent to which, should we see shifts over time in the nature and influence of racial attitudes among white voters over this period of time, these shifts can be traced to white Republicans becoming increasingly racially conservative during the dawning of the Trump era, or whether it is white racial liberals who are driving the divergence of public opinion. Ultimately, I argue, Trump inherited a highly racialized landscape; he did not introduce racial attitudes into an otherwise racially harmonious and civil landscape and disrupt the status quo, nor did he capitalize on a wholly new set of racist predispositions among the white electorate. iii The dissertation of Lauren Goldstein is approved. Kerri Johnson Efren Osvaldo Perez Matthew Alejandro Barreto David O. Sears, Committee Chair University of California, Los Angeles 2020 iv TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES…………………………………………………………......vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS…………………..………………………….……………………….viii CURRICULUM VITAE…………………..………………………….………………………......ix CHAPTER ONE……………..…………………………………………………………......…......1 CHAPTER TWO.……………..…………………………………………………………........…23 CHAPTER THREE…….…..………………………………………………………...........….…34 CHAPTER FOUR……………..…………………………………………………………...........59 CHAPTER FIVE.……………..………………………………………………………........…....73 CHAPTER SIX...………………..……………………………………………………………....96 APPENDIX…………………..…………………………......……………………………..……111 REFERENCES……….......…..………………………………………………………..…….....132 v LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES CHAPTER TWO Figure 2.1 White Evangelicals and Two-Party Vote Share, 1980-2016 …………………….......25 Figure 2.2 Income, Education, and Two-Party Vote Share, 1980-2016 .......................................27 Figure 2.3 Gender, Education, and Two-Party Vote Share, 1980-2016 .......................................29 Table 2.1 Proportion of Vote Switchers by Gender and Education, 2008-2016 .. .......................31 CHAPTER THREE Table 3.1 Correlations of Ethnocentrism with Polarization and Partisanship ………………….47 Figure 3.1 Ethnocentrism by Republican Presidential Voting Across Years …………………..48 Figure 3.2 Marginal Effects of Ethnocentrism on Predicted Probability of Voting Republican..50 Figure 3.3 Divisions over Issue Positions Across Years: The Economy ……………………….51 Figure 3.4 Divisions over Issue Positions Across Years: Immigration………………………….52 Figure 3.5 Ethnocentrism by Voting for Eventual GOP Nominees in Primaries, 2008-2016…..54 Figure 3.6. Marginal Effects of Ethnocentrism on Primary Voting …….....................................55 Figure 3.7 Polarization by Voting for Eventual GOP Nominees in Primaries, 2008-2016..........56 Figure 3.8. Marginal Effects of Polarization on Primary Voting……..........................................57 CHAPTER FOUR Figure 4.1 Marginal Effect of Ethnocentrism on General Presidential Approval ………………65 Figure 4.2 Marginal Effect of Ethnocentrism on Economic Presidential Approval…………….66 Figure 4.3 Marginal Effect of Ethnocentrism on Foreign Relations Presidential Approval ……67 Figure 4.4 Marginal Effect of Racial Resentment on General Presidential Approval ………….68 Figure 4.5 Marginal Effect of Racial Resentment on Economic Presidential Approval ………..70 Figure 4.6 Marginal Effect of Racial Resentment on Foreign Relations Presidential Approval...71 vi CHAPTER FIVE Figure 5.1 Ethnocentrism Distributions Among White Americans, 2000-2018………………78 Figure 5.2 Racial Resentment Distributions Among White Americans, 2000-2018………….80 Figure 5.3 Mean Ethnocentrism Among White Americans, 2000-2018………………………81 Table 5.1 Mean Differences in Ethnocentrism Across Years by Partisanship………………...83 Figure 5.4. Mean Racial Resentment Among White Americans, 2000-2018…………………85 Table 5.2. Mean Differences in Racial Resentment Across Years by Partisanship……….......87 Table 5.3. Proportion of White Vote Switchers vs. Party Loyalists By Year…………………91 Figure 5.5. Mean Ethnocentrism Among White Vote Switchers vs. Party Loyalists …………91 Table 5.4. Mean Differences in Ethnocentrism Across Years by Party Line Voting.................92 Figure 5.6. Mean Racial Resentment Among Party Vote Switchers vs. Party Loyalists……...93 Table 5.5. Mean Differences in Racial Resentment Across Years by Party Line Voting..........94 vii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First, to David Sears, my advisor: I am so grateful that you took a chance on me. Thank you for your steady guidance, for spending so many afternoons chatting about the state of our politics with me, for your humor, your perspective, your wisdom, and your advice. Thanks as well to the rest of my committee, Efren Perez, Kerri Johnson, and Matt Barreto, for all of your generous feedback and insights along the way. To Kerri, in particular: thank you for your mentorship, generosity, and encouragement; for welcoming me into your fold, nurturing my passions, and helping me reach my goals. To the Intergroup Relations Lab, the Political Psychology Lab, and the Social Vision Lab, and in particular, to Gerald Higginbotham, Jessica Shropshire, and Tyler Reny: thank you for giving such valuable input on my ideas, for teaching me how to study them, and for helping me more times than I can count. Lastly, to my friends and family: had it not been for your support, I can say with confidence that none of this would have happened. Thank you, especially to Mom, Dad, Mark, and Nana. For absolutely everything. viii CURRICULUM VITAE Lauren Goldstein EDUCATION Doctor of Philosophy University of California Los Angeles, Los Angeles, CA 2016-2020 (Expected) Major: Social Psychology Minor: Quantitative Psychology Primary Advisor: David O. Sears Certificate of Completion Stanford Summer Institute in Political Psychology August 2018 Master of Arts Columbia University Teachers College, New York, NY 2014-2016 Clinical Psychology Concentration: Research Methods Bachelor of Arts Middlebury College, Middlebury, VT 2007-2011 Major: History Minor: Psychology HONORS AND FELLOWSHIPS 2018 UCLA Graduate Student Mentorship Award ($6,000) 2017 UCLA Graduate Student Mentorship Award ($6,000) 2016-2017 UCLA Dean’s Office College of Letters and Science Fellowship ($16,500) 2016-2017 UCLA University Fellowship ($4,500) 2014-2015 Teachers College Scholarship, Columbia University Teachers College ($16,776) 2011 magna cum laude, Middlebury College 2011 High honors, Middlebury College Department of History 2007-2011 College Scholar 4 semesters, Middlebury College 2007-2011 Deans List 2 semesters, Middlebury College GRANTS 2018 UCLA Political Psychology Travel Grant ($6,000) Funding attendance at the 2018 Stanford Summer Institute of Political Psychology 2017 UCLA Political Psychology Fellowship ($400) Funding original research PUBLICATIONS Higginbotham, G., Goldstein, L.G., & Sears, D.O. (in preparation). When irresistible prejudices Meet immovable politics: Pitting anti-black attitudes against
Recommended publications
  • Electoral Rules and Elite Recruitment: a Comparative Analysis of the Bundestag and the U.S
    Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 6-27-2014 Electoral Rules and Elite Recruitment: A Comparative Analysis of the Bundestag and the U.S. House of Representatives Murat Altuglu Florida International University, [email protected] DOI: 10.25148/etd.FI14071144 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Altuglu, Murat, "Electoral Rules and Elite Recruitment: A Comparative Analysis of the Bundestag and the U.S. House of Representatives" (2014). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 1565. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1565 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida ELECTORAL RULES AND ELITE RECRUITMENT: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE BUNDESTAG AND THE U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in POLITICAL SCIENCE by Murat Altuglu 2014 To: Interim Dean Michael R. Heithaus College of Arts and Sciences This dissertation, written by Murat Altuglu, and entitled Electoral Rules and Elite Recruitment: A Comparative Analysis of the Bundestag and the U.S. House of Representatives, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual
    [Show full text]
  • Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy
    Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy How do democracies form and what makes them die? Daniel Ziblatt revisits this timely and classic question in a wide-ranging historical narrative that traces the evolution of modern political democracy in Europe from its modest beginnings in 1830s Britain to Adolf Hitler’s 1933 seizure of power in Weimar Germany. Based on rich historical and quantitative evidence, the book offers a major reinterpretation of European history and the question of how stable political democracy is achieved. The barriers to inclusive political rule, Ziblatt finds, were not inevitably overcome by unstoppable tides of socioeconomic change, a simple triumph of a growing middle class, or even by working class collective action. Instead, political democracy’s fate surprisingly hinged on how conservative political parties – the historical defenders of power, wealth, and privilege – recast themselves and coped with the rise of their own radical right. With striking modern parallels, the book has vital implications for today’s new and old democracies under siege. Daniel Ziblatt is Professor of Government at Harvard University where he is also a resident fellow of the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies. He is also currently Fernand Braudel Senior Fellow at the European University Institute. His first book, Structuring the State: The Formation of Italy and Germany and the Puzzle of Federalism (2006) received several prizes from the American Political Science Association. He has written extensively on the emergence of democracy in European political history, publishing in journals such as American Political Science Review, Journal of Economic History, and World Politics.
    [Show full text]
  • A Comparison of the Stucture of Elite and Mass Political Attitudes: the Dimensionality of American Political Thinking, 1980-2004
    A COMPARISON OF THE STUCTURE OF ELITE AND MASS POLITICAL ATTITUDES: THE DIMENSIONALITY OF AMERICAN POLITICAL THINKING, 1980-2004 By Robert Nash Lupton A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Political Science – Doctor of Philosophy 2015 ABSTRACT A COMPARISON OF THE STRUCTURE OF ELITE AND MASS POLITICAL ATTITUDES: THE DIMENSIONALITY OF AMERICAN POLITICAL THINKING, 1980-2004 By Robert Nash Lupton This dissertation examines the structure of Americans’ political attitudes among political elites and the mass public. I demonstrate the presence, nature, determinants and dimensionality of political thinking in the United States, or the underlying structure (or lack thereof) that connects constellations of individuals’ political issue attitudes. In doing so, I describe and explain the cognitive map that citizens bring to bear to the political world. This project begins by analyzing the attitudes of political elites, represented by survey responses of delegates to the Democratic and Republican party national conventions from 1980- 2004. Although studies show that ideology influences elites’ political attitudes, no empirical study has demonstrated that these attitudes share a single structure outside of the context of congressional roll call voting, where agenda setting and party influences potentially conflate behavior with attitudes. I provide evidence that a single underlying dimension, the traditional liberal-conservative continuum, structures elites’ issue attitudes. Elites’ reliance on “liberal” and “conservative” abstractions to conceptualize the political world produces interrelationships among disparate political issues, reducing attitudes to a single ideological dimension. Next, I analyze surveys of the mass public over the same time period in order to compare the attitude structure of ordinary citizens to the benchmark of ideological thinking exhibited by elites.
    [Show full text]
  • Elite Conflict on Power Contestation of Internal Political Party
    INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SCIENTIFIC & TECHNOLOGY RESEARCH VOLUME 7, ISSUE 4 , APR 2018 ISSN 2277-8616 Elite Conflict On Power Contestation Of Internal Political Party Rasid Pora, Abdul Halil Hi. Ibrahim, Bakri Lasuhu, Rahmat Suaib Abstract: The purpose of this study is to analyze, identify and explain, how far are the elite interests in the regional leadership council (DPW) of Partai Amanat Nasional (PAN) of North Maluku in power contestation of an internal party, and to find some factors causes that conflict. The method used is descriptive qualitative by using case studies which means that the research was done intensively, thoroughly, and deeply to an organization, institution, or certain phenomena. The data collection techniques used are observation techniques that observe the objective conditions in the field, interviewing actors involved in internal elites conflict and documentation. The results show that first, the varied pull of interests (regional election, legislative election, and presidential election) near ahead turnover of DPW PAN North Maluku is the starting point for the birth embryonic body of party internal conflict. Second, the conflict cause is a result of strengthening pragmatism attitudes of the party elite, such as the race for leadership, the utilization of caretaker position, as well as non-compliance towards party’s norms and the intervention of central council of DPP PAN in process. Third, a logical consequence of open internal conflict is the exodus of thousands of party cadres (including such potential cadres) to another party. DPW PAN North Maluku failed again in North Maluku governor election period 2013-2018 in carrying Muhajir-Sahrin pairs candidate.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Globalisation: a Comparative Analysis of the New Radical Centre in France, Italy and Spain
    Department of Political Science Chair: Political Science The Politics of Globalisation: A Comparative Analysis of the New Radical Centre in France, Italy and Spain SUPERVISOR CANDIDATE Prof. Lorenzo De Sio Giuliano Festa Student Reg. No. 078422 ACADEMIC YEAR 2017/2018 Table of Contents INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................... 1 CHAPTER ONE – MACRON, RENZI, RIVERA: THE REVENGE OF THIRD WAY POLITICS? ................... 3 1.1 BEYOND LEFT AND RIGHT? ................................................................................................................ 3 1.1.1 The legacy of Tony Blair ....................................................................................................... 4 1.1.2 A new triumvirate ................................................................................................................ 5 1.1.3 “What Emmanuel Macron grasped” ................................................................................... 5 1.2 EMMANUEL MACRON: TALE OF AN UNPRECEDENTED ELECTION ................................................................. 5 1.2.1 The candidature ................................................................................................................... 6 1.2.2 The road to success .............................................................................................................. 7 1.2.3 The glorious verdicts ...........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Lenin and the Bolshevik Seizure of Power, 1900-1917
    1 Lenin and the Bolshevik Seizure of Power, 1900-1917 The years 1900 to 1917 were triumphant for Lenin. He returned from Siberian exile in 1900 at the age of 30, settled briefly in European Rus­ sia, and then left for Western Europe. He came back seventeen years later in April 1917 as a famous revolutionary and the leader of a mili­ tant party. While abroad, he had helped create that party, attracting followers both inside and outside of Russia. Once in Russia again, he planned for the seizure of power of which he had long dreamed. Lenin's writings prior to the October Revolution are notable for his preoccupation with appropriate tactics for making a revolution and for the innovations he made to Marxist theory. Most notably, Lenin believed that peasant Russia was ripe for revolution despite Marx's argument that a developed bourgeois society must precede a proletar­ ian one. Readers of Lenin's ''April Theses" (Document 6) and the other selections in this chapter can identify several constants in his pre­ revolutionary thought, including hostility to bourgeois life and prac­ tices, unwavering interest in acquiring and employing state power for revolutionary ends, and impatience for the revolution to begin. In 1902, in W'hat Is to Be Done? (Document 2), Lenin explained how to make a revolution in a backward society with a "party of a new type," that is, an elite centralized party that could seize power and also rule. The Revolution of 1905 and the effects of World War I (1914-1918) on the great bourgeois nations convinced him that an opportunity for European revolution unforeseen by Marx and Engels had arisen.
    [Show full text]
  • Historical Political Cleavages and Post-Crisis Transformations in Italy, Spain, Portugal and Ireland, 1953-2020
    World Inequality Lab – Working Paper N° 2021/01 Historical Political Cleavages and Post-Crisis Transformations in Italy, Spain, Portugal and Ireland, 1953-2020 Luis Bauluz Amory Gethin Clara Martínez-Toledano Marc Morgan January 2021 Historical Political Cleavages and Post-Crisis Transformations in Italy, Spain, Portugal and Ireland, 1953-2020 Luis Bauluz Amory Gethin Clara Martínez-Toledano Marc Morgan Abstract This paper combines post-electoral surveys to analyze the transformation of the structure of political cleavages in Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Ireland over the last decades. Although all four countries were late industrializers and were heavily impacted by the 2008 global recession, leading to a profound reconfiguration and transformation of their party systems, socioeconomic cleavages have not followed the exact same patterns. We document a progressive decline of class cleavages in Italy and Spain and an exacerbation of class divisions in Portugal and Ireland over the last decade. In Italy and Spain, despite their strong religious and regional divisions, we find growing support for social democratic, socialist, and affiliated parties among highest-educated voters, while top-income earners have remained more supportive of conservative forces, leading to the emergence of “multi-elite party systems” comparable to that found in other Western democracies. Portugal and Ireland have instead remained with their “single-elite party systems”, marked by the polarization of mainstream parties after the onset of the financial crisis in Portugal, the rise of Sinn Féin supported by low-income and lower-educated voters in Ireland, and the exceptional absence of strong far- right parties capturing the lower classes in both countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom in the World 1987-1988 Complete Book
    Freedom in the World Political Rights and Civil Liberties 1986-1987 A FREEDOM HOUSE BOOK Greenwood Press issues the Freedom House series "Studies in Freedom" in addition to the Freedom House yearbook Freedom in the World. Strategies for the 1980s: Lessons of Cuba, Vietnam, and Afghanistan Philip van Slyk. Studies in Freedom, Number 1 Escape to Freedom: The Story of the International Rescue Committee Aaro Levenstein. Studies in Freedom, Number 2 Forty Years: A Third World Soldier at the UN Carlos P. Romulo with Betty Day Romulo. Studies in Freedom, Number 3 Will of the People: Original Democracy in Non- Western Societies Raul S. Manglapus. Studies in Freedom, Number 4 Freedom in the World Political Rights and Civil Liberties 1986-1987 Raymond D. Gastil With an Essay by Leonard R. Sussman GREENWOOD PRESS New York • Westport, Connecticut • London Copyright © 1987 by Freedom House, Inc. Freedom House, 48 East 21st Street, New York, N.Y. 10010 All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 82-642048 ISBN: 0-313-25906-2 ISSN: 0732-6610 First published in 1987 Greenwood Press, Inc. 88 Post Road West, Westport, Connecticut 06881 Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this book complies with the Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National Information Standards Organization (Z39.48-1984). 10 987654321 Contents MAPS AND TABLES vii PREFACE ix PART I. THE SURVEY IN 1986 Freedom in the Comparative Survey: 3 Definitions and Criteria Survey Ratings and Tables for 1986 29 The Comparative Survey: Criticisms and Comparisons 79 PART II.
    [Show full text]
  • Rising Inequality & the Changing Structure of Political Conflict
    WID.world WORKING PAPER SERIES N° 2018/7 Brahmin Left vs Merchant Right: Rising Inequality & the Changing Structure of Political Conflict (Evidence from France, Britain and the US, 1948-2017) Thomas Piketty March 2018 Brahmin Left vs Merchant Right: Rising Inequality and the Changing Structure of Political Conflict (Evidence from France, Britain and the US, 1948-2017) Thomas Piketty EHESS and Paris School of Economics First version: January 26th 2018 This version: March 22nd 2018 Abstract. Using post-electoral surveys from France, Britain and the US, this paper documents a striking long-run evolution in the structure of political cleavages. In the 1950s-1960s, the vote for left-wing (socialist-labour-democratic) parties was associated with lower education and lower income voters. It has gradually become associated with higher education voters, giving rise to a “multiple-elite” party system in the 2000s-2010s: high-education elites now vote for the “left”, while high- income/high-wealth elites still vote for the “right” (though less and less so). I argue that this can contribute to explain rising inequality and the lack of democratic response to it, as well as the rise of “populism”. I also discuss the origins of this evolution (rise of globalization/migration cleavage, and/or educational expansion per se) as well as future prospects: “multiple-elite” stabilization; complete realignment of the party system along a “globalists” (high-education, high-income) vs “nativists” (low- education, low-income) cleavage; return to class-based redistributive conflict (either from an internationalist or nativist perspective). Two main lessons emerge. First, with multi-dimensional inequality, multiple political equilibria and bifurcations can occur.
    [Show full text]
  • Re-Conceptualizing Populism: Bringing a Multifaceted Concept
    Re-conceptualizing populism: Bringing a multifaceted concept within stricter borders Hacia una reconceptuación del populismo: delimitando un concepto multifacético en términos más estrictos DAVIDE VITTORI Libera Università Internazionale degli Studi Sociali Guido Carli (LUISS) Cómo citar/Citation Vittori, D. (2017). Re-conceptualizing populism: Bringing a multifaceted concept within stricter borders. Revista Española de Ciencia Política, 44, 43-65. Doi: https://doi.org/10.21308/recp.44.02. Abstract The word populism has been associated to (very) different meanings in the last years. The “populist” label is still used to describe parties, leaders, movements, attitudes and political regimes, too. Moreover, the adjective “populist” is used in a normative fashion in the public debate to denigrate those movements or parties which contrast the mainstream views. The aim of this paper is twofold: on the one hand, I conduct a non-normative analysis to avoid a biased vision of the concept. On the other hand, I advocate the understanding of populism as a thin-centered ideology, according to which it is based on two necessary features, namely, (a) an anti-elite(s) mindset and (b) the criticism of representative politics. Keywords: populism, comparative politics, concept analysis, thin-centered ideology. Resumen El término populismo ha sido asociado a significados muy diferentes en los últimos años. La eti- queta de populista se sigue utilizando para describir partidos, líderes, movimientos, actitudes y regímenes políticos. Además, el adjetivo populista se utiliza también con una inclinación norma- tiva en el debate público para denigrar a esos movimientos o partidos que contrastan con las ideo- logías dominantes. Este artículo tienes dos objetivos principales: por un lado, desarrollo un análisis conceptual no normativo para evitar una visión sesgada del concepto.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Polarization As an Effect of the Minimal Effect
    Article Party Politics 2017, Vol. 23(3) 181–192 ª The Author(s) 2015 How campaigns polarize the electorate: Reprints and permission: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav Political polarization as an effect DOI: 10.1177/1354068815593453 of the minimal effect theory within journals.sagepub.com/home/ppq a multi-party system Kasper M Hansen and Karina Kosiara-Pedersen Department of Political Science, University of Copenhagen, Copenhagen, Denmark Abstract The minimal effect theory of campaign studies stipulates that intense political competition during campaigns assures and reinforces the initial party choice of the electorate. We find that this reinforcement is two-fold. During the campaign, the party preference of the voters’ in-group party increases while the party preference of the voters’ out-group parties decreases. Voters’ preference for their most preferred party (MPP) increases during the election campaign, while their preference for their least liked party decreases during the campaign (LPP). Across parties voters experience an increase in their preference for their most preferred party and a decrease for their least liked party as the campaign progresses. These trends show that the political campaign polarizes the electorate by increasing the affective distance between in-group party and out-group party preferences, thereby resulting in stronger political polarization after the campaign than before the campaign. The data utilized in this study is a large six-wave panel-study of Danish voters’ party preferences during the Danish parliamentary election of 2011. Thus, the analysis provides evidence of the minimal effect theory and of political polarization within a multi-party context. Keywords campaigns, Denmark, minimal effect theory, multi-party, polarization Introduction strengthens voters’ party choice and fuels political polari- zation between parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Lexicon of International Politics
    Lexicon of International Politics A. H. Rifai Berea College Dear Reader: This “Lexicon of International Politics” was compiled during the summer of 1987 and 1988, by A.H. Rifai, Professor of Political Science and two student assistants, Faye Napier and Lori Damron, both political science majors at Berea College. This reference work contains basic information on theories, concepts, treaties, organizations, acronyms, and names that are widely used in the field of International Politics. The collapse of the Soviet Union, the dynamics of European integration and the plethora of global changes over the past two decades made the revision of this work necessary. With the support of Berea College and the hard work and dedication of Patrick Lanham and Lisa Vaughn, both students of political Science, this task was realized during the summer of 1996. My thanks also to Aisulu Masylkanova for her help and hard work in 2004-2005 and to Matthew Young, my T.A. in 2015 for his suggestions and hard work. I would also like to express my appreciation to the Hutchins Library staff for their support and services and to Professor Michael Berheide for his encouragement and prodding. A.H. Rifai September, 2016 A Abdication: Renunciation of claim to a throne by a monarch. Absolute Monarchy: A system of government where all powers reside in the person of the monarch. The monarch’s will is the supreme source of law. Accidental War: A war resulting from either a technical failure or of a misperception in communication between parties. Accommodation: A process of conflict management where the actors involved recognize and appreciate each other’s demands.
    [Show full text]