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Talking About Pain in Koromu The semantics and morphosyntax of tare “hurt/pain” in Koromu (PNG): Verbal and nominal constructions Author Priestley, Carol Published 2014 Journal Title International Journal of Language and Culture Version Accepted Manuscript (AM) DOI https://doi.org/10.1075/ijolc.1.2.07pri Copyright Statement © 2014 John Benjamins Publishing Co. This is the author-manuscript version of this paper. Reproduced in accordance with the copyright policy of the publisher. Please refer to the journal website for access to the definitive, published version. Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/66313 Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au Koromu (PNG) tare ‘hurt/pain’ sensations in verbal and nominal constructions Carol Priestley, Griffith University1 Abstract: This paper examines words and constructions that Koromu speakers in Papua New Guinea (PNG) use to talk about tare ‘hurt/pain’ and other painful sensations. It also reflects on links to cultural and environmental influences in daily life, key life events, environmental knowledge and traditional health care. Terms such as warike ‘be/feel bad’, tare ‘hurts/pains’, perere ‘hurts: stings, cuts, burns’, and kaho ‘aches: burns, pierces’ are used in different constructions with varying emphases. These constructions are among the most typologically interesting in Koromu grammar. Related to but distinct from constructions found in other Papuan languages they include experiencer object constructions, serial verb constructions with the grammaticized valency-increasing verb here/he ‘PUT’, and nominal constructions with, or without, prominent noun phrase marking. Keywords: semantics and ethnopragmatics of pain, experiencer object constructions, serial verb constructions with valency-increasing verbs, prominent noun phrase marking, Papuan languages 1. Introduction Koromu (Kesawai) is one of the many languages spoken in the middle Ramu Valley, Madang Province, Papua New Guinea. In a land of linguistic diversity Koromu is one of the 29-31 Rai Coast languages (Z’graggen 1975, 1980, Ross 2000) in the Madang language subgroup of the Trans New Guinea (TNG) family. There are approximately 100 Madang languages (Pawley 2006:1) amongst over 400 TNG languages (Pawley 2005: 67). The TNG languages are part of a cluster of approximately 700-800 languages between Timor and the Solomon Islands that are not Austronesian languages. Although these non-Austronesian languages are not a genealogical unit they are often referred to as Papuan languages (cf. Pawley 2005, Ross 2005). The language data in this paper comes from narrative, procedural accounts, conversation, and other genres collected while living in a Koromu village in 1975-76, 1978-80 and 1986, during fieldwork in 2000, 2004 for my MA and PhD research, and during short field visits in 2010 and 1 The author is also a Research Associate of the School of Culture, History and Language, Australian National University. 1 2012. In the early years in Koromu my understanding of the language of ‘pain’ was enhanced as I observed and participated in local life, kept language and ethnographic records, and provided medical and community aid. To describe bodily symptoms of discomfort, hurt, or pain Koromu speakers use terms such as warike ‘be/feel bad’, tare ‘hurts/pains’, perere ‘hurts: stings, cuts, burns’, kaho ‘aches: burns, pierces’, hetakeri ‘pounds/pumps’, kututu ‘throbs’, mamaru ‘pains (in head)’, and nere ‘itch’. In this paper I examine warike, tare, perere, and kaho in verbal and nominal constructions that are amongst the most typologically interesting structures in Koromu grammar. These constructions include impersonal experiencer object verbal constructions, serial verb constructions with grammaticized verbs, and nominal constructions with, or without, prominent noun phrase marking. These terms and the constructions in which they occur also throw light on cultural and environmental influences of daily life and work, as well as aspects of key life events, such as coming-of-age, and their accompanying rituals. The subsequent sections of this paper include a background section on describing the meaning of hurt- and pain-like expressions, background notes on Koromu grammar, sections on the terms warike ‘be/feel bad’, tare ‘hurt/pain’, perere ‘hurt: sting/cut/burn’, and kaho ‘ache/throb (from heat or piercing)’, sections on cultural attitudes to tare ‘hurt/pain’ etc., and concluding remarks. Each of the Koromu terms are examined in the context of the grammatical constructions in which they occur (cf. Priestley 2008/2009 and forthcoming) and by highlighting their diverse components of meaning using explications expressed in exponents of the natural semantic metalanguage (Goddard and Wierzbicka 2002). The paper is based on a presentation given at the International Symposium on Happiness and Pain: Cross-Cultural and Cross-Linguistic Perspectives, Australian National University (September 28-29, 2012). 2. Describing the meaning of hurt-like and pain-like expressions “Pain is a largely subjective experience and one which is difficult to convey to others, and relies significantly on language to be communicated” (Strong et al. 2009: 86). In medical contexts there are a number of approaches to the challenge involved in describing pain. In some cases patients are asked to evaluate their pain on a scale from 1 to 10. However, this can be difficult and where comparison is needed, different people and different cultures may evaluate pain at different levels. Medical practitioners also sometimes use questionnaires such as Melzack’s McGill Pain 2 Questionnaire (1975). While attempts have been made to translate questionnaires of this type into other languages, translation of the language-specific concepts involved is difficult and can result in miscommunication (Ketovuori and Pöntinen 1981: 252). Kyung-Joo Yoon reports on her personal difficulties with this in Australia where she found herself having to describe pain in English after always having described it in Korean. “The categorization of physical pains and aches is language-specific. One cannot necessarily find the same category of pain in different languages” (Yoon 2007: 119). As Wierzbicka (2014: 127) puts it “different ways of thinking about pain, linked with different languages and cultures, colour the way people of different linguistic and cultural backgrounds speak about and express their pain... .” Studies of this semantic domain by linguists and/or anthropologists include those by Fabrega and Tyma (1976a and b) on English, Thai and Japanese, Lascaratou (2008) on Greek, Patharakorn (2010) on Thai, and Wierzbicka (2014) on English, Pitjantjatjara/Yankunyjatjara, French, Polish and Russian. Wierzbicka presents a helpful set of questions for finding out about people’s feelings of pain using simple words and the English verb ‘hurt’. All of these studies highlight diversity of meanings related to ‘pain’/‘hurt’ and point to core characteristics of this semantic domain. These characteristics include questions of whether there are physical and/or psychological applications, identifiable locations (internally, externally or both), causes, intensity, and temporal factors (i.e. when something happened, duration etc.). In this paper, guided by Koromu data in context and the general characteristics of the domain, exponents of the natural semantic metalanguage primes are used to propose the components of meaning for each term. Exponents of the primes have been found in a cross-section of languages from major language families around the world (see Goddard and Wierzbicka 2014 for lists of these) and the author has found exponents in Tok Pisin and Koromu also. For a list of the proposed English, Tok Pisin and Koromu exponents see Appendix 1. 3. Background on Koromu grammar Verbal clauses in Koromu consist minimally of an inflected verb. With transitive verbs there is an obligatory subject person-number suffix. This suffix is a portmanteau morph marked for both subject and future or non-future tense. Since non-future is the default tense the glosses used here simply indicate person and number. If the object has an animate referent it is represented by an object suffix, unless the object is third person singular in which case there is no object suffix. 3 Time at the moment of speaking, or earlier on the same day, can be indicated by a present tense suffix –re/-r, as in example (1) below, a statement made just after the event described. (For a detailed description of Koromu verbal morphosyntax see Priestley 2002a, 2008/2009, and forthcoming.) (1) Usu ti-se-r-a. pig got-O1s-PRES-3s2 “The pig got me.” T6.5.20 Amongst the typologically interesting features in Koromu are experiencer object constructions commonly used to describe physical or psychological sensations/conditions (Priestley 2002a, b, 2008/2009, forthcoming) and serial verb constructions in which a main verb is followed by a grammaticized valency-changing verb (Priestley 2002a, 2008/2009: 357-373, forthcoming).3 Experiencer object and serial verb constructions are an important area of study in Papuan languages. For other detailed descriptions of experiencer object constructions see Pawley et al on Kalam (2000) and Roberts on Amele (2001). Detailed descriptions of serial verb constructions in Kalam can be found in Lane 2007, Pawley and Lane 1998, and Pawley 2011. Words used to express hurt- and pain-like feelings in Koromu can occur as the verb in experiencer object constructions or the main verb in grammaticized serial verb constructions with the
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