“Then Truly the Life of the Gods Will Pass to Men”: Contemplating Diogenes of Oenoanda’S Golden Age Wim Nijs

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

“Then Truly the Life of the Gods Will Pass to Men”: Contemplating Diogenes of Oenoanda’S Golden Age Wim Nijs “then truly the life of the gods will pass to men”: Contemplating Diogenes of Oenoanda’s Golden Age Wim Nijs PICUREANS are well known for their preoccupation with the present and their avoidance of the anxieties that may E be caused by fretting over the uncontrollable future. Since one can only exert direct influence over the present, the only viable strategy to enhance ataraxia and increase one’s hap- piness is to enjoy the present moment to the fullest by living it in accordance with the principles of Epicurean doctrine. 1. Thinking about the present, but keeping one eye on the future? When Diogenes of Oenoanda in Lycia, a wealthy citizen as well as an Epicurean philosopher, decided that, before he died,1 he wanted to share the benefits of Epicurean doctrine with present and future citizens and visitors of Oenoanda, he had stonemasons cover a stoa’s wall with a monumental inscription containing treatises on ethics, physics, and old age. Although this wall is no longer standing and the stone blocks of the inscription have been re-used elsewhere in the city, many fragments of the text have been recovered and reassembled, gradually enabling us to gain some insight in Diogenes’ philosophical legacy. One of these recovered fragments, NF 184, shows that Dioge- nes was no exception with regard to the typically Epicurean orientation towards the present, rather than to the uncertain 1 As far as Diogenes’ life and death are concerned, we know only that he probably lived during the first half of the second century A.D. and that he commissioned the work on the inscription as an old man. Cf. M. F. Smith, Diogenes of Oinoanda. The Epicurean Inscription (Naples 1993) 35–48. ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 59 (2019) 242–261 2019 Wim Nijs WIM NIJS 243 future:2 τò παρòν δε[.]ῖ ποιεῖν τέλε[.]ι- [ο]ν, οὐ πρὸς τò ἀ- πολειπόµενον 4 ζ̣ῆν λέγοντα· ἕ[ως] ἂ̣ν ἔτι µοι γένηται τ̣ό̣δ̣ε καὶ τόδε. One must make the present perfect, and not live with an orien- tation to the future, saying: Until such and such a thing still happens to me. Nevertheless, this same Diogenes has also produced the extra- ordinary fr.56, describing what seems to be a future Golden Age of Epicureanism, when the life of the gods will pass to men. Being unparalleled in any other Epicurean writing we know of, this apparent Fremdkörper continues to puzzle scholars with its at first sight seemingly un-Epicurean interest in the future. In this article I will try to determine whether Diogenes’ Golden Age should be read as a plausible scenario for a yet undefined period in the future, or as a mere hypothesis with no plausibility whatsoever. Then I will attempt to determine how fr.56 could have been conceptualized as a functional part within the framework of orthodox Epicurean ethics. To do so I will focus on fr.56, col. I.1–12, which deals with the conditions for the Golden Age as well as its general characteristics: [τὴν µὲν οὖν σοφίαν οὐ πανταχοῦ κοµι]- οῦµεν, ἐπεὶ πάντες µὴ δύνανται. δυνατὴν δὲ αὐτὴν ἂν ὑποθ̣ώ̣µ̣ε̣θα̣, 4 τότε ὡς ἀληθῶς ὁ τῶν θεῶν βίος εἰς ἀνθρώπους µεταβήσεται. δικαιο- σύνης γὰρ ἔσται µεστὰ 2 Text and translation provided by Smith in J. Hammerstaedt and M. F. Smith, The Epicurean Inscription of Diogenes of Oinoanda. Ten Years of New Discoveries and Research (Bonn 2014) 125–126. ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 59 (2019) 242–261 244 DIOGENES OF OENOANDA’S GOLDEN AGE 8 πάντα καὶ φιλαλληλίας, καὶ οὐ γενήσεται τειχῶν ἢ νόµων χρεία καὶ πάν- των ὅσα δι᾿ ἀλλήλους 12 σκευωρούµεθα. [So we shall not achieve wisdom universally], since not all are capable of it. But if we assume it to be possible, then truly the life of the gods will pass to men. For everything will be full of justice and mutual love, and there will come to be no need of fortifica- tions or laws and all the things which we contrive on account of one another. If we contrast NF 184 with fr.56, at first sight the latter’s orientation to the future does not seem to be compatible with the Epicurean’s explicit focus on the present. Why does Diogenes ask his reader not to look to the future, while at the same time enthusiastically depicting an idealized future? G. Roskam and more recently P.-M. Morel3 have offered a possible solution to this apparent discrepancy. According to them, we should not read fr.56 as an actual description of a time to come, but rather as a strictly hypothetical future, possibly even an obiter dictum following an explicit confirmation of the hypothesis’ unreality. Morel argues that, although the future tense does indeed seem to suggest a description of a time to come, the construction of a subjunctive with ἄν rather expresses eventuality, while τότε does not necessarily refer to a point in time. Furthermore, Morel points out that Hermarchus also writes about the possibility of a universal grasp of Epicurean wisdom as a distinct unreality.4 If we follow this line of thought, fr.56 can indeed be read as a hypothesis with strong protreptic qualities, rather than as a pre- diction of a realistic future. Diogenes invites his readers as it were 3 G. Roskam, Live unnoticed (Λάθε βιώσας). On the Vicissitudes of an Epicurean Doctrine (Leiden/Boston 2007) 134–135; P.-M. Morel, “La terre entière, une seule patrie. Diogène d’Oenanda et la politique,” in J. Hammerstaedt et al. (eds.), Diogenes of Oinoanda. Epicureanism and Philosophical Debates / Diogène d’Oeno- anda. Épicurisme et controverses (Leuven 2017) 236–240. 4 Herm. ap. Porph. Abst. I 8.4 (= fr.34 Longo Auricchio): εἰ δὲ πάντες ἐδύ- ναντο βλέπειν ὁµοίως καὶ µνηµονεύειν τὸ συµφέρον, οὐδὲν ἂν προσεδέοντο νόµων. ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 59 (2019) 242–261 WIM NIJS 245 to join him in the intellectual exercise of envisioning an Epi- curean Golden Age, starting with the premise that in this hypo- thetical time universal wisdom is possible. Since philosophical practice in the Epicurean Garden probably consisted of the application of Epicurean doctrine to all kinds of practical situa- tions, it is safe to assume that for an Epicurean thinker Diogenes’ Golden Age would be a marvellous intellectual playground where all facets of Epicurean doctrine could be explored without being hampered by the limitations of real life. 2. Diogenes’ garrulity: the Golden Age as an obiter dictum? Yet I believe that the purpose of fr.56 entails more than just being an interesting philosophical exercise. In light of the Epi- curean focus on living the good life in the present, it is highly unlikely Diogenes would have aimed to encourage his readers to actively look forward to the coming of a Golden Age. Not only would such an encouragement be rather unusual for an Epicu- rean, but it could even be counterproductive to Diogenes’ over- all project, since his intended readers, neophytes who have only just started to take their first steps toward Epicureanism, could very well be distracted from the doctrinal preoccupation with the present, as expressed by Diogenes’ own words in NF 184. Nonetheless, I will argue Diogenes can have considered the Golden Age of fr.56 to be plausible without diverging from the orthodox position or undermining his own project. First I must confront Roskam’s suggestion that the hypothesis of fr.56 may be an obiter dictum after the explicit negation of its plausibility. The conjecture that Smith provides for the words preceding col. I.1 certainly supports this reading. In line 1 Diogenes clearly indicates that something is (at least in the present) impossible for us, “since not all are capable of it.” Although the exact nature of this impossible feat was presumably specified in the preceding lines that are lost to us, the surviving lines strongly suggest that the aforesaid impossibility concerns a necessary condition for the Epicurean good life. If we follow Smith, this currently unattainable good is a state of universal wisdom, condicio sine qua non for the realisation of the Golden Age. Smith also completes the remaining part of the ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 59 (2019) 242–261 246 DIOGENES OF OENOANDA’S GOLDEN AGE verb form -οῦµεν to [κοµι]οῦµεν, which would indeed imply that the necessary conditions for the Golden Age will not be reached in the future either. However, this conjecture is the only factor that definitively excludes the possibility of a plausible, albeit not per se real future of universal Epicureanism. If we change Smith’s restoration so that it more or less retains its meaning, replacing [κοµι]οῦµεν however with a verb in the present tense rather than the future, fr.56 will no longer rule out the possibility of universal Epicureanism in the future, but will only state that nowadays not all people are capable of reaching such wisdom, making a kind of Golden Age impossible in the present, but not necessarily in the future.5 As mentioned above, fr.56 is perfectly compatible with Epi- curean thought and practice by reading it as nothing more than an intellectual exercise, which would fit well with the daily prac- tice of philosophical conversation in the Athenian Garden or any other Epicurean circle of friends. However, this fragment is not part of a conversation with like-minded friends: instead, it is part of Diogenes’ grand project of making Epicurean doctrine accessible to anyone passing the inscription, Greeks and bar- barians alike, so long as they have the right disposition towards a philosophical lifestyle. If Diogenes’ aim is to provide potential students of Epicureanism with a representative overview of Epi- curean doctrine, the topics covered in his inscription should be representative and relevant.
Recommended publications
  • The Epicurean School
    IX Hellenistic Philosophy: The Epicurean School 1. THE PHILOSOPHERS Were we not upset by the worries that celestial phenomena and death might matter to us, and also by failure to appreciate the limits of pains and desires, we would have no need for natural philosophy. There is no way to dispel the fear about matters of supreme importance for someone who does not know what the nature of the universe is, but retains some of the fears based on mythology. Hence without natural philosophy there is no way of securing the purity of our pleasures. Epicurus, Principal Doctrines 11–12. Empty are the words of that philosopher who offers therapy for no human suffering. For just as there is no use in medical expertise if it does not give therapy for bodily diseases, so too there is no use in philosophy if it does not expel the sufferings of the soul. Epicurus, as quoted in Porphyry, To Marcella 31.1 Epicurus (342/1–270 BCE), the founder of the Epicurean school, was born in Samos, of Athenian parents, seven years after the death of Plato.2 His father, Neocles, a school master, had settled there in 352 with two thousand other Athenian cleruchs, colonists retaining a diminished form of Athenian citizenship. Economic adversity probably made emigration attractive to Neocles, for in leaving Athens he gave up a number of rights, including his vote in the Assembly, and the colonists would not have been popular with the Samians. Moreover, his profession enjoyed little status, and a number of later authors referred to Epicurus contemptuously as the son of a school teacher.
    [Show full text]
  • De Rerum Natura, Chant II
    Neptune ¢ Musée de Sousse Fonds BARDON Neptune ¢ Musée de Sousse Fonds BARDON No 193-194 Anno MMXVI No 193-194 Anno MMXVI No 193-194 Anno MMXVI No 193-194 Anno MMXVI LUCRÈCE, De rerum natura, chant II BIBLIOGRAPHIE COMMENTÉE (par Sabine Luciani) Édition au programme : Lucrece, De la Nature, t. I, livres I-III, A. Ernout (éd.), Paris, Les Belles Lettres, « Collection des Universités de France », 1920 (nombreuses rééditions ¢ révision par C. Rambaux en 1990). Il existe néanmoins d’autres éditions et/ou traductions de grande qualité. 1. Le texte du De rerum natura 1.1. Éditions et traductions Lucrèce, La naissance des choses,B.Combeaud (éd.), édition critique, traduction et notes, Préface de Michel Onfray, Bordeaux, Mollat (diffusion Seuil), 2015. Titus Lucretius Carus, De rerum natura, E. Flores (éd.), edizione critica con introduzione e versione, 3 vol., Naples, Bibliopolis, 2002-2009. Titus Lucretius Carus, De rerum natura, W. H. D. Rouse &M. F. Smith (éd.), Cambridge (Mass.)/Londres, Harvard University Press, The Loeb Classical Library, 1992. 1.2. Éditions commentées Bailey C. 1947, Titi Lucreti Cari De rerum natura libri sex, edited with Prolegomena, Critical Apparatus, Translation and Commentary, 3 vol., Oxford, Clarendon Press. Ernout A. & Robin L. 1962, Lucrèce. De rerum natura. Commentaire exégétique et critique, 3 vol., Paris, Les Belles Lettres (1925-1928). Giancotti F. 1996, Lucrezio. La natura : introduzione, testo criticamente riveduto, traduzione et commento, Milan. Vita Latina 193-194 (2016) : 228-238. bibliographie commentée 229 Guissani C. 1980, Lucrezio. De rerum natura. Commento e note, Turin, (1896-1898), reprod. 2 vol. incluant les Studi Lucreziani, New York-Londres, Garlan.
    [Show full text]
  • The Female in Lucretius' De Rerum Natura
    Colby Quarterly Volume 30 Issue 3 September Article 5 September 1994 Mater Matters: The Female in Lucretius' De Rerum Natura S. Georgia Nugent Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.colby.edu/cq Recommended Citation Colby Quarterly, Volume 30, no.3, September 1994, p.179-205 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Colby. It has been accepted for inclusion in Colby Quarterly by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Colby. Nugent: Mater Matters: The Female in Lucretius' De Rerum Natura Mater Matters: The Female in Lucretius' De Rerum Natura by S. GEORGIA NUGENT PIC POETRY CELEBRATES the creation of a certain kind of self. l That creation E will often-but not always-be directed toward, tested through, and dam­ aged ordestroyed by war. AI ways, it will be male. This is not to say that females do not appear on the epic stage; they may even appear in the guise of heroic warrior-there is Camilla, there is Atalanta.2 But each such figure is anomalous; the "real" subject of epic is how to be a man and, beyond that, how to be a community of men-an army, a polis, a republic, an empire. Typically, such epics will address questions ofautonomy and social comrade­ ship, appetite and sublimation, intellection and action. Whether via the portrayal of Achilles sulking in his tent, Aeneas setting sail from Carthage and Dido, Tydeus single-handedly slaughtering an ambush party of fifty men, or even Epicurus laying bare the secrets of nature, epic provides narrative models for male life in the world.
    [Show full text]
  • Marketing Fragment 6 X 10.5.T65
    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-84801-5 - The Cambridge Companion to Lucretius Edited by Stuart Gillespie and Philip Hardie Index More information GENERAL INDEX Abad, Diego Jose,´ 4, 201 atoms Aemilius Macer, 96 combinations of, 48, 63, 90–1 Aeschylus, 67 Lucretian terms for, 22, 95–6 ‘aesthetics of the gap’, 176 Augustus, 151 Akenside, Mark, 267 Avancius, Hieronymus, 211 Alamanni, Luigi, 223–4 Aldus Manutius, 211 Bacon, Francis, 134–5, 148, 152, 153, 155–8, Alexander, William, 248 244, 251–2 Anaxagoras, 25, 27, 28, 90 eulogised by Cowley, 13, 252 ‘Anaxagorean’ mechanism (Robert Boyle), Baıf,¨ Jean-Antoine de, 229 140 Bailey, Cyril, 318 Anti-Jacobin, The, 290–1 Baker, Henry, 266 ‘anti-Lucretius’, 6, 7, 113, 189–90, Barozzi, Pietro, 210 196 Basso, Sebastian, 134 Antipater of Sidon, 68 Bayle, Pierre, 278 Antipater of Thessalonica, 71 Beattie, James, 259 apotheosis, 114–15 Beeckman, Isaac, 136 Ara Pacis, 125 Beer, Gillian, 5 Aratus, 95, 174 Behn, Aphra, 15 Aristotelianism, 131, 133, 134, 138, 251 Belleau, Remy, 229 Arnobius, 118 Benlowes, Edward, 248 Arnold, Matthew, 299–301 Berault,´ Nicolas, 228 ataraxia (freedom from disturbance), 21, 43, Bergerac, Cyrano de, 133, 238–9, 240 73, 74, 82, 239 Bergson, Henri, 184, 308–9, 320–1 Athens, 20, 38, 79, 83 Berkeley, George, 142 atomism, 3, 8–9, 22, 28, 131, 145–8 Berni, Francesco, 223–4 ancient vs. modern, 8 Bignone, E., 206 Bacon on, 134–5, 251–2 Bischoff, B., 206 Descartes on, 136 Blackmore, Sir Richard, 267–8 in Leibniz, 142 Blake, William, 295 in Newton, 141–2 Blumenberg, H., 282–3 and
    [Show full text]
  • The Polemical Practice in Ancient Epicureanism* M
    UDK 101.1;141.5 Вестник СПбГУ. Философия и конфликтология. 2019. Т. 35. Вып. 3 The polemical practice in ancient Epicureanism* M. M. Shakhnovich St. Petersburg State University, 7–9, Universitetskaya nab., St. Petersburg, 199034, Russian Federation For citation: Shakhnovich M. M. The polemical practice in ancient Epicureanism. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies, 2019, vol. 35, issue 3, pp. 461–471. https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.306 The article explores the presentation methods of a philosophical doctrine in Greek and Ro- man Epicureanism; it is shown that for the ancient, middle, and Roman Epicureans a con- troversy with representatives of other philosophical schools was a typical way of present- ing their own views. The polemical practice, in which the basic principles of Epicureanism were expounded through the criticism of other philosophical systems, first of all, Academics and Stoics, was considered not only as the preferred way of presenting the own doctrine, but also as the most convenient rhetorical device, which had, among other things, didac- tic significance. The founder of the school, Epicurus, often included in his texts the terms used in other philosophical schools, giving them a different, often opposite, content. While presenting his teaching in the treatise “On Nature” or in letters to his followers, Epicurus pushed off the opinions of Democritus, Plato, and the Stoics, but resorted mainly to implicit criticism of his opponents, often without naming them by name. His closest students and later followers — Metrodorus, Hermarchus, Colotes, Philodemus, Lucretius, Diogenes of Oenoanda — continuing the controversy with the Academics and the Stoics, more frank- ly expressed their indignation about the “falsely understood Epicureanism” or erroneous opinions.
    [Show full text]
  • Reading of “De Rerum Natura” in the Light of Modern Physics
    Open Journal of Philosophy 2012. Vol.2, No.4, 268-271 Published Online November 2012 in SciRes (http://www.SciRP.org/journal/ojpp) http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojpp.2012.24039 Reading of “De Rerum Natura” in the Light of Modern Physics Gualtiero Pisent Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare, Sezione di Padova, Padova, Italy Email: [email protected] Received April 28th, 2012; revised May 30th, 2012; accepted June 10th, 2012 An analysis of the Lucretius atomism is given, that makes particular reference to the naturalistic argu- ments and contents of the poem. A possible comparison with the atomism of nowadays, based on quite new, both theoretical (quantum mechanics) and experimental (particle accelerators) grounds, must be treated with much care. But it seems possible and interesting to compare at least the world outlined by Lucretius, with the new world, derived by familiarity with modern theories of matter. This is the point I have tried to stress. Keywords: Science; Nature; Atomism; Vacuum; Swerve Introduction gust of wind, which lashes the sea, strikes the ships and drag- sthe clouds [I-265].” Although Lucretius theories are not fully original (being de- We shall see later on, the reasons that suggest the atomistic rived in particular from Epicurus), the poem “De rerum natura” idea, but first of all we must be aware that the assumption, al- is so wide, self consistent and miraculously integral in the form though not trivial, is nevertheless realistic. arrived up to our days, that it is worthwhile to be studied and “The clothes, left on the seaside, become wet.
    [Show full text]
  • The Epicurean Criteria of Truth and Its Transmission Through the Word)
    LOS CRITERIOS DE LA VERDAD EPICÚREOS Y SU TRANSMISIÓN POR MEDIO DE LA 1 PALABRA (The epicurean criteria of truth and its transmission through the word) Víctor Daniel Albornoz (Universidad de Los Andes. Venezuela) ([email protected] / [email protected]) 3 1 / 1 Resumen - z Este artículo expone en primer lugar la importancia que le atribuyó Epicuro a los criterios o n r de la verdad: las sensaciones, las emociones y las prolepsis. Luego analiza el rol o b l A fundamental que estos criterios juegan en la transmisión del conocimiento por parte de dos l e i de los principales divulgadores de la doctrina en la Antigüedad: Lucrecio y Diógenes de n a D Enoanda. Los resultados de la investigación revelarán que en los textos epicúreos subyace r o t una estrategia discursiva que se vale de las emociones, las sensaciones y las prolepsis c í V como modo de revelar y transmitir el conocimiento. En el caso particular de las prolepsis - los textos se valen de ellas para presentar de manera gradual los tópicos de la doctrina que abordan, pues cuando los temas se presentan someramente existe una primera relación de conocimiento previo para con ellos y así se está presto a dar el siguiente paso de comprobación cognoscitiva. Palabras clave: Epicureísmo, sensaciones, afecciones, prolepsis, Lucrecio, Diógenes de Enoanda. Abstract This article refers, firstly, to the importance given by Epicurus to the criteria of truth: feelings, emotions, and prolepsis. Afterwards, it analyzes the main role that these criteria play in the transmission of knowledge by two of the main divulgers of the dogma in the Antiquity: Lucretius and Diogenes of Oenoanda.
    [Show full text]
  • Naming Effects in Lucretius' De Rerum Natura
    Antonomasia, Anonymity, and Atoms: Naming Effects in Lucretius’ DRN Princeton/Stanford Working Papers in Classics Antonomasia, Anonymity, and Atoms: Naming Effects in Lucretius’ De rerum natura Version 1.0 September 2009 Wilson H. Shearin Stanford University Abstract: This essay argues that selected proper names within Lucretius’ De rerum natura, rather than pointing deictically or referring with clear historical specificity, instead render Lucretius’ poem vaguer and more anonymous. To make this case, the essay first briefly surveys Roman naming practices, ultimately focusing upon a specific kind of naming, deictic naming. Deictic naming points (or attempts to point) to a given entity and often conjures up a sense of the reality of that entity. The essay then studies the role of deictic naming within Epicureanism and the relationship of such naming to instances of naming within De rerum natura. Through analysis of the nominal disappearance of Memmius, the near nominal absence of Epicurus, and the deployment of Venus (and other names) within the conclusion to Lucretius’ fourth book, the essay demonstrates how selected personal names in De rerum natura, in contrast to the ideal of deictic naming, become more general, more anonymous, whether by the substitution of other terms (Memmius, Epicurus), by referential wandering (Venus), or by still other means. The conclusion briefly studies the political significance of this phenomenon, suggesting that there is a certain popular quality to the tendency towards nominal indefiniteness traced in the essay. © Wilson H. Shearin. [email protected] 1 Antonomasia, Anonymity, and Atoms: Naming Effects in Lucretius’ DRN Antonomasia, Anonymity, and Atoms: Naming Effects in Lucretius’ De rerum natura Poet, patting more nonsense foamed From the sea, conceive for the courts Of these academies, the diviner health Disclosed in common forms.
    [Show full text]
  • Lucretius's Atomic Soul
    Searching for Answers: Lucretius’s Atomic Soul Katherine McCreery [email protected] Dartmouth College, Class of 2019 Economics Major, Classics Minor 4 April 2018 McCreery 2 In his De Rerum Natura, Lucretius strives to scientifically explain several aspects of the natural world. In fact, he focuses so heavily on science that the text often reads more like an ancient scientific textbook than a philosophical work. Given the considerable attention paid to science, and given the modern practice of science as the basis for all further intellectual exploration, one may assume that scientific phenomena make up the essential building blocks that define Epicurean philosophy. However, several descriptions in De Rerum Natura seem like leaps not fully supported by science that are added in order to explain a pre-constructed Epicurean principle. While Lucretius includes more than one problematic scientific account, I will focus on his handling of the soul. His description of the soul is unsatisfactory in several ways, and the inconsistencies that arise from it call into question the assumption that science shapes Epicurean principles. In fact, his explanation for the soul only makes sense if one assumes that Epicurean principles precede Epicurean science. Given this new understanding, Lucretius’s scientific description of the soul becomes a product of a preconceived idea rather than the foundation from which the nature of the soul arises. The Epicurean approach to science has previously been met with skepticism. Cicero challenges
    [Show full text]
  • Diogenes of Oinoanda: Epicureanism and Philosophical Debates / Diogène D’Œnoanda: Épicurisme Et Controverses
    Jürgen Hammerstaedt, Pierre-Marie Morel, Refk Güremen (eds.), Diogenes of Oinoanda: Epicureanism and Philosophical Debates / Diogène d’Œnoanda: Épicurisme et controverses by Frederik bakker On the publisher’s website this book is commended as the «first col- lection of essays entirely devoted to the inscription of Diogenes of Oinoanda». Indeed, this book can be said to represent a new stage in the research into this very important document. The inscription, which was set up in the early second century AD in Oinoanda in Southern Turkey, provides an elaborate exposition of the philosophy of Epicurus (341-270 BC). It was discovered in 1884, and so far 299 fragments have been brought to light, in various states of preservation and readability. For the last half century the study of Diogenes’ inscription has been dominated by the towering figure of Martin Ferguson Smith (Durham University), whose editions with translations and commentary – both philological and philosophical – still provide the best if not the only ways of access to the fragments. Most of the results of his research have been brought together in two volumes: M. F. Smith, Diogenes of Oinoanda. The Epicurean Inscription, Bibliopolis, Naples 1993; and M. F. Smith, Supplement to Diogenes of Oinoanda. The Epicurean Inscription, Bibliopolis, Naples 2003. From 2007 onwards Smith has been work- ing together with Jürgen Hammerstaedt (University of Cologne). The results of their investigations have been conveniently collected in J. Hammerstaedt-M. F. Smith, The Epicurean Inscription of Diogenes of Oinoanda. Ten Years of New Discoveries and Research, Rudolf Habelt Verlag, Bonn 2014. Besides these two scholars, over the years many others have involved reCensioni Syzetesis V/1 (2018) 113-122 ISSN 1974-5044 - http://www.syzetesis.it 113 Frederik Bakker themselves with the inscription or portions of it, offering new interpre- tations of its philosophical content, and sometimes proposing alterna- tive readings.
    [Show full text]
  • Lucretius Carus, Titus
    Lucretius Carus, Titus. Addenda et Corrigenda* ADA PALMER (University of Chicago) The Addenda follow the order of the original article (CTC 2.349–65) and consist of a) additional material for the Fortuna, Bibliography and commen- taries, b) vernacular translations of the seventeenth century. New information on copyists, owners and annotators is included within the Fortuna, following the original structure. Fortuna p. 349a4. Add: A theory, now discredited, was much discussed in the fifteenth century that the surviving six-book poem was actually the middle or end of a twenty-one- book work. This confusion arose from a passage in M.T. Varro De( Lingua Latina * The author is grateful for the support and assistance of David Butterfield, Alison Brown, James Hankins and Michael Reeve. She owes much to the support given to her by the Villa I Tatti Harvard University Center for Italian Renaissance Studies, and the Mel- bern G. Glasscock Humanities Center at Texas A&M University. Gracious help was also provided by librarians at many institutions, including the Biblioteca Medicea Lauren- ziana, Biblioteca Nazionale and Biblioteca Berenson, Florence; Biblioteca Nazionale, Rome; Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican City; Biblioteca Marciana, Venice; Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan; Biblioteca Comunale A. Mai, Bergamo; Biblioteca Estense, Modena; Biblioteca Malatestiana, Cesena; Biblioteca Comunale Passerini- Landi, Piacenza; Biblioteca Capitolare, Padua; Biblioteca dell’Accademia Rubiconia dei Filopatridi, Savignano sul Rubicone; Biblioteca Nazionale, Naples; Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève and Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris; Öffentliche Bibliothek der Uni- versität, Basel; Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna; Cambridge University Library; Bodleian Library, Oxford; Harvard University’s Widener and Houghton Libraries, Cambridge, Mass.; Cushing Memorial Library & Archives, College Station, Tex.; and especially the British Library, London.
    [Show full text]
  • EPISTOLARY EPICUREANS Pamela Gordon Sayings, Rejoinders
    EPISTOLARY EPICUREANS Pamela Gordon Send me a little pot of cheese, so that— when I wish—I may have a feast.1 Sayings, rejoinders, and retorts are the salient media for the construction of the biographies and teachings of most of the philosophers who appear in Diogenes Laertius’ Lives and Opinions of the Eminent Philosophers (third cen- tury ad). The great Greek philosophers tend to speak in one-liners that Dio- genes presents alongside or within anecdotes about their lives. Occasionally Diogenes embeds a letter to, from, or about a philosopher, but these letters appear only sporadically. When letters do appear, each is presented either in full or as an extended quotation.2 The exception emerges in Diogenes’ last and tenth book, whose subject is Epicurus and the Epicureans. In the biog- raphy of Epicurus, the prominent vehicles are the fragmentary letter and the allusion to letters. Why letters, when creative biographers could have continued the pattern set by the use of anecdote, aphorism or clever repar- tee in the accounts of Solon, Socrates, Diogenes the Cynic, and the other philosophers?3 And why fragments of letters, when the letters of the other 1 From a letter of Epicurus as recorded by Diogenes Laertius (10. 11): πέµψον µοι τυροῦ […] κυθριδίου, ἵν’ ὅταν βούλωµαι πολυτελεύσασθαι δύνωµαι. All texts of Diogenes Laertius quoted here are from Long 1964. For texts of Epicurus, I depart from convention by citing the text of Diogenes Laertius (the only source for Epicurus’ three extant epistles). Throughout this essay, all translations are my own unless otherwise stated.
    [Show full text]