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Internationale Gesellschaft Hegel-Marx Materialismo Storico, n° 2/2020 (vol. IX) «Geef die Italianen en Spanjaarden niet dat geld!». La vieja nueva normalidad de la Unión Europea: crisis pandémica, economía política e ideología Francisco Fernández-Jardón y Alejandro Sánchez Berrocal (Instituto de Filosofía del CSIC — Madrid, España)1 The economic, political and social crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic can be interpreted as the authentic experimentum crucis of the always uncertain process of European integration, char- acterized by the — widely used but certain — Gramscian formula of the interregnum, where the old is dying and the new cannot be born. In this sense, current circumstances could boost a series of unprecedented trends, not even explored during the Euro Crisis of 2010-2012. The aim of this work is to investigate the possibilities emerging in the European context, starting from the political move- ments in recent months, with particular attention to the position of the Mediterranean countries, especially of Spain. To do this, and with the intention of avoiding mere empiricism, we first offer a general theoretical framework of the economic and political constitution of the EU, placing the focus on the ordoliberal matrix that inspires its macroeconomic policy and its effects, as well the institutional fragility that characterizes its political structure. We also intend to analyze the ideological-discursive element that operates as a framework of legitimacy in the implementation of community policies in the European area. From this double perspective it will then be possible to analyze how the EU response to the current crisis has worked as a catalyst for certain trends already present in the Euro- pean scenario or as a creator of new patterns in its governance. European Union; Eurocrisis; European Integration; European Constitution; Spanish Politics; COVID19. 1 Firma de los autores según orden alfabético de los apellidos, ya que la contribución de ambos al ensayo es equivalente en todas sus fases (concepción y diseño, análisis bibliográfico, redacción y revisión, etc.). La contribución de Francisco Fernández- Jardón consiste en los apartados 1.1, 1.3. y 1.6, así como el 2.1. La contribución de Alejandro Sánchez Berrocal consiste en los apartados 1.2., 1.4. y 1.5., así como el 2.2. La introducción general, las introducciones de la parte 1 y de la parte 2, el apartado 2.3. y las conclusiones son de ambos. En realidad de ambos es todo el texto, tratándose de un proceso de pensamiento y redacción colectivo donde las ideas, referencias y sugerencias se han sometido siempre a intercambios e influencias mutuos donde cada palabra deja de pertenecer estrictamente a su autor tras decenas de correcciones, variaciones y versiones a lo largo de meses de trabajo. No obstante, la existencia de esta nota a pie de página — lamentamos que de ningún interés para el lector — era obligada para justificarnos ante las Agencias de Evaluación que, en un futuro, nos exigirán explicar cuál ha sido la contribución de cada uno de nosotros en este trabajo. 373 Materialismo Storico, n° 2/2020 (vol. IX) SUMARIO: Introducción – 1. Marco teórico general: constitución económica y política de la UE: 1.1. La vertebración constitucional de la Unión Europea: la integración política a través de la economía; 1.2. La larga sombra ordoliberal: competencia, despolitización, tecnocracia; 1.3. Las contradicciones constitucionales de la Unión Europea y sus efe- ctos: liberalismo autoritario y ausencia del soberano; 1.4. Un gran Exportweltmeister y la mezzogiornificazione de Europa; 1.5. Disciplina fiscal y política monetaria en la crisis sin fin: notas sobre las ambivalencias del BCE; 1.6. ¿Tecnocracia o democracia? La (insuficiente) legitimación ideológica de la Unión Europea – 2. La respuesta de la Unión Europea a la crisis derivada de la pandemia de Covid-19: 2.1. La respuesta del Banco Central Europeo: política monetaria no convencional y reacción ordoliberal; 2.2. Pandemic Crisis Support, vieja/nueva normalidad fiscal y el fantasma de la Troika: España frente al MEDE; 2.3. El Recovery Fund, o la revolución para que todo siga igual – Conclusión: España, entre la esperanza y la resignación ante la reconstrucción europea «Incluso la peste cesa de nuevo, y todo vuelve a estar en orden, pero cientos de miles han muerto por eso; todos han muerto, así que todo vuelve a la calma. Si antes predominaba […] en el Gobierno el afán de mandar, ahora prevalece la comodidad de no preocuparse por nada. La salvaguarda de la subsistencia se ha superado mediante el principio de dejar que pase todo, que las familias sean atendidas se deja al azar». HEGEL [1824-1825] (1974, p. 625) Introducción «Geef die Italianen en Spanjaarden niet dat geld!» / «¡No des ese dinero a los italianos y españoles!». Con ese reclamo, un trabajador holandés se dirigía a finales de abril de 2020 al Primer Ministro de los Países Bajos, Mark Rutte, durante su visita a una planta de gestión de residuos. El vídeo se viralizó rápidamente en Twitter, especialmente entre usuarios originarios de países mediterráneos. En esas fechas, las posibilidades de un acuerdo en el Consejo Europeo que permitiera ofrecer una respuesta ambiciosa por parte de la Unión Europea a la crisis económica y social provocada por la COVID-19 parecían cada vez más remotas. Ante el impacto inicial de la pandemia, la primera reacción europea fue, como viene siendo habitual ante los grandes desafíos que se presentan al proyecto de integración, el más absoluto inmovilismo. La libre circulación en el espacio europeo se derrumbaba al mismo tiempo que los Estados restablecían controles fronterizos para evitar la expansión del virus, la unidad 374 Materialismo Storico, n° 2/2020 (vol. IX) del Mercado Interior se resquebrajaba ante los bloqueos a la exportación intraeuropea de productos sanitarios y llegaban a Italia médicos chinos y cubanos enviados por sus respectivos gobiernos, así como un contingente militar ruso. La famosa “solidaridad europea” — una vez más–– no acertaba a ir más allá de la retórica. La primera víctima política de la pandemia había sido “el relato”. No obstante, la Unión Europea respondió al desafío. A la más inmediata reacción monetaria del Banco Central Europeo (BCE) se unió una primera respuesta fiscal acordada por la Comisión y los Estados miembros (Banco Europeo de Inversiones o BEI, Support mitigating Unemployment Risks in Emergency o SURE y el Mecanismo Europeo de Estabilidad o MEDE). Cuando el Primer Ministro de los Países Bajos se encontró con el trabajador holandés que rechazaba dar mayor respaldo financiero a España e Italia — países altamente endeudados en los que además la pandemia había impactado con gran fuerza — se negociaba una segunda respuesta fiscal, más amplia, que finalmente terminó siendo el Recovery Fund. La espontánea reacción del ciudadano anónimo al encontrarse con el Primer Ministro expresa, quizá de una manera un tanto inconsciente, lo que se jugaba en la negociación europea. Las posiciones de partida eran firmes y llegar a un acuerdo no fue en absoluto tarea sencilla. Nos parece absurdo plantear hasta qué punto hubo ganadores y perdedores en esa negociación concreta. Posiblemente ninguna de las partes esté plenamente satisfecha con el resultado. La Unión Europea se ha convertido en una organización que, por así decirlo, avanza — o, más bien, resiste — en un océano de insatisfacción general: para unos, siempre va demasiado lejos; para otros, se queda corta. Tal vez, la Unión Europea no sea, en definitiva, más que esto, una organización que responde a demasiados intereses contradictorios y que, por eso mismo, nunca satisface a nadie del todo. Nos atrevemos a imaginar que el ciudadano anónimo desconoce el complejo funcionamiento de la Unión Europea — como si alguien pudiera, en último término, explicarlo de una vez por todas—, pero sabe que en Europa se juega mucho, aunque no sepa exactamente el qué o hasta qué punto. Para el anónimo ciudadano holandés las transferencias financieras a los países del sur de Europa no implican más que regar de dinero a países fiscalmente “indisciplinados”, con gobiernos “irresponsables” y sin una clara “voluntad de modernizar su estructura productiva” para lograr, con “trabajo, ahorro e inversiones”, un desarrollo económico sostenido en el tiempo. Lo que el ciudadano holandés tal vez ignore es que quizá él sea el menos 375 Materialismo Storico, n° 2/2020 (vol. IX) interesado en que ese desarrollo económico tenga realmente lugar. Aunque sea difícil hablar de “ganadores” y “perdedores” en la negociación en el Consejo Europeo, lo que está claro es que en la integración europea — y, muy especialmente, en la integración monetaria—, ha habido, en general, ganadores y perdedores, y que, para que pueda haber ganadores, siempre tiene que haber perdedores. Por eso, aunque el ciudadano anónimo holandés rechace las transferencias financieras al sur de Europa, tal vez para él lo más conveniente sea evitar una crisis severa en un proceso de integración en el que los Países Bajos se encuentran en el bando de los vencedores. Y en esas nos encontramos. La Unión Europea es una asociación de países diversos: unos gozan de pleno empleo, otros tienen altas tasas de desempleo; algunos cuentan con una industria altamente competitiva, mientras que algunos otros han sufrido procesos de desindustrialización acelerada y terciarización de sus economías; los hay, también, con sólidos sistemas de protección social, mientras que otros tratan de solucionar los graves problemas estructurales de sus sistemas educativos, sociales y sanitarios con soluciones temporales que resultan siempre insuficientes; hay, en fin, unos cuantos países que son atractivos destinos para vivir y trabajar, y también otros muchos que son exportadores de trabajadores cualificados y no cualificados. Estas asimetrías no son arbitrarias ni casuales. Se engaña quien piense que de las negociaciones multilaterales europeas salen “ganadores” y “perdedores”, sencillamente porque estaba claro quién ganaba y quién perdía desde el inicio de la reunión.
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