Recent Archaeological Research on the Northern Coast GARY COUPLAND

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Recent Archaeological Research on the Northern Coast GARY COUPLAND Recent Archaeological Research on the Northern Coast GARY COUPLAND INTRODUCTION A decade of archaeology on the northern coast of British Columbia passed in the 1980s without a "megaproject." The termination of the "North Coast Prehistory Project" (NCPP), which investigated sites over a vast portion of Northwestern British Columbia in the late 1960s and early 1970s (MacDonald and Inglis 1981 ), left a void that has been filled in the past ten or twelve years by a few "pure research" projects of more limited scope and by numerous small-scale projects of the CRM or salvage variety. The purpose of this paper is to review this recent research to gain some sense of the direction(s) of archaeology on the northern coast during the 1980s. In the first part of the paper, I will review the results of more recent field investigations conducted on the northern coast, including a brief look at work done in Southeastern Alaska. Although it is technically outside the domain of the northern coast of British Columbia, Southeastern Alaska is part of the Northern Northwest Coast culture subarea, and archaeology in this region has provided some exciting new information in the past decade critical to understanding prehistoric developments on the northern British Columbia coast. In the second part of the paper I will turn to a discussion of some basic themes that have emerged in archaeological research on the northern coast in the past decade. REVIEW: REGIONAL INVESTIGATIONS Lower Skeena River In the 1970s the NCPP initiated research on the Lower Skeena River at Kitselas Canyon (Inglis and MacDonald 1979) (figure 1). Excavations at Gitaus revealed a deeply stratified archaeological deposit, from which Allaire (1978, 1979) proposed a prehistoric sequence ranging from about 4300 BP to at least 2400 BP. In the early 1980s investigations continued at Kitselas Canyon at the stratified Paul Mason site (Coupland 1985, 1988a, 1988b). Coupland has proposed a five-phase cultural sequence 53 BG STUDIES, no. 99, Autumn 1993 54 BC STUDIES FIGURE 1 Archaeological sites and localities of the northern Northwest Coast. Recent Archaeological Research on the Northern Coast 55 FIGURE 2 The Paul Mason site, GdTc 16. 56 BG STUDIES for the canyon based on evidence from both sites. The earliest, the Bornite Phase (5000-4300 BP), was identified only at the Paul Mason site, and is characterized by pebble, flake, and microblade tools. Ground stone abraders and chipped stone points occur at both sites in the Gitaus Phase (4300-3600 BP), but microblades are absent. Formed unifacial and bi­ facial chipped stone tools predominate at Gitaus in the Skeena Phase (3600-3200 BP). Chipped stone declines sharply in the ensuing Paul Mason Phase (3200-2700 BP), which is characterized by pebble, flake, and ground stone tools and inferred bone tools. Rectangular house floors of this phase were also identified at the Paul Mason site. The Kleanza Phase (ca. 2500 BP-?), identified at Gitaus, includes items of personal adornment which may relate to the evolution of status differentiation. The Bornite Phase and the Paul Mason Phase were both defined on evidence from the Paul Mason site. The Bornite Phase component ( Coup- land 1988a: 230-232) is interpreted as a limited activity occupation, prob­ ably associated with salmon fishing, although faunal evidence to support this inference is lacking. The presence of microblades is unique, so far, among mainland components on the northern coast of British Columbia. Coupland includes the Bornite Phase as a late manifestation of the North Coast Microblade Tradition (Matson and Coupland n.d.) or Early Coast Microblade Complex (Fladmark 1975, 1982), which include sites with microblades throughout the north coast region. The rectangular house floors of the Paul Mason Phase, with radiocarbon dates just older than 3000 BP, constitute the earliest known evidence of a formalized village on the Northwest Coast (Coupland 1988a: 237) (figure 2 ). Ten house floors were identified, arranged side by side in two rows facing the water, a pattern consistent with ethnographic Northwest Coast villages. The houses were small by historic standards, averaging about 1 o m long by 6 m wide. Two excavated house floors each had two hearths. From this evidence, Coupland (1985, 1988a) estimates an average house­ hold size of about twelve people. Food storage pits and a large outdoor processing hearth were also part of this component. Burned faunal remains collected from all excavated hearths included 80% salmon bones. The Paul Mason Phase village is interpreted as a winter village, if not a year- round occupation, with an economy based largely on stored salmon. Prince Rupert Harbour Field research in the Prince Rupert Harbour area declined dramatically, but not entirely, following the end of the NCPP in the 1970s, the final report for which has just been completed by Kenneth Ames (Ames n.d.). Recent Archaeological Research on the Northern Coast 57 In addition, recent fieldwork (Archer 1992; Coupland, Bissell, and King n.d.) has contributed important new information on prehistoric settle­ ment patterns and village organization in the harbour. Perhaps the most significant result of Ames' analysis is the suggestion that human occupation of the harbour area may have begun before 5000 BP (Ames n.d. ). North coast archaeologists have long been puzzled by the fact that existing radiocarbon dates from Prince Rupert are no older than 5000 BP, despite evidence of much earlier human settlement to the west on the Queen Charlottes, to the north in Southeastern Alaska, and to the south on the central coast of British Columbia. Ames offers no new dates, but he does note the presence of archaeological deposits as much as one metre below current water levels at two sites, Lachane and GbTo 19. Sea levels on the northern coastal mainland were lower than at present from about 8500 to 5000 BP (Clague, Harper, Hebda, and Howes 1982). It now seems likely that the harbour area was occupied during this period, but evidence of this settlement is presently submerged. Surveying of the harbour area by Archer during the 1980s has raised the number of recorded aboriginal sites from 100 to 171 (see table 1). In 1990 Archer conducted small-scale test excavations at twenty-three village sites (i.e., sites with shell midden deposits and surface house de­ pression features) in the harbour. The aim was to collect at least two date- able shell samples from different parts of the top of each midden, the assumption being that these samples would date the abandonment of the sites. Of the forty-five dates, corrected for the reservoir effect inherent in shell and calibrated to the dendrochronological curve, twenty-two (from twelve sites) overlap between 2000 and 1500 BP. Archer interprets this as a period of large-scale village abandonment in the harbour (see also Ames n.d.), suggesting that intensifying conflict and warfare may have led to population displacement or to the coalescence of smaller villages into larger ones. To Archer's data we may add recent evidence from the McNichol Creek site (Coupland et al n.d.) (figure 3). The McNichol Creek site has 15 house depressions, one of which is dated at about 1600 BP based on two radiocarbon estimates from hearth samples. These house depressions aver­ age about 11 m long by 6 m wide, quite similar in size and shape to the 3,000-year-old house depressions at the Paul Mason site, but significantly smaller than Tsimshian lineage houses of the historic period. Average household size at McNichol Creek is estimated at ten to twelve people, the same as at the Paul Mason site, whereas the larger historic Tsimshian lineage houses usually held twenty to twenty-five people (Garfield 1951 : 58 BC STUDIES TABLE 1 Archaeological Sites in the Prince Rupert Area (from Archer 1992) Site Class Number Percent Shell Midden Sites villages 59 34.5 camps 85 49.7 Isolated Finds lithic scatters 6 3.5 canoe runs 1 0.6 Rock Art Sites pictographs 2 1.2 petroglyphs 16 9.4 pictographs and petroglyphs 1 0.6 Burial Sites cave burials 1 0.6 Total 171 io; McNeary 1976: 78). The difference suggests that the ethnographic model of Tsimshian household organization (Garfield 1939, I95I > Druc- ker 1965; McNeary 1976; Halpin and Seguin 1990) may not provide an appropriate analogue for understanding prehistoric household organiza­ tion in the area before 1500 BP. One house depression at McNichol Creek is much larger and deeper than the others. This house depression O is 13 m long by 1 o m wide, more than double the size of most other house depressions at the site. Historically, in the Tsimshian area, large dwellings with partially dug out floors were invariably the residences of lineage heads (Drucker 1965: 119; Halpin and Seguin 1990: 271). The McNichol Creek site was a small village with a maximum popula­ tion of perhaps 150 people. Although one large house, possibly belonging to a chief, existed, all other dwellings were small by historic standards. The evidence from McNichol Creek supports Archer's assertion that significant changes occurred in settlement pattern and village organization in the Prince Rupert Harbour area after 1500 BP. Recent Archaeological Research on the Northern Coast 59 GcTo6 McNICHOL CREEK SITE ^^ Excavations A House Depressions Contour Interval = 20 cm FIGURE 3 The McNichol Creek site, GcTo 6. 60 BG STUDIES Lower Nass River The lower Nass River area, home today to the Nisga'a Indians, is poorly known from an archaeological perspective. A survey of the area, designed to assess its archaeological importance, located thirty-seven sites ( Carlson 1976). The first, and only, significant excavation of a site on the lower Nass River occurred in 1982 and 1983 at Greenville (Cybulski 1992).
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