Korea Focus Working Paper No. 10
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The Lull Before the Storm: the Worst May Be Yet to Come in the Korean Peninsula
ARI 111/2020 24 September 2020 The lull before the storm: the worst may be yet to come in the Korean Peninsula Antoine Bondaz | Director of the FRS-KF Korea Program and Assistant Professor at Sciences Po | @AntoineBondaz Theme The situation on the Korean peninsula remains highly volatile and upcoming events could have a significant impact on the region. The EU and its member states should stand ready. Summary It would be both an analytical and a political mistake to believe the situation in the Korean Peninsula is stable and lastingly improved thanks to the diplomatic efforts initiated in 2018. Despite the political stage-setting, the very problems on the Peninsula remain: inter-Korean relations are not improving and agreements reached in both Panmunjom and Pyongyang are not implemented while cooperation and even communications are at a standstill; North Korea’s nuclear and ballistic missile programmes are ongoing and have significantly strengthened North Korean capacities while negotiations are at a dead- end. The upcoming 2020 US presidential election in November and the 8th Congress of the Workers Party of Korea (WPK) in January 2021 will be two major events shaping the coming events. It is essential for the EU and its member states to be more proactive, and move from a strategy of critical engagement to implementing a strategy of credible commitments.1 Analysis Typhoon Bavi, which hit the Korean peninsula at the end of August, may only be an omen that after the relative calm of just under three years a storm may be about to hit again. Recent inter-Korean tensions and North Korean declarations could be a preview of what could come in early 2021 in the Korean Peninsula. -
Adapting to the New Normal: Political Parties During Lockdown and Social Distancing
Adapting to the New Normal Political Parties During Lockdown and Social Distancing Political Party Innovation Primer 6 Adapting to the New Normal Political Parties During Lockdown and Social Distancing Political Party Innovation Primer 6 © 2020 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it, provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information visit the Creative Commons website: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/>. International IDEA Strömsborg SE–103 34 Stockholm Sweden Telephone: +46 8 698 37 00 Email: [email protected] Website: <https://www.idea.int> Design and layout: International IDEA Cover illustration: © 123RF, <http://www.123rf.com> DOI: <https://doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.52> ISBN: 978-91-7671-328-0 (PDF) Created with Booktype: <https://www.booktype.pro> International IDEA Contents Acknowledgements .................................................................................................... 5 1. Introduction ........................................................................................................... -
Protesters March on 10 December 2020 in Bangkok, Thailand
Pro-democracy protesters march on 10 December 2020 in Bangkok, Thailand. Photo by Lauren DeCicca/Getty Images 2021 State of Civil Society Report DEMOCRACY UNDER THE PANDEMIC In 2020, democratic freedoms came under renewed strain in many countries. sources as ‘fake news’; vastly extending surveillance, in the name of controlling The context was one of closing civic space in countries around the world, with the virus; and ramping up security force powers to criminalise and violently attacks by state and non-state forces on the key civic freedoms, of association, police breaches of pandemic regulations. peaceful assembly and expression, on which civil society relies. By the end of 2020, 87 per cent↗ of the world’s people were living with severe restrictions Wherever this happened, it made it harder to exercise democratic freedoms: on civic space, with some states using the pandemic as a pretext to introduce not only people’s ability to have their vote count in the year’s many elections, new restrictions that had nothing to do with fighting the virus and everything but also their ability to express dissent, question and even mock those in power, with extending state powers and reducing the space for accountability, dialogue and advance political alternatives. There should have been no incompatibility and dissent. Typically, states extended their powers under the pandemic by between fighting the virus and practising democracy, but sadly that was often increasing censorship, often making themselves the sole arbiters of truth the case, in a year that saw many flawed elections, and in which people risked about the pandemic and criminalising discussion of the pandemic by non-state repression when protesting to demand democratic freedoms. -
Emerging States at Crossroads Emerging-Economy State and International Policy Studies
Emerging-Economy State and International Policy Studies Keiichi Tsunekawa Yasuyuki Todo Editors Emerging States at Crossroads Emerging-Economy State and International Policy Studies Series editors Tetsushi Sonobe, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies, Tokyo, Japan Takashi Shiraishi, Prefectural University of Kumamoto, Kumamoto, Japan Akihiko Tanaka, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies, Tokyo, Japan Keiichi Tsunekawa, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies, Tokyo, Japan Akio Takahara, Graduate School of Public Policy, The University of Tokyo, Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo, Japan This is the first series to highlight research into the processes and impacts of the state building and economic development of developing countries in the non-Western World that have recently come to influence global economy and governance. It offers a broad and interactive forum for discussions about the challenges of these countries and the responses of other countries to their rise. The term ‘emerging-economy state,’ a part of the series title, or its shorthand ‘emerging states,’ is intended to promote dialogues between economists who have discussed policy problems faced by ‘emerging-market economies’ and scholars in political science and international relations who have discussed ‘modern state formation.’ Many emerging states are still in the middle-income status and not immune from the risk of falling into the middle-income trap. The manner of their external engagement is different from that of the high-income countries. Their rise has increased the uncertainty surrounding the world. To reduce the uncertainty, good understanding of their purpose of politics and state capacity as well as their economies and societies would be required. Although the emerging states are far from homogenous, viewing them as a type of countries would force us into understand better the similarity and differences among the emerging states and those between them and the high-income countries, which would in turn to help countries to ensure peace and prosperity. -
The Case of South Korea
Volume 18 | Issue 14 | Number 10 | Article ID 5426 | Jul 15, 2020 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Fostering Trust in Government During a Pandemic: The Case of South Korea Nathan Park of mask-wearing, nor did it see any protest Abstract: With mass-scale testing and against the government-mandated quarantine extensive contact-tracing, South Korea’sof affected individuals (although there were response to the COVID-19 pandemic has been protests for other reasons, to be sure). Toilet among the strongest in the world. This success paper rolls in stores never ran out. has often been credited to the Korean public’s cultural willingness to trust their government International observers ascribed such and put up with measures that supposedly cooperation to the stereotypical image of infringed on their liberties and privacy. While compliant and homogenous Asians, deferential the trust has indeed been important, the to authority and focused on social harmony. reductive attempts to locate the source of the This orientalist caricature is contrary to fact: people’s trust in Korea’s Confucian heritage, the South Korean public, in truth, is marked by homogeneous society, or deferential culture are low trust in government and in one another. As misplaced. Contrary to the orientalistit has only been a few years since former caricature, South Korea’s political culture is president Park Geun-hye’s impeachment, South marked by low trust in government and deep Korean politics have been rife with unvarnished polarization along ideological lines, making it attempts to politicize the pandemic response. an obstacle to be overcome rather than a foundation for success. -
Failure and Success of Third Parties in Taiwan
Success and Failure of New Parties in Taiwanese Elections 1. New Parties in Multi-Party Taiwan Although the ruling Kuomintang (國民黨 KMT) allowed competitive local elections for most of Taiwan’s forty-year martial law period, it effectively ran the island as a one party state. Parties such as the China Youth Party (中國青年黨) and the China Democratic Socialist Party (中國民主社會黨) were only permitted to exist in to support the pretence that Taiwan was a multi-party democracy. Not surprisingly, these parties gained the nickname “flower vase parties” (花瓶政黨). When dissidents attempted to form genuine political parties in 1960 and 1979, the KMT reacted harshly, arresting the movements’ leading figures. Taiwan did not have its first multi-party election until 1986, when the three months old and technically illegal the Democratic Progressive Party (民主進步黨 DPP) contested its first election. In 1986 the KMT and DPP shared over 90 percent of the vote and seat share in the legislative elections. In the subsequent eighteen years Taiwanese party politics has shown much continuity, as even in the December 2004 legislative election the DPP and the KMT remained the dominant forces, winning a combined total of almost 70 percent of the votes and three quarters of the seats. However, since the late 1980s new political parties have repeatedly challenged this electoral hegemony. This paper seeks to examine the development of these new political actors. By 2004 there were 102 officially registered political parties in Taiwan.1 These new parties have had a considerable impact, as elections have shown there is often space for third parties. -
Chapter 4. the Democratic Progressive Party's China Policy
Durham E-Theses Taiwan's democratic progressive party and its mainland china policy Wei, Hung-Chin How to cite: Wei, Hung-Chin (1999) Taiwan's democratic progressive party and its mainland china policy, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4278/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk T ai w a s emocratic Progressive Party and Its Mainland China Policy By Himg-Chim Wei The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should he published in any form, including Electronic and the Internet, without the author's prior written consent. All information derived from this thesis must be acknowledged appropriately. A thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Arts in the University of Durham Department of Politics 1999 1 ? JAN 2UU1 Abstract Taiwan's Democratic Progressive Party and Its Mainland China Policy Hung-chin Wei Taiwan has successfully changed its political system from dictatorship into a democracy since the end of 1980s. -
Handbook on Promoting Women's Participation in Political Parties
Handbook on Promoting Women’s Participation in Political Parties handbook on promoting women’s participation in political parties Published by the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) Ul. Miodowa 10 00–251 Warsaw Poland www.osce.org/odihr © OSCE/ODIHR 2014 All rights reserved. The contents of this publication may be freely used and copied for educational and other non-commercial purposes, provided that any such reproduction is accompanied by an acknowledgement of the OSCE/ODIHR as the source. ISBN 978-92-9234-888-5 Designed by Homework Cover photo credit: AP/Jae C. Hong Printed in Poland by Sungraf Table of contents Foreword 7 Acknowledgements 9 Chapter 1: Introduction 11 1.1. Status of women in political leadership and elected office in the OSCE region 12 1.2. Political parties as “gatekeepers” of democracy 15 1.3. Purpose of the handbook 17 1.4. “Women in Political Parties” project and handbook methodology 18 1.5. Target readership and structure of the handbook 21 Chapter 2: Why Advocate for Gender Equality and the Promotion of Women in Political Office? 25 Introduction to Chapter 2 26 2.1. Traditional arguments to support women’s political participation 27 2.2. Benefits for political party leaders 30 2.2.1. Improves a political party’s public image and reputation 31 2.2.2. Enhances party platforms and policy agendas 32 2.2.3. Strengthens political party electoral and/or campaign strategies 34 2.2.4. Combats falling party membership 36 4 2.3. Benefits for women in political parties 37 2.3.1. -
THE KOREAN PRESS in JAPAN AFTER WORLD WAR II and ITS CENSORSHIP by OCCUPATION AUTHORITIES Hee Sa
ABSTRACT Title of dissertation: THE KOREAN PRESS IN JAPAN AFTER WORLD WAR II AND ITS CENSORSHIP BY OCCUPATION AUTHORITIES Hee Sang Yoon, Doctor of Philosophy, 2004 Dissertation directed by: Professor Maurine H. Beasley Philip Merrill College of Journalism University of Maryland, College Park This study deals with censorship of the Korean language press in Japan by the American occupation after World War II. It focuses on the social roles of mass media in a minority community when there were harsh media controls such as discriminatory printing paper allocation as well as censorship. It finds that, in spite of the government control, the press continued to play social roles such as community integration, identity formation, and agenda setting. The dissertation represents the first scholarly examination of 19 Korean newspapers, including one for women, and 14 magazines published by Koreans in Japan during the occupation. It is based on previously unavailable material recently opened to researchers as part of the Gordon W. Prange Collection at the University of Maryland. Therefore, the entire dissertation is the only study to date of Korean publications in Japan during the occupation. This study reveals the contents of articles scheduled to appear in Korean publications that were suppressed by censors. Through this study, the voices of suppressed Korean speakers have been revived and can, for the first time, be heard in on an open forum. Even though the voices represent quite different ideological factions, those of the leftwing, rightwing, and mid -road, the study concludes that Korean publications in Japan, reflecting the yearnings of Koreans in Japan, zeroed in on a consensus: Korea is one; therefore, the homeland should overcome the division over North and South and develop a unified nation.