Negotiating with Oral Histories at the Canadian Museum of Immigration at Pier 21

Negotiating with Oral Histories at the Canadian Museum of Immigration at Pier 21 Ashley Clarkson A Thesis in The Department Of History Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts (History) at Concordia University Montreal, Quebec, Canada January 2015 © Ashley Clarkson, 2015 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY School of Graduate Studies This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Ashley Clarkson Entitled: Negotiating with Oral Histories at the Canadian Museum of Immigration at Pier 21 and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (History) Complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final examining committee: Shannon McSheffrey Chair Elena Razlogova Examiner Erica Lehrer Examiner Steven High Supervisor Approved by: Chair of Department or Graduate Program Director Dean of Faculty Abstract This thesis explores the transition of Pier 21 from a local heritage group to its designation as a national museum in 2009. How it is balancing its role as national historic site, with a large source community, and its mandate to represent the national history of Canadian immigration. The emphasis on intangible cultural heritage, or people’s recorded stories, rather than material artifacts, places Pier 21 in the position to adopt new technologies and to connect on-and offline interpretation. In the beginning Pier 21 brought together a community of immigrants and it was oral histories that helped activate that community in order to bring the institution to life. When Pier 21 is referred to as the ‘museum of memories,’ it invokes not only the memories rooted in the exhibits but in the memories that permeate the site itself. History happened here. iii Acknowledgments I would like to express my gratitude to the many people who saw me through this research. To my supervisor, Dr. Steven High, who provided me with support and guidance throughout the writing of this thesis. I feel as though I have come a long way from when I first began and I don’t think I could have done it without him. I would also like to thank my family, partner and friends who put up with my constant requests for their remarks and assistance in proofreading. Lastly, but certainly not least, this thesis could not have been written without the support and transparency of the Canadian Museum of Immigration at Pier 21 in Halifax Nova-Scotia. The entire staff at the museum graciously volunteered for countless interviews and also provided me with a space to do my research for the wonderful months I spent in Halifax. iv Table of Contents List of Illustrations..............................vi Introduction........................................... 1 Chapter 1: The Pier 21 Memories of Migration: Transforming Immigration Shed into Immigrant Museum........................................................................................... 19 The Pier 21 Society.......................................................... 21 Pier 21: An Anchor for Stories...................................... 30 Pier 21 Shed: Remembered Place ................................... 38 Building a Community Through Stories........................ 44 Chapter 2: Pier 21: Using Stories to Engage Museum Audiences 56 Pier 21 in Transition..................................................................57 Learning Through Stories........................................................66 Oral History on Display.......................................................... 76 Conclusion..................................... 92 Bibliography.................................. 95 v List of Illustrations Chapter 1 Figure 1.1: Silhouette with audio button...................33 Figure 1.2: Train car.....................................................33 Figure 1.3: Waiting area............................................... 33 Figure 1.4: Immigration Desk ..................................... 33 Figure 1.5: Wall of Ships.............................................33 Figure 1.6: Oceans of Hope Theatre.......................... 33 Figure 1.7: The Wheel of Conscience....................... 34 Figure 1.8: Geraldine (left) and George Zwaagstra (right).. .43 Figure 1.9: Muriel Matthews in exhibit .................. 47 Figure 1.10: Marianne Ferguson (right) Daughter (left).. .51 Chapter 2 Figure 2.1: Inspired by China Exhibit .............................62 Figure 2.2: Spanish Rhythms of Dance Exhibit............ 62 Figure 2.3: Greeks of Halifax Exhibit ..............................62 Figure 2.4: Shaping Canada: Exploring our Cultural Landscape Exhibit 1 .6 7 Figure 2.5: Shaping Canada: Exploring our Cultural Landscape Exhibit 2 .6 7 Figure 2.6: Shaping Canada: Exploring our Cultural Landscape Exhibit 3 .6 7 Figure 2.7: Talking Difference Booth......................................78 Figure 2.8: White Room in Quartier Disparus Exhibit 81 Figure 2.9: Interview in White Room of Quartier Disparus ..81 vi Introduction “When I came here I wanted to forget where I came from, my life started April 27 th 1951 here in Canada. I had no interest in what was before, and it was because o f Pier 21 that I completely changed my attitude about life. M y life didn't start when I immigrated, it started the day I was born, no matter where that was, and it is important to get these stories out.” — George Zwaagstra Pier 21 Alumni & Volunteer 1 George Zwaagstra was one of a million and a half immigrants who arrived at Pier 21 in Halifax, Nova Scotia between 1928 and 1971, Canada’s equivalent to Ellis or Angel Islands. During this time, the giant immigrant shed on the city’s downtown harbour front represented the primary port of entry for immigrants to Canada from Europe. Pier 21 was also the point of departure for almost five hundred thousand Canadian soldiers sailing overseas during the Second World War.2 Zwaagstra immigrated to Canada from the Netherlands in 1951, making him part of the massive exodus from war-torn Europe in the years following the Second World War. At the peak, an average of 130,000 people per year passed through Pier 21 from the end of the 1940s into the early 1950s.3 Yet, those arriving were still rigorously regulated “to ensure the careful selection and permanent settlement of such numbers of immigrants as could advantageously be absorbed in the national economy.”4 Feminist historian of labour and migration Franca Iacovetta, explained that immigrants to Canada during this period 1 George Zwaagstra, interview with author, Halifax, Nova-Scotia, Augustth 19, 2013. 2 C.P.Stacey, The Canadian Army, 1939-1945 (Ottawa: King’s Printer, 1948), 49. 3 The Immigration Program: A report o f the Canadian immigration and population (Manpower study and Immigration, Ottawa, 1974), 27. From example, statistics show immigration numbers rose from 74,000 in 1950 to 194,000 in 1951. Government immigration policy after the war was aimed at fostering population growth in Canada. Anthony H. Richmond, “Immigration and Pluralism in Canada,”The International Migration Review, Vol. IV, No. 10 (Fall 1969), 11. 4 The Immigration Program: A report o f the Canadian immigration and population (Manpower study and Immigration, Ottawa, 1974), 27. 1 battled racism, sexism and class-based inequalities, emphasizing the “controversial or unflattering features of postwar reception.”56 Government policy in Canada in the 1950s viewed the supposed absorption or assimilation capacities of immigrant groups as extremely important. For example, the Canadian government in 1947, under Prime Minister McKenzie King, believed that any considerable rise in Asian immigration would lead to serious social and economic problems.7 These sentiments were not new in Canada whose immigration policy tended to be exclusionary in nature before the war. Donald Avery, historian and Professor Emeritus at the University of Western Ontario, explains that Canada’s immigration policy from the late 1890s into the 1930s assumed that Asians and Blacks were unassimilable. While still viewed as sometimes dangerous “foreigners,” Eastern and Southern European immigrants were allowed into the country because they were seen as good candidates for ‘Canadianization’.8 Differences in language, religion and culture set immigrants apart and “this social distance was lengthened by the suspicion and hostility most newcomers felt.”9 Given the strong “two founding peoples” rhetoric in Canada, many worried that accepting too many immigrants from ‘non-preferred’ countries would fundamentally alter Canada’s national character.10 Most of those who immigrated to Canada in the post-war period were either displaced persons or people who were sponsored by a 5 Franca Iacovetta,Gatekeepers (Toronto: Between the Lines, 2006), xiii. Also See: Barrington Walker, ed. The History o f Immigration and Racism in Canada: Essential Readings (Toronto: Canadian’s Scholars Press, 2008) or Carl E. James, Perspectives on Racism and the Human Sector: A Case for Change (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996). 6 Ibid,. 7 The Immigration Program: A report o f the Canadian immigration and population (Manpower study and Immigration, Ottawa, 1974), 18. For more demographics on Canadian immigration policies please see Shiva S. Halli, Leo Driedger, eds. Immigrant Canada: Demographic, Economic, and Social Change(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999). 8 Donald H. Avery,Reluctant Host (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1995) To read more concerning the Oriental immigration experience, using

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