Social Movements List Number 332
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Workers of the World: International Journal on Strikes and Social Conflicts, Vol
François Guinchard was born in 1986 and studied social sciences at the Université Paul Valéry (Montpellier, France) and at the Université de Franche-Comté (Besançon, France). His master's dissertation was published by the éditions du Temps perdu under the title L'Association internationale des travailleurs avant la guerre civile d'Espagne (1922-1936). Du syndicalisme révolutionnaire à l'anarcho-syndicalisme [The International Workers’ Association before the Spanish civil war (1922-1936). From revolutionary unionism to anarcho-syndicalism]. (Orthez, France, 2012). He is now preparing a doctoral thesis in contemporary history about the International Workers’ Association between 1945 and 1996, directed by Jean Vigreux, within the Centre George Chevrier of the Université de Bourgogne (Dijon, France). His main research theme is syndicalism but he also took part in a study day on the emigration from Haute-Saône department to Mexico in October 2012. Text originally published in Strikes and Social Conflicts International Association. (2014). Workers of the World: International Journal on Strikes and Social Conflicts, Vol. 1 No. 4. distributed by the ACAT: Asociación Continental Americana de los Trabajadores (American Continental Association of Workers) AIL: Associazione internazionale dei lavoratori (IWA) AIT: Association internationale des travailleurs, Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores (IWA) CFDT: Confédération française démocratique du travail (French Democratic Confederation of Labour) CGT: Confédération générale du travail, Confederación -
Anarcho-Syndicalism in the 20Th Century
Anarcho-syndicalism in the 20th Century Vadim Damier Monday, September 28th 2009 Contents Translator’s introduction 4 Preface 7 Part 1: Revolutionary Syndicalism 10 Chapter 1: From the First International to Revolutionary Syndicalism 11 Chapter 2: the Rise of the Revolutionary Syndicalist Movement 17 Chapter 3: Revolutionary Syndicalism and Anarchism 24 Chapter 4: Revolutionary Syndicalism during the First World War 37 Part 2: Anarcho-syndicalism 40 Chapter 5: The Revolutionary Years 41 Chapter 6: From Revolutionary Syndicalism to Anarcho-syndicalism 51 Chapter 7: The World Anarcho-Syndicalist Movement in the 1920’s and 1930’s 64 Chapter 8: Ideological-Theoretical Discussions in Anarcho-syndicalism in the 1920’s-1930’s 68 Part 3: The Spanish Revolution 83 Chapter 9: The Uprising of July 19th 1936 84 2 Chapter 10: Libertarian Communism or Anti-Fascist Unity? 87 Chapter 11: Under the Pressure of Circumstances 94 Chapter 12: The CNT Enters the Government 99 Chapter 13: The CNT in Government - Results and Lessons 108 Chapter 14: Notwithstanding “Circumstances” 111 Chapter 15: The Spanish Revolution and World Anarcho-syndicalism 122 Part 4: Decline and Possible Regeneration 125 Chapter 16: Anarcho-Syndicalism during the Second World War 126 Chapter 17: Anarcho-syndicalism After World War II 130 Chapter 18: Anarcho-syndicalism in contemporary Russia 138 Bibliographic Essay 140 Acronyms 150 3 Translator’s introduction 4 In the first decade of the 21st century many labour unions and labour feder- ations worldwide celebrated their 100th anniversaries. This was an occasion for reflecting on the past century of working class history. Mainstream labour orga- nizations typically understand their own histories as never-ending struggles for better working conditions and a higher standard of living for their members –as the wresting of piecemeal concessions from capitalists and the State. -
The WFTU •fi Hydroponic Stalinism
Global Issues The WFTU – Hydroponic Stalinism Dan Gallin, Global Labour Institute Hydroponics: A method of growing plants using mineral nutrient solutions, in water, without soil. When the required mineral nutrients are introduced into a plant's water supply artificially, soil is no longer required for the plant to thrive. After a long lapse, the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) is again in the news. Experienced observers are wondering if this is not a ‘second coming’1: it certainly looks that way in South Africa, where four affiliated unions of the leading confederation, the ITUC-affiliated Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), have affiliated to the WFTU and are pressing the Congress itself to follow suit.2 Much of the discussion is framed in terms of a possible unity overcoming the last major split in the international trade union movement. The Presidential Council (the smaller governing body) of the WFTU met in Johannesburg in February 2012 on the invitation of the four WFTU-affiliated COSATU member unions. It was addressed by COSATU president Sdumo Dlamini who told the Council that ‘we (COSATU) will be entering into a discussion about the type of a relationship we must have with the WFTU and how such a relationship can take forward our commitment to achieve unity between the WFTU and the ITUC’.3 The 11th National COSATU Congress last September was addressed by both Sharan Burrow, general secretary of the ITUC,4 and by WFTU general secretary George Mavrikos.5 Faced with strong support within COSATU for an affiliation with the WFTU, and in the presence of its general secretary, Burrow struck a conciliatory note. -
The Bolshevil{S and the Chinese Revolution 1919-1927 Chinese Worlds
The Bolshevil{s and the Chinese Revolution 1919-1927 Chinese Worlds Chinese Worlds publishes high-quality scholarship, research monographs, and source collections on Chinese history and society from 1900 into the next century. "Worlds" signals the ethnic, cultural, and political multiformity and regional diversity of China, the cycles of unity and division through which China's modern history has passed, and recent research trends toward regional studies and local issues. It also signals that Chineseness is not contained within territorial borders overseas Chinese communities in all countries and regions are also "Chinese worlds". The editors see them as part of a political, economic, social, and cultural continuum that spans the Chinese mainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau, South East Asia, and the world. The focus of Chinese Worlds is on modern politics and society and history. It includes both history in its broader sweep and specialist monographs on Chinese politics, anthropology, political economy, sociology, education, and the social science aspects of culture and religions. The Literary Field of New Fourth Artny Twentieth-Century China Communist Resistance along the Edited by Michel Hockx Yangtze and the Huai, 1938-1941 Gregor Benton Chinese Business in Malaysia Accumulation, Ascendance, A Road is Made Accommodation Communism in Shanghai 1920-1927 Edmund Terence Gomez Steve Smith Internal and International Migration The Bolsheviks and the Chinese Chinese Perspectives Revolution 1919-1927 Edited by Frank N Pieke and Hein Mallee -
Stalin's Terror
Stalin’s Terror Also by Kevin McDermott: THE CZECH RED UNIONS, 1918–1929 THE COMINTERN: A History of International Communism from Lenin to Stalin (co-author) POLITICS AND SOCIETY UNDER THE BOLSHEVIKS (co-editor) Stalin’s Terror High Politics and Mass Repression in the Soviet Union Edited by Barry McLoughlin Lecturer Vienna University and Kevin McDermott Senior Lecturer in Political History Sheffield Hallam University Selection, editorial matter and Chapter 1 © Barry McLoughlin and Kevin McDermott 2003 Chapter 6 © Barry McLoughlin 2003 Remaining chapters © Palgrave Macmillan Ltd 2003 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2003 978-1-4039-0119-4 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the authors of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published in hardcover 2003 First published in paperback 2004 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St Martin’s Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. -
The Soviet Union and the British General Strike of 1926 Alastair Kocho-Williams University of the West of England, Bristol [email protected]
The Soviet Union and the British General Strike of 1926 Alastair Kocho-Williams University of the West of England, Bristol [email protected] This paper addresses the Soviet analysis and response to the British General Strike of 1926 in the light of newly available documents. The recently discovered and published stenograms of Politburo meetings provide new information concerning Soviet politics and the political process. Previously, scholars have had only Soviet official documents and protocols of Politburo meetings, which only detail participants with a brief summary of decisions (vypuski) along with who received these summaries.1 From the protocols, and other sources, scholars were aware that verbatim stenograms existed, some of which were published and distributed to Central Committee members and other party leaders with instructions for them to be returned after they had been read.2 Amongst the ‘lost Politburo stenograms’ is the record of a lengthy, heated, discussion of the ‘lessons of the British General Strike’ on 3 June 1926.3 It is this that the current paper is chiefly concerned with, detailing the Soviet stance towards the General Strike, inconsistency in the Soviet analysis, the extent to which Soviet internal politics was linked to foreign policy, how as senior figures disagreed factions developed around divisions in policy, and the way in which the handling of the international situation formed a strand of the opposition to Stalin and the Politburo majority in 1926.4 The British General Strike ran from 4-12 May 1926. Although it drew British industry to a halt, and hadn’t been planned much in advance, there had been ample warning of a coming labour dispute, of which the British and Soviet Governments were well aware, although the Soviets had concluded that major action was unlikely I am grateful to Paul Gregory and Alexander Vatlin for their assistance in the writing of this paper. -
Joint Appeal of the Comintern and Profintern on the United Front
Joint Declaration of Comintern and Profintern on the United Front [Jan. 1, 1922] 1 Joint Appeal of the Comintern and Profintern on the United Front, January 1, 1922 † As published in The Red Trade Union International [Moscow], whole no. 12 (Feb. 1922), pp. 41-46. To the Workers of all Countries! minimum of human security and the most mod- est conditions of human existence to the broad The Executive Committee of the Commu- working masses. nist International and Executive Bureau of the Red Labor International have during 3 days discussed Chaotic State of Industries. the questions connected with the position of the international proletariat and with the international And now we see the result. There are 6 mil- situation in general, and have come to the con- lion unemployed in America, and 2 million in clusion that the present situation requires unity England, owning to the impossibility of export- of all the forces of the international proletariat, ing goods. Unemployment grows in those neu- the establishment of a single front of all parties tral countries which became rich during the war. backed by the proletariat, regardless of their dif- The direst need reigns in Central and Eastern ferences of views; the only basis for unity being Europe, in Russia, in the Balkan States, and in the wish to fight jointly for the immediate needs Turkey. These countries need billions of tons of of the working class. The Executive of the Com- goods from the industrially developed countries intern has decided to convene an enlarged session in order to reestablish their industries and to gain on Feb. -
Networks, Parties, and the “Oppressed Nations”: the Comintern and Chinese Communists Overseas, 1926–1935
Networks, Parties, and the “Oppressed Nations”: The Comintern and Chinese Communists Overseas, 1926–1935 Anna Belogurova, Freie Universität Berlin Abstract In the late 1920s, the overseas chapters of the Chinese Communist Party allied with the Third Communist International (Comintern)’s pursuit of world revolution and made efforts to take part in anti-colonial movements around the world. As Chinese migrant revolutionaries dealt with discrimination in their adopted countries, they promoted local, Chinese, and world revolutions, borrowing ideas from various actors while they built their organizations and contributed to the project of China’s revival. This article offers a window into the formation of globally connected Chinese revolutionary networks and explores their engagement with Comintern internationalism in its key enclaves in Berlin, San Francisco, Havana, Singapore, and Manila. These engagements built on existing ideas about China’s revival and channeled localization needs of the Chinese migrant Communists. The article draws on sources deposited in the Comintern archive in Moscow (RGASPI), as well as on personal reminiscences published as literary and historical materials (wenshi ziliao). Keywords: Chinese Communist Party overseas, Guomindang, Comintern, League against Imperialism, anti-colonialism, San Francisco Chinese, Berlin Chinese, Manila Chinese, Chinese in Singapore, Chinese in Philippines, internationalism, interwar period, institutional borrowing This article offers a snapshot of how Chinese Communist networks took shape -
The Chinese Communist Party Decides Its Path, Sneevliet Suggests a Different Route
CHAPTER 4 The Chinese Communist Party Decides its Path, Sneevliet Suggests a Different Route When Sneevliet arrived in Shanghai on June 3, 1921, posing as a journalist, the party had fallen into disarray following Voitinsky’s departure.1 On arrival, he immediately contacted Nikolsky, who had recently been sent by the Far East Secretariat based in Irkutsk (Bericht des Genossen H. Maring, July 1922).2 Sneevliet had to start from the beginning (Isaacs, 1971, p. 102), working under “highly unfavorable conditions” (Bericht des Genossen H. Maring, July 1922). The Russian representatives in Beijing and the Irkutsk Bureau informed him that the communists had weak links with the working-class and that very little real organizational work had been accomplished (Isaacs, 1971, p. 103). Only in Guangdong, where the Guomindang (GMD) and anarchist influence were strongest and among the railway workers at Changxindian was modern organizational work carried out. Facing this situation, the two men set about breathing life back into the party and encouraging it to convene the Congress. Sneevliet came with no specific instructions, basing his preparation on the discussions and theses of the Comintern. However, he did come armed as a veteran activist who was well-versed in the norms of a Bolshevik revolutionary party and his experiences in the Dutch Indies. The Comintern theses provided him with a tactical plan that necessitated promoting a national-revolutionary movement and prioritizing the need to find a nationalist movement within which to work. Sneevliet enjoyed great flexibility in the field, enhanced by the difficul- ties in communicating with his “superiors” in Moscow. -
The Trade Union Unity League: American Communists and The
LaborHistory, Vol. 42, No. 2, 2001 TheTrade Union Unity League: American Communists and the Transitionto Industrial Unionism:1928± 1934* EDWARDP. JOHANNINGSMEIER The organization knownas the Trade UnionUnity League(TUUL) came intoformal existenceat anAugust 1929 conferenceof Communists and radical unionistsin Cleveland.The TUUL’s purposewas to create and nourish openly Communist-led unionsthat wereto be independent of the American Federation ofLabor in industries suchas mining, textile, steeland auto. When the TUUL was created, a numberof the CommunistParty’ s mostexperienced activists weresuspicious of the sectarian logic inherentin theTUUL’ s program. In Moscow,where the creation ofnew unions had beendebated by theCommunists the previous year, someAmericans— working within their establishedAFL unions—had argued furiously against its creation,loudly ac- cusingits promoters ofneedless schism. The controversyeven emerged openly for a time in theCommunist press in theUnited States. In 1934, after ve years ofaggressive butmostly unproductiveorganizing, theTUUL was formally dissolved.After the Comintern’s formal inauguration ofthe Popular Front in 1935 many ofthe same organizers whohad workedin theobscure and ephemeral TUULunions aided in the organization ofthe enduring industrial unionsof the CIO. 1 Historiansof American labor andradicalism have had difculty detectingany legitimate rationale for thefounding of theTUUL. Its ve years ofexistence during the rst years ofthe Depression have oftenbeen dismissed as an interlude of hopeless sectarianism, -
THE GENESIS of the PHILIPPINE COMMUNIST PARTY Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Ph.D. Dames Andrew Richardson School of Orienta
THE GENESIS OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMUNIST PARTY Thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D. dames Andrew Richardson School of Oriental and African Studies University of London September 198A ProQuest Number: 10673216 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10673216 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 ABSTRACT Unlike communist parties elsewhere in Asia, the Partido Komunista sa Pilipinas (PKP) was constituted almost entirely by acti vists from the working class. Radical intellectuals, professionals and other middle class elements were conspicuously absent. More parti cularly, the PKP was rooted In the Manila labour movement and, to a lesser extent, in the peasant movement of Central Luzon. This study explores these origins and then examines the character, outlook and performance of the Party in the first three years of its existence (1930-33). Socialist ideas began to circulate during the early 1900s, but were not given durable organisational expression until 1922, when a Workers’ Party was formed. Led by cadres from the country's principal labour federation, the Congreso Obrero, this party aligned its policies increasingly with those of the Comintern. -
IWW Records, Part 3 1 Linear Foot (2 MB) 1930-1996, Bulk 1993-1996
Part 1 Industrial Workers of the World Collection Papers, 1905-1972 92.3 linear feet Accession No. 130 L.C. Number MS 66-1519 The papers of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) were placed in the Archives of Labor and Urban Affairs in February of 1965, by the Industrial Workers of the World. Other deposits have been made subsequently. Over the turn of the century, the cause of labor and unionism had sustained some hard blows. High immigration, insecurity of employment and frequent economic recessions added to the problems of any believer in unionism. In January, 1905 a group of people from different areas of the country came to Chicago for a conference. Their interest was the cause of labor (viewed through a variety of political glasses) and their hope was somehow to get together, to start a successful drive for industrial unionism rather than craft unionism. A manifesto was formulated and a convention called for June, 1905 for discussion and action on industrial unionism and better working class solidarity. At that convention, the Industrial Workers of the World was organized. The more politically-minded members dropped out after a few years, as the IWW in general wished to take no political line at all, but instead to work through industrial union organization against the capitalist system. The main beliefs of this group are epitomized in the preamble to the IWW constitution, which emphasizes that the workers and their employers have "nothing in common." They were not anarchists, but rather believed in a minimal industrial government over an industrially organized society.