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Confucius Institutes Under Scrutiny

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Confucius Institutes Under Scrutiny Ronald van Velzen s2608626 11-6-2020 MA Thesis Politics, Society and Economy of Asia Dr Ingrid d’Hooghe 16,409 words1 Confucius Institutes Under Scrutiny: The Functioning of Confucius Institutes in China’s Public Diplomacy in Northwest-Europe, 2013-2019 1 Excluding references, table of contents, abbreviations, list of figures and tables, acknowledgments and bibliography. i ii Table of Contents Abbreviations p. iv List of Figures and Tables p. v Acknowledgements p. vi Introduction p. 1 Chapter 1. Literature Review 1.1. Soft Power p. 3 1.2. Public Diplomacy p. 4 1.3. Confucius Institutes p. 6 Chapter 2. Research Design and Method 2.1. Theoretical Framework: Public Diplomacy p. 8 2.2. Research Questions and Sub-questions p. 10 2.3. Method p. 12 2.4. Sources p. 13 2.5. Limitations p. 15 Chapter 3. Confucius Institutes and China’s Public Diplomacy 3.1. The Hanban p. 16 3.2. Indicators of Public Diplomacy p. 18 Chapter 4. Higher Education and Confucius Institutes 4.1. Criticism on Confucius Institutes p. 31 4.2. Closures of Confucius Institutes p. 34 Chapter 5. State-actors and Confucius Institutes 5.1. The United Kingdom p. 39 5.2. Germany p. 41 5.3. France p. 41 5.4. Belgium p. 42 5.5. The Netherlands p. 42 Chapter 6. News Media and Confucius Institutes 6.1. News Media and Public Diplomacy p. 45 6.2. Media Coverages of Confucius Institutes p. 46 Conclusion p. 52 Afterthoughts p. 54 Bibliography p. 55 Appendices p. 69 iii Abbreviations CCP Chinese Communist Party CDA Christian Democratic Appeal CPHRC Conservative Party Human Rights Commission EACS European Association of Chinese Studies ESCP École Supérieure de Commerce de Paris FBI Federal Bureau of Investigation FDP Free Democratic Party Hanban Office of Chinese Language Council International HCFAC House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee IRIS Institut de Relations Internationales et Strategiques LAC Leiden Asia Centre LSE London School of Economics NAS National Association of Scholars NGO Non-Governmental Organisations RUSI Royal United Services Institute SDP Social Democratic Party UK United Kingdom ULB Université Libre de Bruxelles VUB Vrije Universiteit Brussel iv List of Figures and Tables Figure 1. Expenditures of the Hanban on Confucius Institutes, 2012-2016 (x1000 US dollars). p. 17 Figure 2. The number of Confucius Institutes in each case country between 2005 and 2020. p. 20 Figure 3. The number of business-focused Confucius Institutes in each case country, 2005-2019. p. 24 Figure 4. Timeline of the setups of Confucius Institutes involved in academics in each case country between 2005 and 2020, per type of involvement. p. 29 Figure 5. Closures of Confucius Institutes in each case country, 2012-2020. p. 35 Table 1. National media sources used in this research, per case country. p. 14 Table 2. The number of Confucius Institutes per continent, 2019. p. 18 Table 3. The number of Confucius Institutes per case country, 2019. p. 18 Table 4. The number of business-focused Confucius Institutes in each case country, 2019. p. 24 Table 5. Confucius Institutes involved in academics per type of involvement in each case country, 2019. p. 26 Table 6. The number of national news articles about Confucius Institutes per case country, 2013-2019. p. 48 v Acknowledgements There are several persons whom I would like to thank for their support during the process of writing this thesis. First of all, I would like to thank my supervisor, Ingrid d’Hooghe, for her feedback and support that helped me to improve multiple aspects of my thesis. I also appreciate the fact that she was always able to make time for me, despite the difficult circumstances regarding the coronavirus. Second, I want to thank my family, especially my mom and grandmother, who have always been supporting me during my studies. Third, I would like to thank my friend and former fellow history student, Noah Rook, who was willing to provide feedback on the writing and layout of this thesis. Finally, I would like to thank Hua, my girlfriend, for being the sweetest person in the world and for her extensive support during the writing process of this thesis. vi Introduction “Confucius Institutes belong to China, and they also belong to the world. Chinese government and people will consistently support the growth of Confucius Institutes. Let’s try our best to push forward the advancement of human civilizations and people’s heart-to-heart exchange, to jointly create a more beautiful tomorrow.’’2 - Xi Jinping This encouragement of China’s president Xi Jinping honoured the 10th anniversary of the Confucius Institute project in 2014. After a successful pilot programme in Uzbekistan, the first institute was established in Seoul, South Korea in 2004.3 The Confucius Institute programme has developed quickly ever since, reaching more than 2,6 million students in 2018.4 Confucius Institutes provide Mandarin language courses and cultural events to students abroad and are involved in academic cooperation. Due to their rapid development in the past fifteen years, these institutes have been seen as an important part of China’s soft power and public diplomacy.5 The development of Confucius Institutes took place in a larger context of China’s increasing involvement in global language learning and academics. China was the biggest source of international students by 2016 and this number of students has continued to increase.6 This increase is also visible in the number of international students visiting China, which was nearly 500,000 in 2018.7 Through these student exchanges, personal contact with Chinese teachers, visitor programmes, scholarships and Confucius Institutes, the Chinese government aims to create a deeper understanding of the Chinese language and culture among foreign audiences by using dialogue and collaboration.8 The idea of ‘going out’ (on a cultural level) emerged in the early twentieth-first century and has been further enhanced under the leadership of Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping.9 This period, in which China became increasingly involved in global politics and economics, was also the period in which Confucius Institutes were developing quickly. However, China’s increasing presence in the world has sometimes led to economic and political conflicts in certain regions or with other countries. Due to 2 Xi Jinping, Congratulatory Letter to the Hanban, September 25, 2014, in Hanban, Annual Development Report 2014, http://www.hanban.org/report/2014.pdf. 3 “China, ROK deepen all-round cooperative partnership,’’ China Daily, November 15, 2005; Don Starr, “Chinese Language Education in Europe: the Confucius Institutes,’’ European Journal of Education 44, No. 1 (2009): 65. 4 Hanban, Annual Development Report 2018, accessed on April 30, 2020. 5 These concepts will be discussed in the next chapter; Falk Hartig, “Communicating China to the World: Confucius Institutes and China’s Strategic Narratives,’’ Politics 35 (3-4) (2015): 245-258. 6 “Is China both a source and hub for international students?,’’ CSIS, accessed May 1, 2020, https://chinapower.csis.org/china-international-students/; “Number of students from China going abroad for study from 2008 to 2018,’’ Statista, accessed May 1, 2020, https://www.statista.com/statistics/227240/number-of-chinese-students- that-study-abroad/. 7 “Number of foreign students studying in China 2018, by country of origin,’’ Statista, accessed May 1, 2020, https://www.statista.com/statistics/430717/china-foreign-students-by-country-of-origin/. 8 Ingird d’Hooghe, China’s Public Diplomacy (Leiden: Brill Nijhoff, 2015), 173-175. 9 Joshua Kurlantzick, “China’s Charm: Implications of Chinese Soft Power,’’ Policy Brief 47 (2006): 4. 1 its growing presence on the world stage, news media, state-actors and foreign publics have paid increasing attention to the country’s foreign and domestic policies. As will become clear from this research, this global context is strongly connected to the increasing criticism on Confucius Institutes in Northwest-Europe (and the US). The increasing concerns about Confucius Institutes in Northwest-Europe continue to attract attention on a political level and in news media. Therefore, this research hopes to provide a relevant contribution to the current understanding of the developments surrounding Confucius Institutes in Northwest-Europe. Moreover, it hopes to highlight the numerous disparities between different countries in terms of the development, functioning and recipience of Confucius Institutes. This research aims to analyse the functioning of Confucius Institutes in China’s public diplomacy. It does so by researching the sending and the recipience side of public diplomacy activities of Confucius Institutes in Northwest-Europe. Chapter 1 will provide an overview of the academic debate about Confucius Institutes and will explain the frequently-used concepts of ‘soft power’ and ‘public diplomacy’ in this debate. Chapter 2 will provide an overview of the theoretical framework, method and sources used in this research. It will also introduce the research question and sub-questions. Chapter 3 will provide a detailed analysis of the sending side of China’s public diplomacy, namely the activities of Confucius Institutes between 2013 and 2019. Chapter 4 discusses the first actor on the recipient side: higher education institutes. This chapter also elaborates on criticism and closures of Confucius Institutes in Northwest-Europe. Chapter 5 will provide an overview of how state-actors in the five case countries perceive Confucius Institutes and how this perception has shifted over time. Chapter 6 will provide a similar overview for news media in Northwest-Europe. Moreover, it distinguishes between local and national news media reports and discusses the role of foreign news media in China’s public diplomacy. 2 Chapter 1. Literature Review In recent years, scholars have written extensively about Confucius Institutes. The academic debate covers multiple aspects and theoretical frameworks to understand and explain Confucius Institutes.
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