Title Japanese Corporate Aggregates and Keiretsu Author(S) SHIMOTANI

Title Japanese Corporate Aggregates and Keiretsu Author(s) SHIMOTANI, Masahiro The Kyoto University Economic Review (2000), 68(1-2): 37- Citation 51 Issue Date 2000-04 URL https://doi.org/10.11179/ker1926.68.37 Right Type Departmental Bulletin Paper Textversion publisher Kyoto University Japanese Corporate Aggregates and Keiretsu by Masahiro SHIMOT ANI * I Two Types of Corporate Aggregates Article9 of Japan's Anti-Monopoly Act was revised in June 1997, to finally lift the ban on pure holding companies that had been in effect for over half a century since 1947 when the law was first enacted in the aftermath of Japan's defeat. The question of whether the ban on holding companies should be lifted has been hotly debated for years , but the primary concern is that this might lead to a revival of the z αib αtsu and promote a more concentrated market structure. This unusual provision stipulating that “the esｭ tablishment of holding companies shall be prohibited" (Anti-Monopoly Act , Article 9) was enacted in the first place to prevent the reemergence of the z αib αtsu ， which had enormous controlling power on the prewar Japanese economy. Yet considerable time has passed since the z αib αtsu were dismantled by the occupation forces right after the war , and the z αibatsu no longer exist in present-day Japan. The specific objects of conｭ cern in the debate over lifting the ban on holding companies , therefore , are the new corｭ porate conglomerates that have emerged after the war , the so-called Big Six corpor αte combines. The Big Six combines whose existence cannot be ignored have been subjected to close scrutiny , and the debates continue as to what , if any , affect the lifting of the ban on holding companies will have on these giant corporate aggregates. Concern has thus tended to focus on these Big Six combines as classic manife 迫ta tions of Japan's corporate aggregates. These six have attracted widespread attention as typifying Japanese corporate conglomerates partly because they are directly deｭ scended from the prewar z αib αtsu and because they exert such an enormous controlling influence on Japan's economy. Yet there is another type of corporate aggregate in the Japanese economy that we should direct our concern. This is a 'corporate group' that forms around a large parent company and consists of a constellation of subsidiaries and affiliates. Looking closely at the corporate aggregates that figure so importantly in the Japanese economy , we can thus discern two distinct types. J) The first type , which is represented by the Big Six combines , consists of a cluster of large firms from different sectors of the economy that are linked horizontally. Mitsui , Mitsubishi , and Sumitomo are three such combines that are directly descended from prewar z αib αtsu and that succeeded in knitting themselves ba * Professor , Graduate School of Economics , Kyoto University. 1) See Masahiro Shimotani , “History of Business Groups in Japan" , Shimotani and Shiba. eds.. B りand the Firm. Oxｭ ford University Press , 1997. 38 Masahiro SHIMOT ANI the 1950s. This was followed by three so-called ne ωcomer combines , all of which are fiｭ nancial keiretsu centering around a large bank. These include Fuji CFuyo) and Sanwa that emerged in the high-speed-growth years of the 1960s, and Daiichi-Kangin in the 1970s. The members making up these combines own stocks in each others' companies , and set up clubs where the presidents of the companies meet. They also reinforce soliｭ darity as a combine through joint investment activities and by conducting transactions wi thin the com bine. The second type is the corporate group , a pyramid-shaped aggregate consisting of a large number of related companiesCsubsidiaries and affiliates) that are subordiｭ nate to a large parent company. For example , the Toyota Group consists of some 335 related firms centered around Toyota Motors , and the Matsushita Electric Group is made up of about 670 related companies under the Matsushita Electric Industrial Co. , Ltd. Most of the large companies that exist in Japan today are the corporate group type of structure. Up to now interest has usually tended to focus much more on the Big Six corpoｭ rate combines , but in this manuscript equal attention will be focused on the corporate groups. This is because , as will be shown later , the corporate group has critically imｭ portant significance for properly understanding the nature of Japan's corporate aggreｭ gates. Both of these patterns of corporate organization - the corporate combine and corporate group - are distinctively Japanese in certain respects , and this paper will highlight some of the ways in which they are distinguished from industrial groupings in other countries. I will also address the subcontracting system , marketing channel arｭ rangements , and other aspects of the peculiarly Japanese keiretsu business relations. II Corporate Groups Let us begin with corporate groups , a type of confederation in which a constellaｭ tion of subsidiaries and affiliates are linked to a large parent company. Howare such grouping formed , and what are their specific attributes? Certainly the pattern of a large parent company with affiliates is not confined to Japan. Indeed , corporate groups are similarly formed in various countries around the globe through the establishment of subsidiaries and affiliates attached to large comｭ pany at the center of the group. Yet a close examination will reveal that Japanese corｭ porate groups are distinctive in a number of respects. The first distinctive attribute of Japanese corporate groups is the inordinately large number of related companies that are generally involved. Table 1 shows the numｭ ber of related companies for the 20 largest firms in terms of total assets. Most of the groups have in excess of several hundred satellite firms. Several parent companies , in fact , have over a thousand satellites , and the average number of related companies for the entire group is 522. If we expand the list from 20 to the 50 largest firms , 40 of the companies have 100 or more satellites , 29 have 200 or more , and 11 have 500 or more. The average number Japanese Corporate Aggregates and Keiretsu 39 Table 1 Related Firms of the Top 20 Companies by Assets (995) su bsidiaries affiliates total 1. Tokyo Elec t. Power 30 18 48 2. NTT 146 74 220 3. Toyota Auto. 196 139 335 4. Hitachi 858 198 1,056 5. Mitsubishi Co. 546 411 957 6. Matsushita na na 670 7. Mitsui & Co. 473 269 742 8. Nissan Auto. 550 150 700 9. Marubeni Co. 514 236 750 10. JR East 144 39 183 11. It ochu Co. 726 335 1,061 12. Kansai Elec t. Power 31 17 48 13. Chubu Elec t. Power 24 14 38 14. Toshiba 535 154 689 15. Sumitomo Co. 349 234 583 16. Nissho Iwai Co. 336 160 496 17. Orix 10 υc; 47 152 18. Nippon Steel 248 191 439 19. Sony 901 49 950 20. NEC na na 320 source: The Fair Trade Committee , The Report on the Economic Concentr αtwn of related firms for the top 50 corporate groups is 33 1. It is apparent that Japanese corｭ porate groups are characterized by an unusually large number of related companies. The second distinctive attribute of Japanese corporate groups is the way in which they are formed. In other words , by what process is such a large constellation of satellites formed? In some cases , (1) firms become satellites of a larger company through the acquiｭ sition of shares or through a capital contribution by the parent company. This process of being conscripted into the group through merger and/or acquisition is a universal phenomenon that can be observed around the world and in different periods. A second way that sa tellites are formed is (2) through splitting off a division of the parent com ・ pany to establish a separate company. This is commonly referred to as spinning off a division of the company. Compared to the first method which is a direct and proactive extension of the parent company's authority and power , the second method is simply achieved through a restructuring of the company. Generally it involves nothing more than splitting off a division and relabeling it a subsidiary. The important point to note is that this practice of spinning off a division of the company to establish a related company is exceedingly commonplace in Japan. The fact that Japanese corporate groups have such a large number of satellites can also be attributed for the most part to the practice of spinning off divisions of the parent company. Converting corporate divisions to satellite companies is generally rationalized as 40 Masahiro SHIMOT ANI a means of decentralizing business operations. Business organizations inevitably beｭ come flabby as they grow in size. Internal inefficiency becomes harder to avoid (someｭ times referred to as large enterprise dise αse) thus triggering a need for decentralizaｭ tion. The multi-divisional system is widely known as a way to decentralize business operations , and this approach began to be implemented in Japanese companies in the 1960s. Meanwhile , the practice of spinning off divisions to create satellites was also very prevalent during this same period. It is generally anticipated that this strategy of spinning off divisional units to establish separate subsidiaries will promote further deｭ centralization. We are even seeing cases where divisions themselves are divided and separated off as independent subsidiaries to pursue decentralization even furthe r. Yet the division is a convenient unit to spin off since it is already , by definition , a decentralｭ ized uni t. It is fairly common to observe that , by liberating a division in the form of a separate company , business operations are further expanded while forging new relaｭ tions with the parent company.

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