Extending Eligibility of the ACA to DACA Recipients Attending College Anna Rios, University of California, Berkeley
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Bridging the Gap Between DACA and the DREAM: the BRIDGE Act, What It Means, and Why It Matters
Penn State Journal of Law & International Affairs Volume 7 Issue 1 February 2019 Bridging the Gap Between DACA and the DREAM: The BRIDGE Act, What It Means, and Why It Matters Ellen E. Findley Follow this and additional works at: https://elibrary.law.psu.edu/jlia Part of the International and Area Studies Commons, International Law Commons, International Trade Law Commons, and the Law and Politics Commons ISSN: 2168-7951 Recommended Citation Ellen E. Findley, Bridging the Gap Between DACA and the DREAM: The BRIDGE Act, What It Means, and Why It Matters, 7 PENN. ST. J.L. & INT'L AFF. 304 (2019). Available at: https://elibrary.law.psu.edu/jlia/vol7/iss1/24 The Penn State Journal of Law & International Affairs is a joint publication of Penn State’s School of Law and School of International Affairs. Penn State Journal of Law & International Affairs 2019 VOLUME 7 NO. 1 BRIDGING THE GAP BETWEEN DACA AND THE DREAM: THE BRIDGE ACT, WHAT IT MEANS, AND WHY IT MATTERS Ellen E. Findley* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................... 305 II. WHAT IS THE BRIDGE ACT? .......................................................... 307 A. A Brief History of the DREAM Act ................................... 308 B. The Rise and Fall of DACA ................................................. 311 C. A Possible Revival of DACA ............................................... 317 III. BENEFITS OF THE BRIDGE ACT .................................................. 320 A. Efficiency Concerns ............................................................. -
Driver's Licenses, State ID, and Michigan Immigrants
Driver’s Licenses, State ID, and Michigan Immigrants DRAFT Introduction Since 2008, Michigan has required applicants for driver’s licenses and state identification to provide proof of U.S. citizenship or immigration status. This change was part of a series of post-9/11 changes, and has had significant consequences for all Michiganders who use the roads. Ten states, plus the District of Columbia, have already changed their laws to permit some form of legal driving without proof of immigration status.1 States have chosen to restore access to driver’s licenses irrespective of immigration status to address significant economic and public safety-related challenges posed by greatly-increased numbers of unlicensed drivers, including reductions the agricultural workforce, exclusion from the insurance market, This report highlights the economic and safety benefits to all Michigan residents of expanding access to driver’s licenses for all otherwise-eligible Michigan drivers. Section One describes the legal background, the federal REAL ID Act and states’ relationship to it; Section Two explores potential benefits to the State of Michigan by allowing more individuals to be eligible for state driver’s licenses and identification cards; and Section Three states specific recommended changes to Michigan law. Section 1: Background A. Background of Michigan Driver’s Licenses & REAL ID Act Compliance Prior to 2008, Michigan law contained no requirement that an applicant for a driver’s license or state ID card needed a specific immigration or citizenship status in order to be eligible. Applicants did have to submit documents that were sufficient to prove identity and establish state residency. -
A Study on Immigrant Activism, Secure Communities, and Rawlsian Civil Disobedience Karen J
Marquette Law Review Volume 100 Article 8 Issue 2 Winter 2016 A Study on Immigrant Activism, Secure Communities, and Rawlsian Civil Disobedience Karen J. Pita Loor Boston University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr Part of the Immigration Law Commons Repository Citation Karen J. Pita Loor, A Study on Immigrant Activism, Secure Communities, and Rawlsian Civil Disobedience, 100 Marq. L. Rev. 565 (2016). Available at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr/vol100/iss2/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Marquette Law Review by an authorized editor of Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 38800-mqt_100-2 Sheet No. 140 Side A 02/22/2017 09:25:38 LOOR-P.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 2/16/17 12:32 PM A STUDY ON IMMIGRANT ACTIVISM, SECURE COMMUNITIES, AND RAWLSIAN CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE KAREN J. PITA LOOR ABSTRACT This Article explores the immigrant acts of protest during the Obama presidency in opposition to the Secure Communities (SCOMM) immigration enforcement program through the lens of philosopher John Rawls’ theory of civil disobedience and posits that this immigrant resistance contributed to that administration’s dismantling the federal program by progressively moving localities, and eventually whole states, to cease cooperation with SCOMM. The controversial SCOMM program is one of the most powerful tools of immigration enforcement in the new millennium because it transforms any contact with state and local law enforcement into a potential immigration investigation. -
Harvard Kennedy School Journal of Hispanic Policy a Harvard Kennedy School Student Publication
Harvard Kennedy School Journal of Hispanic Policy A Harvard Kennedy School Student Publication Volume 30 Staff Kristell Millán Editor-in-Chief Estivaliz Castro Senior Editor Alberto I. Rincon Executive Director Bryan Cortes Senior Editor Leticia Rojas Managing Editor, Print Jazmine Garcia Delgadillo Senior Amanda R. Matos Managing Editor, Editor Digital Daniel Gonzalez Senior Editor Camilo Caballero Director, Jessica Mitchell-McCollough Senior Communications Editor Rocio Tua Director, Alumni & Board Noah Toledo Senior Editor Relations Max Wynn Senior Editor Sara Agate Senior Editor Martha Foley Publisher Elizabeth Castro Senior Editor Richard Parker Faculty Advisor Recognition of Former Editors A special thank you to the former editors Alex Rodriguez, 1995–96 of the Harvard Kennedy School Journal of Irma Muñoz, 1996–97 Hispanic Policy, previously known as the Myrna Pérez, 1996–97 Harvard Journal of Hispanic Policy, whose Eraina Ortega, 1998–99 legacy continues to be a source of inspira- Nereyda Salinas, 1998–99 tion for Latina/o students Harvard-wide. Raúl Ruiz, 1999–2000 Maurilio León, 1999–2000 Henry A.J. Ramos, Founding Editor, Sandra M. Gallardo, 2000–01 1984–86 Luis S. Hernandez Jr., 2000–01 Marlene M. Morales, 1986–87 Karen Hakime Bhatia, 2001–02 Adolph P. Falcón, 1986–87 Héctor G. Bladuell, 2001–02 Kimura Flores, 1987–88 Jimmy Gomez, 2002–03 Luis J. Martinez, 1988–89 Elena Chávez, 2003–04 Genoveva L. Arellano, 1989–90 Adrian J. Rodríguez, 2004–05 David Moguel, 1989–90 Edgar A. Morales, 2005–06 Carlo E. Porcelli, 1990–91 Maria C. Alvarado, 2006–07 Laura F. Sainz, 1990–91 Tomás J. García, 2007–08 Diana Tisnado, 1991–92 Emerita F. -
CALIFORNIA DREAM ACT Frequently Asked Questions (FAQ) for Parents and Students CA Dream Act Background and Eligibility
CALIFORNIA DREAM ACT Frequently Asked Questions (FAQ) for parents and students CA Dream Act Background and Eligibility Q. What is the California Dream Act? Q. Who Can Apply for the California Dream Act? The California Dream Act allows undocumented and nonresident Students who live in California and meet the eligibility requirements documented students who meet certain provisions to apply for and of Assembly Bill (AB) 540 or AB 2000, as well as students who have receive private scholarships funded through public universities, state a U Visa or TPS status, can use the California Dream Act application administered financial aid, University grants, community college fee (CADAA). waivers, and Cal Grants. Q. What is the difference between the Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA) and the California Dream Act application? The eligibility requirements based on citizenship are completely different for each of these. See below for more details: 1) You are eligible to complete the FAFSA at https://fafsa.ed.gov/ if 2) You are eligible to complete the Dream Act Application (CADAA) at you are a: www.caldreamact.org if you are a: Person who has a Social Security number who is either: Student who is not eligible to file the FAFSA and you: • A U.S. Citizen • Meet the requirements of AB 540 or AB 2000 and/or • An eligible non-citizen, per the FAFSA definition, or • Reside in California with a U-Visa or • The holder of a T-visa • Reside in California with a Temporary Protected Status (TPS) • A U.S. Citizen, eligible non-citizen or the holder of a T - Visa whose parent is undocumented Q. -
Analysis of the Discourse Used by Supporters and Opponents of the Development, Relief and Education for Alien Minors Act (Dream Act)
ANALYSIS OF THE DISCOURSE USED BY SUPPORTERS AND OPPONENTS OF THE DEVELOPMENT, RELIEF AND EDUCATION FOR ALIEN MINORS ACT (DREAM ACT) By: Javier Barba Vazquez A Discourse Analysis Presented to the Department of Public Policy and Administration School of Business and Public Administration CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, BAKERSFIELD In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Spring 2014 ~ .L, U)\4 Dr. Chandrasekhar Commuri, Ph. D. Date Approved~ 1<. /J1aif) Dr. Thomas Martinez, Ph. D. Date Copyright By Javier Barba Vazquez DEDICATION I would like to dedicate my biggest accomplishment to my parents Jesus and Margarita and my siblings Miguel Angel, Antonio, Jaime, Rene and Jose Guadalupe†. I would have not made it this far in life without your unconditional support. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First I would like to thank God for guiding hand in my life throughout my graduate studies. I wish to thank my readers Dr. Commuri and Dr. Martinez for the direction and assistance while completing this thesis. In addition, I would thank Dr. Stanley Clark for supporting me during my entire graduate program and challenging me to perform at my best in each of my courses. Without these generous professors, it would have been extremely difficult to achieve this goal. Furthermore, I would like to recognize my colleague Rogelio “Roy” Alvarado for working alongside with me during these past two years, especially at the times we wanted to give up. Finally, I whole-heartedly appreciate the support everyone else offered me during -
PUBLIC CHARGE and the THREAT to IMMIGRANT FAMILIES in CALIFORNIA Reducing the Chilling Effect on Medi-Cal Participation
PUBLIC CHARGE AND THE THREAT TO IMMIGRANT FAMILIES IN CALIFORNIA Reducing the Chilling Effect on Medi-Cal Participation Grace Kim • Renee Lahey • Marcus Silva • Sean Tan CALIFORNIA IMMIGRANT POLICY CENTER ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Thank you to the following individuals whose significant contributions were instrumental in developing this report: Prof. Mark A. Peterson, Primary Advisor Prof. Wesley Yin, Second Advisor Almas Sayeed, California Immigrant Policy Center Irma Livadic, Iman Nanji, Josh Summers, Caio Velasco, Ryan Weinberg; Peer Reviewers We would also like to thank the following individuals for their help in refining our analysis: Nancy Aspaturian Hon. Brian Nestande Adam Barsch Mike Odeh Connie Choi Prof. Ninez Ponce Prof. Darin Christensen Prof. Sarah Reber Madeleine Ildefonso Eric Schattl Mitchell Jacobs Kristen Golden Testa Sabrina Kim Prof. Abel Valenzuela Prof. Gerald Kominski Virdiana Velez Marielle Kress Joseph Villela Thai Le Prof. Steve Wallace Laurel Lucia AJ Young Disclaimer This report was prepared in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Public Policy degree in the Department of Public Policy at the University of California, Los Angeles. It was prepared at the direction of the Department and the California Immigrant Policy Center as a policy client. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the Department, the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs, UCLA as a whole, or the client. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary 5 Glossary 6 Acronyms and Initialisms 7 Chapter -
The Dream Act, DACA, and Other Policies Designed to Protect Dreamers
The Dream Act, DACA, and Other Policies Designed to Protect Dreamers With the unsuccessful rescission of the Deferred Action for Children Arrivals (DACA) initiative in September 2017, there has been renewed pressure on Congress to pass federal legislation known as the Dream Act to protect young immigrants who are vulnerable to deportation. This fact sheet provides an overview of the DACA initiative following the Supreme Court's decision blocking the program's rescission, the Dream Act1 and similar legislative proposals, and provides information about policies at the state level that support Dreamers. Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals On June 15, 2012, then-Secretary of Homeland Security Janet Napolitano created Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). DACA is an exercise of prosecutorial discretion, providing temporary relief from deportation (deferred action) and work authorization to certain young undocumented immigrants brought to the United States as children.2 DACA has enabled almost 800,000 eligible young adults to work lawfully, attend school, and plan their lives without the constant threat of deportation--usually to an unfamiliar country.3 Unlike federal legislation, however, DACA does not provide permanent legal status to individuals and must be renewed every two years. On September 5, 2017, Acting Secretary of Homeland Security Elaine Duke rescinded the 2012 DACA memorandum and announced a “wind down” of DACA.4 As of that date, no new applications for DACA were accepted. DACA beneficiaries whose status was due to expire before March 5, 2018, were permitted to renew their status for an additional two years if they applied by October 5, 2017.5 Any person for whom DACA would have expired as of March 6, 2018, would no longer have deferred action or employment authorization.6 The attempted rescission was challenged by U.S. -
News Frames and Hegemonic Discourses in the Immigration Debates in the United States, 2006 and 2010
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by D-Scholarship@Pitt “EVERYBODY AROUND HERE IS FROM SOME PLACE ELSE”: NEWS FRAMES AND HEGEMONIC DISCOURSES IN THE IMMIGRATION DEBATES IN THE UNITED STATES, 2006 AND 2010 by Sharon Madriaga Quinsaat B.A. Communication Research, University of the Philippines-Diliman, 1999 M.A. Social Sciences, University of Calfornia-Irvine, 2009 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Kenneth P. Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts University of Pittsburgh 2011 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH KENNETH P. DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This thesis was presented by Sharon Madriaga Quinsaat It was defended on July 7, 2011 and approved by Dr. Akiko Hashimoto, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology Dr. John Markoff, Distinguished University Professor, Department of Sociology Thesis Director: Dr. Suzanne Staggenborg, Professor, Department of Sociology ii Copyright © by Sharon Madriaga Quinsaat 2011 iii “EVERYBODY AROUND HERE IS FROM SOME PLACE ELSE”: NEWS FRAMES AND HEGEMONIC DISCOURSES IN THE IMMIGRATION DEBATES IN THE UNITED STATES, 2006 AND 2010 Sharon Madriaga Quinsaat, M.A. University of Pittsburgh, 2011 In 2006, the United States House of Representatives introduced a bill that seeks to criminalize unauthorized immigrants, subjecting them to detention and deportation. Four years later, the Arizona State Legislature passed a similar measure, which classifies an alien’s presence in Arizona without the possession of proper immigration documents as a state misdemeanor. Both pieces of legislation entered the public sphere and stimulated debates on immigration, as cleavages within and among the Democrats and Republicans surfaced and opposition turned into highly publicized events. -
Immigrants and Michigan Driver's Licenses
Immigrants and Michigan Driver’s Licenses: Past, Present, and Future Updated: December 2018 Looking back: Michigan licenses issued regardless of immigration status Prior to 2008, Michigan law contained no requirement that an applicant for a driver’s license or state ID card needed a specific immigration or citizenship status in order to be eligible. Applicants did have to submit documents that were sufficient to prove their identity, and they had to show that they were residents of Michigan. A 1995 Michigan Attorney General Opinion stated that because the law had no immigration status requirement, an “illegal alien” could not be denied a driver’s license on that basis.1 The opinion also stated that there was no legal reason why an “illegal alien” could not be considered a resident of a state. In December of 2007, Attorney General Mike Cox issued a new opinion that reversed that finding.2 The 2007 opinion stated that an unauthorized immigrant cannot be considered a Michigan resident and, in fact, only a Lawful Permanent Resident, sometimes known as a “green card” holder, could be considered a Michigan resident under the law. Where we are: “legal presence” requirements and use of foreign licenses The Michigan Secretary of State implemented the 2007 AG opinion in early 2008. It had the immediate effect of denying licenses to all people who are undocumented. In addition, it excluded dozens of categories of legally present noncitizens who live and work in Michigan who have not been granted Lawful Permanent Resident status. To clarify who was -
The Impact of Sweatlodges and Danza Mexica on Mexican American Well-Being
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, MERCED Strength-Based Interaction Rituals: The Impact of Sweatlodges and Danza Mexica on Mexican American Well-being A Thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Sociology by Alejandro Zermeño Committee in charge: Professor Paul Almeida, Chair Professor Whitney Pirtle Professor Robin M. DeLugan 2017 Copyright © Alejandro Zermeño, 2017 All rights reserved ii The Master’s Thesis of Alejandro Zermeño is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Whitney Pirtle Robin M. DeLugan Paul Almeida Chair University of California, Merced 2017 iii ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS Strength-Based Interaction Rituals: The Impact of Sweatlodges and Danza Mexica on Mexican American Well-being by Alejandro Zermeño Master of Arts in Sociology University of California, Merced, 2017 Professor Paul Almeida, Chair This study draws from twenty-six in-depth interviews to explore how Indigenous ceremonies shape the well-being of working-class Mexican Americans in Los Angeles. Through a combined strength-based and interaction ritual chains analysis, these interviews of non-participants, moderate- and high-level participants reveal how participation in sweatlodges and Danza Mexica exposes Mexican Americans to social and cultural strength-factors. These strengths include collective indigenous identities, social support systems, and micro rituals (instruments, songs, and incense) that help generate collective effervescence and enhance wellbeing. -
Labor, Farms, and Immigration
LABOR, FARMS, AND IMMIGRATION: ALIEN LIFE ON THE FARM BY: RACHEL ALLEN APRIL 2009 PREPARED AS AN ACADEMIC REQUIREMENT FOR THE AGRICULTURAL LAW COURSE AT THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY’S DICKINSON SCHOOL OF LAW SPRING SEMESTER 2009 The work product contained in this paper is entirely that of the student author. I. INTRODUCTION Americans are bombarded with statistics about illegal immigration and undocumented workers. We are told of the horrific deaths of those trying to cross the border to have their chance at a better life, their chance to realize the American dream. On the other side we are told that the millions of illegal immigrants are drawing from the public and giving nothing back. What should the American public believe? It is hard to determine what to believe, or which side to choose, and yet it is impossible to ignore the impact undocumented workers have on our society and in particular our agricultural system. It is impossible to deny that our fruits and vegetables, grown in the United States, were undoubtedly picked by alien hands. The Department of Labor has estimated that of the 1.6 million workers in agriculture more then half of them are undocumented workers.1 Other groups estimate that the numbers may be higher, around seventy-five percent.2 The Pew Hispanic Center approximates that there were twelve million illegal immigrants in the United States in March 2006.3 The Department of Homeland Security approximates that in 2005 there were 10.5 million illegal immigrants in the United States.4 Each year the number of illegal immigrants rises by about 500,000.5 Further “it remains almost impossible to accurately track the population of illegals using data from the census, which doesn’t ask people their legal status.”6 Most undocumented workers are transient 1 Linda Levnie, Farm Labor Shortages and Immigration Policy, Congressional Research Service, January 30, 2009 at Summary.