9. the Concept of Party Government in the Constitutional System of Germany
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Paper 3 Weimar and Nazi Germany Revision Guide and Student Activity Book
Paper 3 Weimar and Nazi Germany Revision Guide and Student Activity Book Section 1 – Weimar Republic 1919-1929 What was Germany like before and after the First World War? Before the war After the war The Germans were a proud people. The proud German army was defeated. Their Kaiser, a virtual dictator, was celebrated for his achievements. The Kaiser had abdicated (stood down). The army was probably the finest in the world German people were surviving on turnips and bread (mixed with sawdust). They had a strong economy with prospering businesses and a well-educated, well-fed A flu epidemic was sweeping the country, killing workforce. thousands of people already weakened by rations. Germany was a superpower, being ruled by a Germany declared a republic, a new government dictatorship. based around the idea of democracy. The first leader of this republic was Ebert. His job was to lead a temporary government to create a new CONSTITUTION (SET OF RULES ON HOW TO RUN A COUNTRY) Exam Practice - Give two things you can infer from Source A about how well Germany was being governed in November 1918. (4 marks) From the papers of Jan Smuts, a South African politician who visited Germany in 1918 “… mother-land of our civilisation (Germany) lies in ruins, exhausted by the most terrible struggle in history, with its peoples broke, starving, despairing, from sheer nervous exhaustion, mechanically struggling forward along the paths of anarchy (disorder with no strong authority) and war.” Inference 1: Details in the source that back this up: Inference 2: Details in the source that back this up: On the 11th November, Ebert and the new republic signed the armistice. -
Comparison of Constitutionalism in France and the United States, A
A COMPARISON OF CONSTITUTIONALISM IN FRANCE AND THE UNITED STATES Martin A. Rogoff I. INTRODUCTION ....................................... 22 If. AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONALISM ..................... 30 A. American constitutionalism defined and described ......................................... 31 B. The Constitution as a "canonical" text ............ 33 C. The Constitution as "codification" of formative American ideals .................................. 34 D. The Constitution and national solidarity .......... 36 E. The Constitution as a voluntary social compact ... 40 F. The Constitution as an operative document ....... 42 G. The federal judiciary:guardians of the Constitution ...................................... 43 H. The legal profession and the Constitution ......... 44 I. Legal education in the United States .............. 45 III. THE CONsTrrTION IN FRANCE ...................... 46 A. French constitutional thought ..................... 46 B. The Constitution as a "contested" document ...... 60 C. The Constitution and fundamental values ......... 64 D. The Constitution and nationalsolidarity .......... 68 E. The Constitution in practice ...................... 72 1. The Conseil constitutionnel ................... 73 2. The Conseil d'ttat ........................... 75 3. The Cour de Cassation ....................... 77 F. The French judiciary ............................. 78 G. The French bar................................... 81 H. Legal education in France ........................ 81 IV. CONCLUSION ........................................ -
Introduction to the Weimar Republic
Handout Introduction to the Weimar Republic Directions: Write a D next to information about the Weimar Republic that represents characteristics of a democracy and an X next to information that describes problems or challenges for a democracy. From Monarchy to Democracy D X After World War I, Germany’s political leaders sought to transform Germany from a monarchy to a democracy, called the Weimar Republic (1918–1933). The Weimar Constitution divided power into three branches of government. Elections were held for the president and the Reichstag (the legislature), while the judicial branch was appointed. The Weimar Constitution D X Adopted on August 11, 1919, the new Weimar Constitution spelled out the “basic rights and ob- ligations” of government officials and the citizens they served. Most of those rights and obliga- tions had not existed in Germany under the kaiser, including equality before the law, freedom of religion, and privacy. Despite the inclusion of these rights in the Weimar Constitution, individual freedom was not fully protected. Old laws that denied freedoms continued, including laws that discriminated against homosexual men and “Gypsies” (the name, considered derogatory today, used to describe two groups of people called the Sinti and Roma). The Reichstag D X Germans voted for a party, rather than a candidate, to fill the Reichstag (the German legisla- ture). The elections determined the percentage of seats each party received in the Reichstag, but the parties themselves selected the individuals who filled each allotted seat. For example, if a party received 36% of the vote, they would get 36% of the seats in the Reichstag. -
Weimar Constitution
Weimar Why was the new government called the “Weimar Republic”? Weimar Constitution LO: To evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of the Weimar Constitution Political Spectrum • Despite the unrest, the Provisional Government moved towards establishing a permanent institutions in Germany, and elections for the Constituent Assembly were scheduled for 19th Jan 1919. • There were many political parties that cover the range of ideologies. KPD USPD SPD ZP DDP DVP DNVP (NSDAP) • Copy and complete the table below, showing the main beliefs of these political parties (pg 5+7) Name Foundations Aims Support Lesson 1.1.2 To evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of the Weimar Constitution 1919 elections • Women were allowed to Party Number of seats vote for the first time. SPD 163 • SPD secured the largest ZP 91 share of the votes (38%) DDP 75 the largest number of DNVP 44 seats (163) in the USPD 22 Assembly. DVP 19 • However, they failed to Others 7 reach an overall majority so had to compromise • Ebert was elected the first with other parties to President govern and establish a • Scheidermann was new constitution. appointed Chancellor Lesson 1.1.2 To evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of the Weimar Constitution Weimar Constitution Create your own diagram for the Weimar Constitution. Must include explanations of: President, Chancellor, Reichstag, Landtag/Lander and the voting system. (Pg 7) Strengths and Weaknesses of the Constitution • Create a table showing the strengths and the weaknesses of the Weimar Constitution. Lesson 1.1.2 To evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of the Weimar Constitution Plenary essay question – conclusion • ‘The Weimar constitution was not democratic nor did it provide the basis for stable government.’ • Assess the validity of this view. -
A March of Liberty: a Constitutional History of the United States. by Melvin I
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Constitutional Commentary 1989 Book Review: A March of Liberty: A Constitutional History of the United States. by Melvin I. Urofsky. Herman Belz Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Belz, Herman, "Book Review: A March of Liberty: A Constitutional History of the United States. by Melvin I. Urofsky." (1989). Constitutional Commentary. 410. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm/410 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Constitutional Commentary collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1989] BOOK REVIEWS 549 even knowing that you believed such things (and without quite un derstanding just what it is that you have unwittingly been believ ing). All of this is presented with a ferocity of conviction that leaves you unsettled. And at the end of it all, you have no idea how to go about correcting the situation. w Manicheanism, it seems, is a her esy not limited to Christians. III Perhaps the most unfortunate consequence of these books is that they may lend support to the view-a view that many are wont to adopt anyway-that history offers little help in understanding current constitutional issues. To be sure, good history is not easily come by. The historian has the difficult task of writing about the past but for the present; he must moderate a conversation between generations that may not speak in the same terms or, worse yet, may use the same terms but with different meanings. -
On the Commander-In-Chief Power
Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2008 On the Commander-In-Chief Power David Luban Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] Georgetown Public Law and Legal Theory Research Paper No. 1026302 This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/598 http://ssrn.com/abstract=1026302 81 S. Cal. L. Rev. 477-571 (2008) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Constitutional Law Commons ON THE COMMANDER IN CHIEF POWER ∗ DAVID LUBAN BRADBURY: Obviously, the Hamdan decision, Senator, does implicitly recognize that we’re in a war, that the President’s war powers were triggered by the attacks on the country, and that [the] law of war paradigm applies. That’s what the whole case was about. LEAHY: Was the President right or was he wrong? BRADBURY: It’s under the law of war that we . LEAHY: Was the President right or was he wrong? BRADBURY: . hold the President is always right, Senator. —exchange between a U.S. Senator and a Justice Department 1 lawyer ∗ University Professor and Professor of Law and Philosophy, Georgetown University. I owe thanks to John Partridge and Sebastian Kaplan-Sears for excellent research assistance; to Greg Reichberg, Bill Mengel, and Tim Sellers for clarifying several points of American, Roman, and military history; to Marty Lederman for innumerable helpful and critical conversations; and to Vicki Jackson, Paul Kahn, Larry Solum, and Amy Sepinwall for helpful comments on an earlier draft. -
The Weimar Constitution
The Weimar Constitution Was the Weimar Constitution a source of strength or weakness for a successful democratic Germany? What is a constitution? A constitution is a set of unchangeable rules about how a country is to be governed and what rights the people should have. The President ● Elected every 7 years by everyone in the country. ● In charge of the German Army and Navy ● Appointed the Chancellor ● Had special powers in an emergency (Article 48). What was Article 48? Article 48 gave the President the power to pass laws - called decrees - without the support of the Reichstag in an emergency. This was good because…. …it meant that laws could be passed and actions could be taken even if the Reichstag couldn’t reach an agreement in an emergency situation. This was bad because… …a President could abuse this power because the Constitution didn’t specify what an emergency was or how long it could last. The Chancellor ● The equivalent of our Prime Minister. ● He was appointed and dismissed by the President. ● Without the support of the Reichstag, he would be unable to pass laws. ● He was usually a member of the Reichstag. The Reichstag ● It was voted for by all men and women over the age of 20 by a system called Proportional Representation ● It had the power to vote for or against laws put forward by the Chancellor Proportional Representation ● This was Germany’s voting system between 1919 and 1933 ● The number of seats in the Reichstag a party was given would match the proportion of votes they recieved in elections. -
Brief Amici Curiae of 37 Appellate
Nos. 16-1436 and 16-1540 ================================================================ In The Supreme Court of the United States --------------------------------- --------------------------------- DONALD J. TRUMP, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, ET AL., Petitioners, v. INTERNATIONAL REFUGEE ASSISTANCE PROJECT, ET AL. --------------------------------- --------------------------------- DONALD J. TRUMP, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, ET AL., Petitioners, v. STATE OF HAWAII, ET AL. --------------------------------- --------------------------------- On Writs Of Certiorari To The United States Courts Of Appeals For The Fourth And Ninth Circuits --------------------------------- --------------------------------- BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE 37 APPELLATE LAWYERS SUPPORTING RESPONDENTS --------------------------------- --------------------------------- CHARLES A. BIRD Counsel of Record 4182 Ingalls Street San Diego, CA 92103 (619) 699-2406 [email protected] Counsel for Amici Curiae [Additional Counsel Listed At End Of Brief] ================================================================ COCKLE LEGAL BRIEFS (800) 225-6964 WWW.COCKLELEGALBRIEFS.COM i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page TABLE OF CONTENTS ...................................... i TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ................................. iii BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE 37 APPELLATE LAWYERS SUPPORTING RESPONDENTS ... 1 INTEREST OF THE AMICI CURIAE ................. 1 SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT .............................. 2 ARGUMENT ........................................................ 4 I. How a Society -
The Enabling Act of 23 March 1933 the Political Situation in the Final Stages of the Weimar Republic Was Confusing and Unstable
HISTORICAL EXHIBITION PRESENTED BY THE GERMAN BUNDESTAG ____________________________________________________________________________________________________ The Enabling Act of 23 March 1933 The political situation in the final stages of the Weimar Republic was confusing and unstable. Changing cabinets and coalitions and political, social and economic crises were the order of the day. Paul von Hindenburg, President of the Reich, was resorting more and more frequently to emergency decrees and dissolved the Reichstag twice in 1932. The prevailing political conditions facilitated the transition of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) from a radical splinter group to a party of government. In the two elections to the Reichstag in 1932 and in the election of 1933, which was free only on paper, the NSDAP won the largest share of the vote by far. On 30 January 1933, Adolf Hitler was appointed Chancellor of the Reich by President Hindenburg. Hitler was thus placed at the head of a cabinet comprising non-attached Conservative ministers, members of the NSDAP and representatives of the German National People’s Party (DNVP). The direction in which the political situation would develop under Hitler became clear only shortly after he took office. The Reichstag Fire Decree (Reichstagsbrandverordnung), enacted only one day after the fire in the Reichstag building on 27 February 1933, severely curtailed fundamental rights, subjected the police largely to the control of the national government and thereby created all sorts of opportunities for the persecution and elimination of political opponents, which the police and the so- called auxiliary police forces formed by SA and SS troops exploited to the full. The next step towards the ‘Führer state’ was the abolition of parliamentary democracy and the rule of law. -
Constitutional History in Context: Mexican Federation and Spanish Liberal Influence
Berkeley Undergraduate Journal 1 CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY IN CONTEXT: MEXICAN FEDERATION AND SPANISH LIBERAL INFLUENCE Comparing the Spanish Constitution of 1812 and the Mexican Constitution of 1824 By Madison Chapman pain adopted the Constitution of Cádiz in 1812 as a response to the regime of Joseph Bonaparte, which deposed King Ferdinand VII and inspired dissent throughout Spain. Fondly known as La Pepa, the new SSpanish constitution would prove short lived—but long influence the course of history and political theory. Indeed, the Constitution of Cádiz was the first truly liberal European document of the kind—drawing on Rousseau, Locke, and Voltaire, it enumerated universal male suffrage, a constitutional monarchy and democratic parliamentary body, and certain social rights previously restricted in largely closed European states. Though the Constitution of Cádiz would crumble by 1814, the immediate influence of this document was felt by New Spain, which would draft its own document and declare the Mexican Federation in 1824. This paper explores the causal link between these two events, applying theory from Rawls, Polanyi, Mill, and The Federalist Papers to determine how each document differs, where parallels emerge, why each failed to last, and how the lessons from Spain and colonial dissent encouraged Mexico to federate. By offering a textual comparison of each document and weaving in anecdotes from history, this paper provides a robust assessment of two quintessential documents for modern political theory and liberal thought in both -
Carl Schmitt's Constitutional Textbook
Carl Schmitt. Constitutional Theory. Translated by Jeffrey Seitzer. Durham: Duke University Press, 2008. xix + 468 pp. $29.95, paper, ISBN 978-0-8223-4070-6. Reviewed by Robert D. Rachlin Published on H-German (October, 2009) Commissioned by Susan R. Boettcher This frst English translation of Carl Schmitt's The trajectory of his legal-political thought Verfassungslehre (1928), prepared by Jeffrey tended toward justification of strong executive Seitzer and published under the title Constitution‐ government. His Die Diktatur (1922) distinguished al Theory, makes a welcome contribution to the between what he called "commissarial dictator‐ growing corpus of Schmitt's writings available in ship" and "sovereign dictatorship." The former, English. His scholarly works span several eras of characteristic of the dictators appointed for limit‐ German history, beginning in the Wilhelmine Em‐ ed terms during the Roman republic, functioned pire of 1910, traversing the First World War years, in times of emergency, not to abrogate, but to pre‐ the Weimar Republic, the Third Reich and World serve the constitutional footing of the nation. A War II, and postwar Germany. The last work pub‐ sovereign dictator, on the other hand, replaced lished in his lifetime appeared in 1970.[1] Schmitt the constitutional foundation of the state and be‐ (1888-1985), the so-called Crown Jurist of the came a tyrant with unlimited tenure. In Die geis‐ Third Reich, published his Verfassungslehre dur‐ tesgeschichtliche Lage des heutigen Parlamen‐ ing the only sustained period of calm that the tarismus (1923), translated as The Crisis of Parlia‐ Weimar Republic enjoyed. Schmitt's reputation mentary Democracy (1988), Schmitt doubted the suffered from his membership in the NSDAP and viability of parliamentary government, predicting his many publications in support of the Third Re‐ that factionalism would doom it to stalemate. -
Dictatorship and the German Constitution: 1933-1937
DICTATORSHIP AND THE GERMAN CONSTITUTION: 1933-1937 KARL Lo wENsTEIN* FTER National Socialism had seized power in Germany on Janu- ary 3o, 1933, the transformation of the constitutional law of the German Reich was accomplished at an exceedingly rapid rate. During the first two years of National Socialist rule there was an enor- mous output of statutes of basic importance. This rather hectic process of constitutional reconstruction evidently had reached a climax when, on August i, 1934, Adolf Hitler united the functions of the Reich President and of the Reich-Chancellor in his person, because the plenitude of ab- solute power bestowed on the Supreme Leader of the Reich (Reichsfiihrer) was incapable of being further increased. Since then the pace in rebuild- ing the constitutional structure has ostensibly slackened and it seems safe to state that the outlines of constitutional law as they appear today em- body the governmental form of the Third Reich in its final shape. Among the vast mass of statutes passed during the first four years of National Socialist rule some are considered as of fundamental nature and are spoken of as the basic or organic acts of the Third Reich (Grund- gesetz). This official designation, however, does not imply that these acts became integral parts of the fundamental charter (Verfassung im formel- len Sinn). Although it has been repeatedly hinted that a completely new constitutional document will be drawn up which would supersede the Weimar Constitution of August 11, 1918, the plan, if ever seriously con- templated, has not as yet materialized. Should a new constitutional charter be adopted, it would scarcely differ much from the constitutional set-up reflected today in the so-called basic acts, ordinary statutes and to a large extent also, in governmental habits or conventions.