The Changing Faces of Public Inquiry: Towards a Regulatory
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Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Elischer, Sebastian Working Paper Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya GIGA Working Papers, No. 68 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Elischer, Sebastian (2008) : Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya, GIGA Working Papers, No. 68, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/47826 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort -
Post-Election Violence in Kenya
Spontaneous or Premeditated? DISCUSSION PAPER 57 SPONTANEOUS OR PREMEDITATED? Post-Election Violence in Kenya GODWIN R. MURUNGA NORDISKA AFRIKAINSTITUTET, UppSALA 2011 Indexing terms: Elections Violence Political violence Political crisis Ethnicity Democratization Kenya The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Language checking: Peter Colenbrander ISSN 1104-8417 ISBN 978-91-7106-694-7 © The author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2011 Production: Byrå4 Print on demand, Lightning Source UK Ltd. Spontaneous or Premeditated? Contents Contents ..............................................................................................................................................................3 Foreword .............................................................................................................................................................5 Introduction .......................................................................................................................................................7 Post-Election Violence: Overview of the Literature .............................................................................8 A Note on the Kenyan Democratisation Processes ............................................................................13 Clash of Interpretations ................................................................................................................................17 The Ballot Box and -
Voter Registration
Your Vote, Your Future Table of Contents Acronyms vi Foreword viii Profi les Of Iiec Commissioners - 2009 -2011 x Executive Summary xiv CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1 1.0 Historical Background 2 1.1 Formation and Mandate of the IIEC 4 1.2 Composition of the IIEC 5 1.3 Summary of the IIEC Achievements 5 CHAPTER 2: REFORMS IN THE ELECTORAL PROCESS AND MANAGEMENT OF ELECTIONS 9 2.0 Overview 10 2.1 Reform in the electoral Management Body 10 2.1.1 Creation of the IIEC as a new Electoral body 10 2.1.2 Establishment of a Secretariat 11 2.1.3 Legal Framework 11 2.1.4 Reform in the Management of elections 12 2.1.5 Increasing integration of Technology in Election 15 2.1.6 Regulating political parties 16 2.1.7 Introducing Performance Management in IIEC’s 15 CHAPTER 3: ESTABLISHMENT OF AN EFFICIENT AND EFFECTIVE SECRETARIAT 17 3.0 Overview 18 3.1 IIEC Secretariat 18 3.1.1 The Management Structure 18 3.1.2 Physical Facilities 22 3.1.3 Establishment of operational policies and Systems 22 3.1.4 Corporate and Operational Manuals 24 3.1.5 The IIEC Customer Service Charter 26 3.1.6 The Commission Charter 26 CHAPTER 4: PROMOTION OF FREE AND FAIR ELECTIONS 27 4.0 Overview 28 4.1 Marginalization and Inclusion 28 4.1.1 Expanding the Democratic Space 30 4.2 Integrity in Conducting Elections 32 CHAPTER 5: FRESH REGISTRATION OF VOTERS AND THE CREATION OF A NEW VOTERS’ REGISTER 35 Published by the Interim Independent Electoral Commission 5.0 Overview 36 Web address of this report: www.iiec.or.ke/ publications 5.1 Voter Registration 36 5.1.1 OMR and EVR Registration 36 -
Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya
Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 8 | Issue 2 Article 1 Spring 2010 Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Edwin Odhiambo Abuya, Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections?, 8 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 122 (2010). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol8/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2010 by Northwestern University School of Law Volume 8, Issue 2 (Spring 2010) Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya* Asiyekubali kushindwa si msihindani.1 I. INTRODUCTION ¶1 Can African States hold free and fair elections? To put it another way, is it possible to conduct presidential elections in Africa that meet internationally recognized standards? These questions can be answered in the affirmative. However, in order to safeguard voting rights, specific reforms must be adopted and implemented on the ground. In keeping with international legal standards on democracy,2 the constitutions of many African states recognize the right to vote.3 This right is reflected in the fact that these states hold regular elections. The right to vote is fundamental in any democratic state, but an entitlement does not guarantee that right simply by providing for elections. -
The Kenyan Crisis: How And
The Kenyan Crisis: Post December 2007 Elections Renu Modi Seema Shekhawat Working Paper No: 1 Centre for African Studies Area Studies Building Behind Marathi Bhasha Bhavan University of Mumbai Vidyanagari, Santacruz (E) Mumbai: 400 098. E-mail: [email protected] [email protected] 1 Contents Acronyms 03 Resume 04 Introduction 05 The Background 05 The Kibaki Administration 08 The Governance Crisis 11 December 2007 Elections 13 Repercussions 18 Deep Rooted Reasons 19 Authoritarian ‘Democratic’ Structures 20 Unrestrained Powers of the President 20 Lack of Space for the Opposition 21 Popular Disillusionment 21 Political Violence 22 The Ethnicity Factor 23 The Economic Factor 24 Colonial Legacy 26 Conclusion 28 Endnotes and References 29 Tables Table 1: 27 December 2002 Election 07 Table 2: November 21, 2005 Constitutional Referendum 11 Table 3: Composition of the 10th Parliament 14 2 Acronyms ICG International Crisis Group IMF International Monetary Fund KANU Kenya African National Union NARC National Rainbow Coalition ODM Orange Democratic Movement ODM-K Orange Democratic Movement-Kenya 3 Resume Renu Modi Renu Modi is a lecturer and Director of the Department of African Studies, University of Mumbai. She is a political scientist and graduated from the Lady Shree Ram College for Women, Delhi University. She received her PhD. from the Centre for African Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Her research interests include issues of development- displacement and livelihood reconstitution at resettlement sites and contemporary political, economic and social issues from a gendered perspective in the Afro- Asian context. Seema Shekhawat Seema Shekhawat holds a doctoral degree in Political Science from the University of Jammu, India. -
Kenya General Elections, 2017
FINAL REPORT REPUBLIC OF KENYA General Elections 2017 REPUBLIC OF KENYA European Union Election Observation Mission FINAL REPORT General Elections 2017 January 2018 This report contains the findings of the EU Election Observation Mission (EOM) on the general elections 2017 in Kenya. The EU EOM is independent from the European Union’s institutions, and therefore this report is not an official position of the European Union. KEY CONCLUSIONS OF THE EU EOM KENYA 2017 1. The Kenyan people, including five million young people able to vote for the first time, showed eagerness to participate in shaping the future of their country. However, the electoral process was damaged by political leaders attacking independent institutions and by a lack of dialogue between the two sides, with escalating disputes and violence. Eventually the opposition withdrew its presidential candidate and refused to accept the legitimacy of the electoral process. Structural problems and specific electoral issues both need to be addressed meaningfully to prevent problems arising during future elections. 2. Electoral reform needs to be carried out well in advance of any election, and to be based on broad consensus. The very late legal amendments and appointment of the leadership of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) before the 2017 elections put excessive pressure on the new election administration. 3. Despite efforts to improve the situation, there was a persistent lack of trust in the IEBC by the opposition and other stakeholders, demonstrating the need for greater independence and accountability as well as for sustained communication and more meaningful stakeholder consultation. There was improved use of technology, but insufficient capacity or security testing. -
By Mutegi Njau to Ordinary Kenyans, the Reports Were
By Mutegi Njau To ordinary Kenyans, the reports were horrific: people being beheaded and skinned around the country — crimes attributed to maverick gangs called Mungiki (masses of people). The police retaliated by randomly raiding the suspected gang’s hideouts and by indiscriminately killing alleged gang members. To Kenyans aged 45 and over, the incidents were reminiscent of Mau Mau period (1952-60), when Kenyan freedom fighters brutally killed colonialists and their collaborators and drank their blood. For most of 2007, the dreaded Mungiki gangs have disrupted public transport and killed and maimed civilians in Nairobi and other major towns and villages in the Central and Rift Valley provinces. Corruption in the police and within the political circles has allowed Mungiki to thrive. The gangsters, who extort money from public transporters and commandeer public utility facilities, such as electric power and water with impunity, have police and political patronage. Indeed, even to a casual observer, there is irony in the way Mungiki operates. It was created to clean up corruption, yet Mungiki is itself corrupt and has grown and flourished because of a corrupt environment. The outlaw group was founded by youths outraged at economic decline, runaway corruption and the near collapse of family values in the late 1980s. Extortion became its modus operandi, and as it sought to bring back order, it used police officers it paid handsomely to protect its turf and businesses. Mungiki is reminiscent of the Italian organized crime operation, the Mafia, which enlisted police, judiciary, and even the political elite. Now Mungiki is the new face of corruption in Kenya. -
Political Patronage on the Operationalisation of Public Procurement Law in Kenya
POLITICAL PATRONAGE ON THE OPERATIONALISATION OF PUBLIC PROCUREMENT LAW IN KENYA NJUGUNA HUMPHREY KIMANI REG. NO. G80/83401/2012 A Thesis Submitted in Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Award of Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Law of the University of Nairobi 2017 ii DECLARATION This thesis is my original work and has not been presented for a degree in any other university. Njuguna Humphrey Kimani Signature................................ Date ................................... This thesis has been submitted for examination with our approval as University Supervisors. 1. Prof. (Justice) James Otieno Odek Signature................................ Associate Professor of Law (UoN) Date:...................................... 2. Prof. Paul Musili Wambua Signature:............................ Associate Professor of Law (UoN) Date:....................................... 3. Dr. Attiya Waris Signature:............................... Senior Lecturer of Law (UoN) Date:....................................... iii DEDICATION To my loving parents, the late Mzee Henry Njuguna, popularly known as Sir Henry and my mother Esther Wanjiru Njuguna; I share this work with both of you for always encouraging me to achieve my goals and for having unwavering confidence in my abilities even during challenging times. You provided infinite compassion and support from which I drew the values of a life-long respect for education. To my dear wife, Nancy Njuguna, our loving children: Njuguna, Kamau and Wanjiru, I thank you for your love, support and patience during the entire process of this study. And to the people of Kenya, who for years have stood for a just society of men and women; those who have risked their lives in fighting for reforms, and to those who continue to advocate for good governance, integrity, transparency and accountability, this study hails you for your selflessness and dedication. -
Judicial Preparedness for Handling Electoral Disputes in Kenya and Beyond
AVOIDING VIOLENCE AND ENHANCING LEGITIMACY: JUDICIAL PREPAREDNESS FOR HANDLING ELECTORAL DISPUTES IN KENYA AND BEYOND Taylor Martyn LESSONS LEARNED PROGRAM As part of IDLO’s pledge to continuously enhance the impact of its work and be at the forefront of thinking on how change occurs and can be fostered in the rule of law field, the IDLO Lessons Learned Program analyzes select IDLO programs in combination with international theory and practice. The aim is to learn what types of interventions can lead to positive change, under what conditions, and how such change can be sustained. In order to share good practices both internally as well as with the broader rule of law community, findings are compiled in a series of Lessons Learned Briefs, to be used in program design and implementation, and as ‘building blocks’ for evidence-based theories of change. IDLO – LESSONS LEARNED BRIEF TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Acronyms 4 List of Tables and Figures 5 1. INTRODUCTION 6 2. ELECTORAL DISPUTE RESOLUTION SYSTEMS ARE IMPORTANT AND REQUIRE ELECTORAL DISPUTE PREPARATION PROGRAMMING 10 JUDICIARIES FACE CHALLENGES IN HANDLING ELECTORAL DISPUTES 12 3. BUILDING BLOCKS OF A THEORY OF CHANGE FOR PROGRAMMING ON PREPARING THE JUDICIARY FOR ELECTORAL DISPUTES 13 BUILDING BLOCK 1: ELECTORAL DISPUTE PREPARATION INTERVENTION LOGIC 14 BUILDING BLOCK 2: ELECTORAL DISPUTE PREPARATION PROGRAMMATIC APPROACH 28 BUILDING BLOCK 3: EMBEDDING ELECTORAL DISPUTE PREPARATION IN THE WIDER CONTEXT 33 4. CONCLUSION AND WAY FORWARD 39 Acknowledgments 43 3 IDLO – LESSONS LEARNED BRIEF -
Kenya – Whistle-Blowers – Corruption – Opposition Parties – Political Activists – Ethnic Pokomo
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: KEN34144 Country: Kenya Date: 16 December 2008 Keywords: Kenya – Whistle-blowers – Corruption – Opposition parties – Political activists – Ethnic Pokomo This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Please provide any information on the protection of “whistle-blowers”, who expose corruption in the Kenyan government. 2. Please provide any information on the treatment of supporters of the Kenyan opposition. 3. Please provide any information on the treatment of those of Pokomo ethnicity. RESPONSE 1. Please provide any information on the protection of “whistle-blowers”, who expose corruption in the Kenyan government. Sources quoted below report that government corruption remains a problem in Kenya. The Witness Protection Act was passed in 2006, however, delays with implementation and weaknesses in the Act limit its effectiveness. Whistle-blowers in Kenya are at risk of violence and discrimination. The information provided in response to this question has been organised into the following eight sections: • Government Corruption; • Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission; • Whistleblower Reporting System; • Witness Protection; • Effectiveness of Witness Protection; • Freedom of Information Bill; • Other Laws; • Examples of Whistle-Blowing. -
Effectiveness of Anti-Corruption Agencies in East Africa Kenya
Effectiveness of Anti-Corruption Agencies in East Africa Kenya AFRICA REGIONAL OFFICE (AfRO) POLICY BRIEF 2016 Open Society Foundations 2016 This publication is available as a pdf on the Open Society Foundations website or the AfRO website under a Creative Commons licence that allows copying and distributing the publication, only in its entirety, as long as it is attributed to the Open Society Foundations and used for non-commercial educational or public policy purposes. Photographs may not be used separately from the publication. Published by: Open Society Foundations ISBN: 978-1-928332-09-1 For more information contact: AfRO PO Box 678 Wits, 2050 Johannesburg, South Africa [email protected] www.afro.org Open Society Initiative for Eastern Africa (OSIEA) ACS Plaza, Lenana Road, Nairobi, Kenya www.osiea.org Layout and printing: COMPRESS.dsl | www.compressdsl.com Contents I State of corruption in Kenya 1 II Anti-corruption framework 4 III Recommendations 8 Annex: EACC performance and asset recovery 10 I: State of corruption in Kenya Anti-corruption has been a major policy issue in Kenya since the early 1990s. At first opposed by the government as a foreign donor imposition, it was gradually adopted and even appropriated. Despite its domination of political competition rhetoric, corruption in Kenya’s public sector remains endemic, even after a number of regime changes. Citizens report bribery experiences with great frequency. An NGO website contains records of citizen complaints about officials’ bribery demands. Following the advent of multiparty democracy in 1992, the media and civil society have since frequently exposed corruption scandals in an environment that is less repressive – yet corruption continues with impunity. -
A Study of Commissions of Inquiries in Kenya
AFRICA CENTRE FOR OPEN GOVERNANCE (AfriCOG) ______FIRST REPORT______ A study of Commissions of Inquiries in Kenya AfriCOG Reports 2007 Page 1 of 26 1.0 INTRODUCTION Commissions of Inquiry have been a favored tool of both the Moi and the Kibaki Government. However, a cursory survey of the results of commissions of inquiry since the 1980s raises disturbing questions whether such inquiries serve any purpose at all. Or alternatively, whether the public resources justify the use they serve invested in them. The Goldenberg Commission of Inquiry completed its report in October 2005. Its chairman Justice Bosire only presented its reported to the President in February 2006. Concerns have been raised as to the timing of the presentation of the report and the underlying motivation. This may in itself tend to cast a shadow over the report’s conclusions. Justice Bosire is quoted in the media expressing reservations on the effects on the independence of the judiciary of entrusting it with what are essentially political tasks. In the wake of the Anglo-Leasing scandals, voices have been raised calling for a commission of inquiry into the scandal. It may be inappropriate to institute such a commission before the conduct of an audit into whether such a strategy is appropriate and will fulfill the aims with which it is likely to be tasked. The purpose of this audit is six fold: 1. To assess the public interest arguments that have been used to justify establishing commissions of inquiry; 2. To determine how effective commissions of inquiries have been in answering the issues before them and making implement able recommendations; 3.