Ovdje, Vi Ste Najgori Šljam.”10 to Se Dogodilo Nakon Posjeta Potpredsjednika Vlade Borisa Miloševića I Predsjednika SDSS-A Milo- Rada Pupovca Vukovaru

SNV Bulletin #20 Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / SNV Bulletin #20

Impressum

Bulletin #20: Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020.

Izdavač / Srpsko narodno vijeće zA IZDAVAČA / Milorad Pupovac urednik / Saša Milošević

Autor / Tihomir Ponoš istraživači / Tihomir Ponoš i Nikola Vukobratović prijevod / Riječ i savjet dizajn / Igor Stanišljević, Parabureau

Tisak / IT Graf

Tiraža / 800

ISSN / 1849-7314

ISBN / 978-9537442-56-9

CIP zapis je dostupan u računalnome katalogu Nacionalne i sveučilišne knjižnice u Zagrebu pod brojem 001094522. podrška / Ured za ljudska prava i prava nacionalnih manjina VRH

Zagreb, mart 2021. SNV Bulletin #20 Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020.

/ Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 3

Uvod

Prve nedjelje u srpnju održani su parlamentarni izbori. Na tim izborima svoje je kandidate istaknula i Samostalna demokratska srpska stranka (SDSS). Pažnju javnosti privukla je kampanja koju je SDSS vodio pod sloganom “budi ono što jesi, poštuj ono što nisi”, konkretno tri spota izašla u sklopu te kampanje. U prvome ugostitelji pripremaju terasu restorana za vjenčanje, a konobarica na ulaz lijepi natpis na kojem piše da se mole gosti da ne pjevaju ustaške pjesme jer su među uzvanicima i Srbi. Drugi je privukao najviše pažnje javnosti i nazvan je “Pupi je kriv za sve”. Protagonist spota predsjednik je SDSS-a Milorad Pupovac, a u autoironičnom i duhovitom spotu njega se doista proglašava krivim za sve: od rata devedesetih godina pa do planiranja čipiranja stanovništva s Billom Gatesom i pripreme drugog vala korone u Hrvatskoj. Treći spot posvećen je izgradnji malena drvenog mosta na Baniji koji je olakšao život jednoj srpskoj obitelji, a snimljen je na mjestu gdje je most nekada postojao. Moto je spota “mostovi spajaju ljude, budale ih ruše — ne budi budala”.

Tri spomenuta spota u velikoj mjeri opisuju ono čime se bavi ovaj Bilten.

U prvome slučaju, pjevanju ustaških pjesama, riječ je o sveprisutnosti ustaškog znakovlja u javnosti kao najuočljivijeg primjera historijskog revizionizma te rehabilitacije ustaškog režima i NDH. Ustaških simbola, kao što je ušato “u”, i ustaškog pozdrava “za dom spremni” po fasadama je zgrada hrvatskih gradova toliko da se može zaključiti da su se takvi simboli uobičajili. Za nadati se je da se korak dalje od toga neće dogoditi jer je jedini mogući korak dalje taj da ti simboli, osim što su se

/ Grafit u Buzinu / SNV Bulletin #20 / 4

uobičajili, postanu normalni. S ustaškim znakovljem i rehabilitacijom ustaštva usko je povezan i govor mržnje, kojim se često otvoreno poziva na ubojstvo, također prisutan na fasadama zgrada, ali i na sportskim borilištima. I u slučaju govora mržnje možemo konstatirati da je riječ o uobičajenoj pojavi u Hrvatskoj, za koju se možemo samo nadati da neće postati normalna.

U drugome slučaju Milorad Pupovac “iskorišten” je stvarno i simbolički kako bi se prikazalo ono što se u Hrvatskoj često događa, a to je name- tanje kolektivne krivnje i odgovornosti Srbima. Ni 1991. godine, kada je Srba u Hrvatskoj živjelo više od 580.000, Srbi nisu bili monolit ni u kojem pogledu, pa tako ni u političkom, a sigurno nisu ni danas, kada Srba u Hrvatskoj (prema popisu iz 2011. godine) živi nešto više od 186.000. Nerazumijevanje toga da i među Srbima u Hrvatskoj postoje razlike i ra- zličitosti, te pretvaranje Srba u monolit, u funkciji je stvaranja narativa o kolektivnoj krivnji Srba u Hrvatskoj ne samo za rat devedesetih godina, nego i za neka druga povijesna razdoblja i događaje koje se dominantno negativno ocrtava, poput socijalističkog razdoblja hrvatske povijesti, a krajnja je posljedica narativ o Srbima u Hrvatskoj kao o zaplotnjačkom narodu kojem su svrha, smisao i cilj naštetiti Hrvatskoj i Hrvatima.

Treći slučaj uvelike govori o položaju mnogih Srba u Hrvatskoj, posebno u nerazvijenim ruralnim krajevima. Mnogi od njih žive prometno izolira- ni, u lošim uvjetima, često bez osnovne infrastrukture i uz dugotrajne, a nedovoljne napore države da se njihov položaj poboljša.

U prošloj smo godini svjedočili i osporavanju prava političkim pred- stavnicima ne samo Srba u Hrvatskoj, nego svih nacionalnih manjina. Posljedica je to sastava vladajuće koalicije i Vlade u koju je na mjesto potpredsjednika ušao Boris Milošević, u Hrvatski sabor izabran kao kandidat SDSS-a. Nesporno je da je svaka vlada nekome nesimpatič- na ili čak antipatična, da je netko nezadovoljan jer je u opoziciji, a ne na vlasti. Međutim, u ovome se slučaju osporavalo pravo nacionalnih manjina, odnosno njihovih parlamentarnih predstavnika, da svojim gla- som podrže Vladu, a išlo se i toliko daleko da se tvrdilo da su izabrani protuustavno, što je potpuno besmisleno.

Ipak, nije sve prošle godine bilo tako crno. Pozitivan pomak bilježimo u kulturi sjećanja i naporima stvaranja povoljnijeg ozračja u društvu, zasnovanog na međusobnom uvažavanju i toleranciji. Četiri su važna koraka poduzeta u kulturi sjećanja, a riječ je obilježavanjima godiš- njice Vojno-redarstvene operacije Oluja u Kninu, ubojstava Srba u Gruborima i Plavnu, odnosno Varivodama, te Dana sjećanja na žrtve Vukovara i Škabrnje. Kao prvi korak ističe se dakle to što je u Kninu prvi put bio i politički predstavnik Srba u Hrvatskoj, Boris Milošević, / Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 5 tada već potpredsjednik Vlade. U domaćoj javnosti njegov je dolazak u Knin generalno pozitivno ocijenjen, uz mjestimične disonantne tonove. U znatnom dijelu javnosti pozitivno je ocijenjen i govor predsjednika Vlade Andreja Plenkovića koji je, uz ostalo, izrazio pijetet svim neduž- nim hrvatskim žrtvama, ali i svim nedužnim srpskim žrtvama “od Paulin Dvora do Varivoda”. Isto je tako ocijenjen i govor predsjednika Republi- ke Zorana Milanovića. Drugi korak bila je komemoracija u Gruborima, održana krajem kolovoza, na kojoj su sudjelovali predsjednik Milanović, potpredsjednik Vlade i ministar hrvatskih branitelja Tomo Medved, potpredsjednik Boris Milošević te predsjednik SDSS-a Milorad Pupovac. Prvi je to put da su tako visoki dužnosnici — predsjednik Republike i potpredsjednik Vlade kojem su u resoru branitelji — sudjelovali na komemoraciji u Gruborima, a poruke su išle u smjeru razumijevanja, tolerancije, osude zločina i uvažavanja nedužnih civilnih žrtava srpske nacionalnosti. Na komemoraciji u Varivodama, što je treći korak, kao predstavnici Vlade bili prisutni predsjednik Andrej Plenković i potpredsjednik Boris Milošević. I s te su komemoracije poslane poruke osuda zločina nad srpskim civilima, ne samo u Varivodama. Četvrti korak bio je to što je potpredsjednik Milošević sudjelovao i u koloni sjećanja u Vukovaru. On, valja reći, nije prvi politički predstavnik Srba u Hrvatskoj koji je u njoj sudjelovao, ali poslao je važne poruke pomirenja, tolerancije i žaljenja za žrtve.

Kada se govori o kulturi sjećanja, valja naglasiti još dvije činjenice. Prvi put nakon pet godina u Jasenovcu je održana jedna komemoracija, a na obilježavanje Dana antifašističke borbe u šumi Brezovica nadomak Siska petu godinu zaredom nije došao nitko iz državnog vrha — ni predsjednik Republike ni predsjednik Sabora ni predsjednik Vlade.

/ Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 7

Tablica

U Biltenu su, kao i prijašnjih godina, opisani i analizirani slučajevi fizič- kog nasilja, oštećenja imovine, govora mržnje, diskriminacije, historijskog revizionizma i negacionizma.

Podaci u njemu prikupljeni su iz medija, ali i iz prijava Srpskom narod- nom vijeću. U tablici nisu evidentirani svi slučajevi koji su se dogodi- li — niti su podaci tako detaljno prikupljani, niti je tablica takve naravi. Korišteni primjeri mjestimično su korišteni kao jedan ukupan slučaj cijele lokacije — primjerice nisu evidentirani svi grafiti govora mržnje jer bi samo u Zagrebu njih bilo na stotine, ako ne i na tisuće. Slična metodo- logija korištena je i za medije. Pojedini mediji takve sadržaje “proizvode” zato što prenose izjave javnih osoba ili pišu o događajima, a pojedini mediji ih proizvode u skladu sa svojom uređivačkom orijentacijom, tako- rekuć na dnevnoj razini. U tablici su samo radikalni primjeri, nikako svi.

Tablica se objavljuje otkako SNV objavljuje Bilten na ovu temu, uz ostalo i zato da bi se podaci mogli uspoređivati iz godine u godinu. Podaci za 2020. odudaraju od podataka za prijašnje godine — prošla je bila po mnogočemu specifična, a ta je specifičnost izazvana pandemijom koronavirusa, koja se odrazila i na sadržaj ovoga Biltena. Zbog pandemije mnoge su aktivnosti bile onemogućene ili ograničene. Primjerice, slučajeva govora mržnje na sportskim terenima, ponajprije nogometnim, bilo je manje zato što su se nogometne utakmice većim dijelom godine odigravale ili bez publike ili pred ograničeno dopuštenim brojem gledatelja, a usporediva situacija vrijedi u nizu u tablici iskazanih kategorija. Isto tako nije održano niz javnih manifestacija (Jasenovac, Jadovno, Srb, itd.) koje redovito izazivaju i povećan govor mržnje. Također, broj akcija koje imaju obilježja netrpeljivosti prema Srbima je znatno manji što je posljedica činjenica da lani nije bilo ni jedne referendumske inicijative kojom se htjelo smanjivati dosegnutu razinu prava pripadnika etničkih manjina. / SNV Bulletin #20 / 8

SLUČAJEVI HISTORIJSKOG REVIZIONIZMA, 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 GOVORA MRŽNJE I NASILJA PREMA SRBIMA

Grafiti i znakovlje koji sadrže govor 8 14 26 35 33 40 30 mržnje i etničku netrpeljivost

Govor mržnje i etnička netrpeljivost 4 8 20 14 12 16 8 na sportskim terenima

Govor mržnje i etnička netrpeljivost 8 21 42 40 43 37 38 u medijima

Govor mržnje i etnička netrpeljivost 5 10 28 31 38 32 n/a1 na društvenim mrežama

Javne akcije koje imaju obilježja 9 31 53 52 52 51 14 netrpeljivosti prema Srbima

Etnička netrpeljivost i historijski 9 37 42 52 56 55 35 revizionizam u izjavama javnih osoba

Vrijeđanje i prijetnje upućene Srbima 7 20 62 107 105 115 50 i srpskim institucijama u RH

Fizički napadi (broj napadnutih osoba) 5 9 16 11 5 25 21

Oštećena, uništena i ukradena imovina 6 9 17 16 15 11 8 privatnih osoba i srpskih institucija

Oštećeni i uništeni antifašistički spomenici 7 13 17 17 19 16 7

Oštećene i uništene dvojezične ploče 8 8 2 4 3 2 3

Ukupno 82 189 331 393 381 400 214 / Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 9

Fizički napadi, verbalne prijetnje, uništavanje imovine

U prošloj su godini opet zabilježeni slučajevi fizičkih napada, verbal- nih prijetnji, uništavanja imovine i onemogućavanja korištenja vlastite imovine. Nisu zabilježeni slučajevi koji su imali odjek u javnosti, kao što je u 2019. bio npr. organizirani napad na građane srpske nacionalnosti u Uzdolju koji su gledali nogometnu utakmicu Crvene zvezde ili napad na vaterpoliste Crvene zvezde u Splitu. Međutim, zabilježeni su napadi u Vukovaru, napadi na turiste i pljačkanja staraca srpske nacionalnosti, kao i podlo uništavanje imovine u vlasništvu Srba. U ovome poglavlju donosimo nepotpuni pregled takvih događaja.

Napad na bračni par Jandrić pored Sunje

U siječnju je napadnut i opljačkan jedan bračni bar — riječ je o Milji (82) i Milošu Jandriću (85), teško pokretnima. Nije moguće utvrditi izravnu nacionalnu osnovu napada, ali napadi na povratnike starije životne dobi jesu učestali. Jandrići žive od socijalne pomoći, a ukradena im je ušteđe- vina u vrijednosti od otprilike 10.000 eura. Nakon četiri mjeseca policija je privela tri osobe (jednu maloljetnu) osumnjičene za napad na bračni par Jandrić.2

/ Grafit na Filozofskom fakultetu u Zagrebu / SNV Bulletin #20 / 10

Učestali napadi u Vukovaru

U Vukovaru je zabilježen niz fizičkih incidenata i napada koji se uvelike povezuju s navijačkom skupinom Bad Blue Boys (BBB) zagrebačkog GNK Dinamo. U svibnju je skupina BBB-a napala dvojicu građana srpske nacionalnosti (starih 24 i 29 godina). Mlađa napadnuta osoba zatražila je liječ- ničku pomoć, dok je starija bila neozlijeđena. Napadi na pojedince srpske nacionalnosti u Vukovaru učestali su.3 Nakon nekoliko dana uhićena su četvorica napadača, trojica od njih imaju prebivalište u Zagrebu.4

U lipnju je zabilježen sukob navijača zagrebačkog Dinama, Bad Blue Boysa, i navijača beogradskog Partizana, Grobara. Sukob navijačkih skupina po svemu je sudeći pripreman danima, a poprimio je i nacionalne konotacije. U sukobu je sudjelovalo osamnaest ljudi, a nije lako razumjeti jesu li Bad Blue Boysi napali Grobare već dan prije utakmice ili je prvo napadnut jedan pripadnik Bad Blue Boysa. Slični sukobi koji imaju elemente međunacionalne mržnje traju posljednje dvije godine, sve otkako su se Bad Blue Boysi organizirali na lokalnoj razini.5 Za kazneno djelo sudjelovanja u tučnjavi osumnjičeno je trinaest osoba, deset srpske, a trojica hrvatske nacionalnosti. Više pripadnika BBB-a pušteno je odmah nakon uhićenja. Od osoba izvedenih pred sud njih je desetero pušteno da se brani sa slobode, dok je trojici, svima srpske nacionalnosti, određen istražni zatvor u trajanju od 30 dana.6

Više fizičkih napada zabilježeno je i u kolovozu, kada su prema neslužbe- nim informacijama, objavljenima na portalu srbi.hr, u tri dana u Vukovaru i okolici zabilježena tri napada na Srbe. Najteži napad zabilježen je u Borovom Naselju, gdje su četvorica muškarca napala dvojicu muškaraca srpske nacionalnosti, a policija je privela jednog osumnjičenika. Zbog tih napada konferenciju za novinare održali su saborski zastupnici SDSS-a Dragana Jeckov i Milorad Pupovac. Jeckov je ukazala na noćne izlaske mladih koji završavaju tučama, u čijoj je pozadini često međunacional- na netrepeljivost.7 Opisala je jedan od napada i kazala da su se ispred pekare zaustavile osobe srpske nacionalnosti kako bi nešto pojele, a iza njih su se zaustavila dva automobila iz kojih su “izašli momci tridesetih godina” koji su ih napali, nakon čega su napadnuti morali zatražiti i liječ- ničku pomoć. Pupovac je naveo da se činilo da su se ti napadi u Vukovaru nakon parlamentarnih izbora (održanih 5. srpnja) smirili, ali su se u nekoliko dana obnovili “na posebno grub i posebno opasan način”. Pupovac je upozorio na to da “sve izgleda kao da netko želi izazvati međuetničke sukobe u ratu teško postradalom gradu i među njegovim, ratnim strada- njem, duboko traumatizovanim stanovnicima”.

U Vukovaru je fizički napad na dvije osobe srpske nacionalnosti zabilje- žen i u rujnu. Motiv napada nije pouzdano utvrđen, pretpostavlja se da je / Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 11 sudjelovalo četvero napadača, a uhićen je jedan 27-godišnjak. Sumnja se na kazneno djelo “teške tjelesne ozljede u pokušaju”, a ozlijeđeni su zatražili liječničku pomoć.8

U listopadu je zabilježena tučnjava učenika ispred Srednje škole Nikola Tesla. Tučnjava je imala međunacionalna obilježja. Predsjednik SDSS-a Vukovar, Srđan Kolar, nakon incidenta je izjavio da se vodi kampanja protiv srpske zajednice “kako bi se Srbi prikazali kao osnovni problem u Vukovaru i Hrvatskoj”. Lokalna Plava TV iz Vinkovaca emitirala je vijest i ustvrdila da su napadači učenici srpske nacionalnosti, ali prema snimci- ma objavljenim na Instagramu, 8. listopada napadnuti su učenici srpske nacionalnosti.9

Osim fizičkih napada u Vukovaru su zabilježene i druge vrste napada po etničkoj osnovi. Uoči 18. studenoga, Dana sjećanja na žrtve Do- movinskog rata i Dana sjećanja na žrtve Vukovara i Škabrnje, voditelj sabornog hrama svetog Nikolaja i sveštenik SPC-a Saša Kuzmanović dobio je telefonske prijetnje u kojima mu je rečeno: “Četnici, selite se, šta još čekate ovdje, vi ste najgori šljam.”10 To se dogodilo nakon posjeta potpredsjednika Vlade Borisa Miloševića i predsjednika SDSS-a Milo- rada Pupovca Vukovaru. Konstatirano je da prethodnih godina nije bilo takvih događaja, ali stanje se mijenja.

Krajem studenog u ugostiteljskom objektu u Vukovaru dogodio se incident zbog kršenja epidemioloških mjera. U vrijeme kada je ugostiteljski objekt trebao biti zatvoren u njemu su zatečeni državni tajnik Ministar- stva hrvatskih branitelja Stjepan Sučić i ravnatelj Memorijalnog centra Domovinskog rata u Vukovaru Mladen Šeremet. Na poziv zaposlenih u objektu došla je policija, izbio je incident, a obojica su, i Sučić i Šeremet, privedeni. Jedan od policajaca, srpske nacionalnosti, koji je došao na poziv konobarice, vrijeđan je na nacionalnoj osnovi, a vrijeđao ga je državni tajnik Sučić koji ga navodno poznaje. Psovao mu je “majku čet- ničku”. Pozvana je interventna policija koja je Sučića i Šeremeta privela, a nekoliko dana nakon incidenta Vlada je smijenila Sučića.11

Napad na Sašu Vukojevića u Baškoj Vodi

Koncem srpnja u Baškoj Vodi napadnut je i pretučen Saša Vukojević, državljanin Austrije srpske nacionalnosti. Vukojević je s porodicom (sa suprugom Manuelom, po nacionalnosti Hrvaticom, i djecom) bio na ljetovanju. Predvečer se zaputio kupiti hranu za svoju porodicu, a s leđa su ga napale vjerojatno tri osobe. Vukojević, inače stasit čovjek od skoro dva metra i s više od 130 kilograma, pretrpio je teže ozljede zbog kojih mu je pružena liječnička pomoć. Nakon udarca s leđa Vukojević je / SNV Bulletin #20 / 12

srušen na pod i potom “iscipelaren”. Vukojević je kazao da ne zna pravi razlog napada, pretpostavlja da su to tetovaže na njegovim rukama. Na jednoj ruci ima istetoviran pravoslavni križ, a na drugoj ruci simbol njemu omiljenog nogometnog kluba FK Crvena zvezda.12

Otišić, ispaša stoke i onemogućavanje uživanja u posjedu

Nasilje ne mora biti izravno fizički usmjereno protiv pojedine osobe. Može se manifestirati i na drugačije načine, npr. onemogućavanjem ekonomske djelatnosti. U ožujku je zabilježen slučaj, ne jedinstven, koji se tiče ispaše stoke u Otišiću. Vijećnik HDZ-a Općine Vrlika Zdrav- ko Samardžić tjerao je svoju stoku u tuđe posjede i pašnjake te tako stvarao probleme braći Željku i Jovici Rađenu, vlasnicima OPG-a, koji na temelju ugovora za ispašu svoje stoke koriste zakupljeno zemljište. Nji- hovoj majci prijetilo se da će biti otjerana iz kuće, s polja i iz domovine. Dvadesetak stanovnika Otišića potpisalo je peticiju protiv Samardžića i njegovog, kako smatraju, nezakonitog držanja stoke. Jovica Rađen ustvrdio je da prima prijetnje na nacionalnoj osnovi i da mu se prijeti da će biti “prosviran sačmom”.13

Biljani Gornji, uništavanje bajama Mire Gagić

Jedno od najodvratnijih i najpodlijih zlodjela dogodilo se u travnju na imanju Mire Gagić u Biljanima Gornjim. Njoj je nepoznata osoba kise- linom zalila i uništila voćnjak, sva njezina 44 stabla bajama.14 Kiselina je uništila sva stabla i njihovo korijenje. Na inzistiranje SNV-a na teren je izašlo osoblje Uprave za stručnu podršku razvoja poljoprivrede i ribarstva — Područne jedinice Zadar i ustanovilo stopostotno uništenje sadnica, koje je posljedica djelovanja snažnih pesticida kojima su stabla zalivena. Nakon tog nalaza, ponovno na inzistiranje SNV-a, pokrenuta je i kriminalistička istraga. Štetu na uništenim bajamima nadoknadio je SNV kupnjom i sadnjom 50 sadnica mladih bajama.15 Ipak, to znači da će Gagić, 69-godišnja umirovljenica, još nekoliko godina morati čekati dok ti mladi bajami ne dozru i ne počnu davati ekonomski isplativ plod.

Uništavanje imovine turista iz Srbije

Turisti iz Republike Srbije u velikom broju posjećuju Hrvatsku i golema većina njih u miru uživa u svom odmoru, ponajviše na jadranskoj obali. Međutim, povremeno se događaju incidenti, napadi na turiste iz Repu- blike Srbije ili oštećenje njihove imovine, koji su šovinističke naravi. / Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 13

Početkom kolovoza nepoznati je počinitelj išarao uvredljivim i šovini- stičkim natpisima automobil beogradskih registracija u splitskoj četvrti Spinut. Na automobilu su crnim sprejem ispisane poruke “Ubij Srbina”, “ZDS” i “Pali traktor”.16

U kolovozu je u Poreču oštećen i izgreban osobni automobil gosta iz Srbije koji je ljetovao u Poreču. Osim što mu je automobil oštećen, na ceduljama zataknutim za brisače njegovog automobila ostavljene su dvije poruke šovinističkog sadržaja na kojima je pisalo “koljači, četnici”. Oštećenik je incident prijavio Turističkoj zajednici i kazao da ne očeku- je nikakvu pomoć, ali i da ne želi prešutjeti što mu se dogodilo. Ista je osoba i 2019. godine ljetovala u Hrvatskoj, u Poreču, i nije imala nikakvih problema.17

Islam Latinski, onemogućavanje uživanja u privatnom vlasništvu

U svibnju je povratnik Dušan Lakić tražio od svog susjeda Marinka Ma- teka da više ne koristi i ne uzurpira njegovu zemlju. Usprkos molbama, u tome nije uspio, pa je postavio natpis “Zabranjeno, privatno vlasniš- tvo”, ali ni to mu nije pomoglo, osim što je natpis bio bačen, a susjed je uzorao Lakićevu zemlju ne bi li ju pripremio za daljnju poljoprivrednu obradu. U razgovoru Lakića i Mateka o pravu korištenja privatnog ze- mljišta izbio je incident. Marinko je Lakiću psovao “mrtvu majku četnič- ku”, zaprijetio mu je da će ga ubiti i zaklati. Slučaj je prijavljen policiji.18 Policija je Mateka privela, Općinsko državno odvjetništvo protiv Mateka je podignulo kaznenu prijavu i zatražilo pritvor, a sud je tu mjeru zamije- nio mjerom zabrane prilaska Mateka Lakiću na 100 metara.19

Oštećenja imovine Srpske pravoslavne crkve

Zabilježeni su i slučajevi uništavanja imovine Srpske pravoslavne crkve. U svibnju su u porti hrama velikomučenika Georgija u Otočcu uništena tri reflektora.20 Sličan incident zabilježen je i 2016. godine.

U noći na 3. listopada, oko dva sata, izbio je požar na ogradi hrama svetog Spiridona (u izgradnji) u Petrinji. Zapalile su se ili su zapaljene papirnate vreće građevinskog materijala, a požar se proširio na armatur- nu mrežu koja služi kao ograda gradilišta. Policija je izvijestila da način zapaljenja nije poznat te da nema materijalne štete.21

U travnju je obijena kapela svetog Marka na Velebitu. Materijalna šteta nije bila velika, a o svemu je obaviještena policija.22 / SNV Bulletin #20 / 14

Slovinci, maltretiranje stanovništva

U Slovincima, u općini Sunja, u kojoj je 1991. godine udio Srba u stanov- ništvu bio 85 posto, zabilježeni su slučajevi nasilja umirovljenog policajca i predsjednika mjesnog odbora Ive Ivezića. Mjesno stanovništvo žali se da Ivezić ograđuje tuđe parcele i vlasnicima zabranjuje pristup na njih, da protuzakonito sječe šumu, da njegova stoka uništava tuđe usjeve, da snima susjede dronom na njihovom posjedu i da njegovi psi napadaju mještane. Mještani tvrde da su zvali policiju, ali da od toga nema nikakve koristi.23

Banija, Bijele Vode, krađa građevinskog materijala i uništenje kuća

Na više mjesta na Baniji, posebno u Bijelim Vodama, zabilježeni su krađa građevinskog materijala, demontaža kuća, piljenje greda i dasaka od kojih su kuće napravljene te krađa crijepa s krova. Milanu Metikošu iz Bijelih Voda netko je izrezao i ukrao gotovo sve drvene zidove kuće. U prošloj i pretprošloj godini zabilježeno je barem osam takvih slučajeva, a policija je izvijestila da su tri počinitelja prijavljena zbog krađe građe- vinskog materijala, dok se za ostalima traga.24

Varaždin, uništenje ploče VSNM-a

Na izborni dan, 5. srpnja, u Varaždinu je otuđena i uništena dvojezična i dvopismena ploča Vijeća srpske nacionalne manjine Grada Varaždi- na. Policija je izašla na teren i obavila očevid. To nije prvi takav slučaj u Varaždinu. Sličan događaj zabilježen je 2018. godine nakon što je na Svjetskom prvenstvu u nogometu hrvatska nogometna reprezentacija pobijedila rusku nogometnu reprezentaciju. Gradonačelnik Varaždina Ivan Čehok osudio je razbijanje ploče.25 U razumnom roku nova je ploča, dvojezična i dvopismena, ponovno postavljena. / Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 15

Diskriminacija

Ustav Republike Hrvatske u članku 3. posredno zabranjuje svaku diskriminaciju. Osim Ustavom, diskriminacija je u Hrvatskoj zabranjena i nizom zakona i međunarodnih propisa. Zakon o suzbijanju diskriminacije uređuje zabranu diskriminacije po nizu osnova, npr. etničke i vjerske pripadnosti, boje kože, spola, vjere, jezika, spolne orijentacije, političkih i drugih uvjerenja te ostaloga. Diskriminaciju pravno zabranjuje i Europ- ska konvencija o ljudskim pravima, koje je Hrvatska potpisnica, baš kao i Povelja Europske unije o temeljnim pravima, koje je Hrvatska također potpisnica.

U ovom poglavlju navest ćemo primjere koji se mogu podvesti pod diskriminaciju ili ponašanja i djelovanja usporediva s diskriminacijom kojima su pojedine osobe oštećene. U uvodnom dijelu navest ćemo odre- đena stanja u Republici Hrvatskoj, zasnovana na praksi i stanju fakata, a koje se također mogu podvesti pod diskriminaciju zbog dugotrajnog onemogućavanja ili nerješavanja određenih prava koja su građanima Republike Hrvatske zajamčena.

U tom kontekstu valja istaknuti sporu obnovu i infrastrukturno oprema- nje niza naselja u Hrvatskoj u kojima su Srbi većinsko stanovništvo. Radi se prvenstveno o naseljima koja nemaju struju, pri čemu je važno istaknuti da je riječ o naseljima koja su prije rata imala struju. Takvo stanje otežava život ljudima u tim naseljima, a uvelike onemogućava i povratak onih, a to su malobrojni, koji bi se četvrt stoljeća nakon završetka rata

/ Grafit na Aveniji Marina Držića u Zagrebu / SNV Bulletin #20 / 16

htjeli vratiti u svoj zavičaj. Gotovo je identična situacija i s vodoopskr- bom, kao i s izgradnjom elementarno pristojnih, minimalno asfaltiranih cesta u selima i zaseocima, listom u nerazvijenim i siromašnim krajevima Hrvatske, u kojima dominantno žive građani srpske nacionalnosti. Ozbiljan je problem i školska nastava za pripadnike srpske nacionalne manjine koja ni danas nije riješena na odgovarajući način i u skladu s propisima Republike Hrvatske. Neriješeno je pitanje registracija škola u kojima se nastava u cijelosti izvodi na srpskom jeziku i ćirilici. Te škole još nisu registrirane kao manjinske škole, i to je povezano s prijenosom osnivačkih prava, npr. u Vukovarsko-srijemskoj županiji, iako je od završetka procesa mirne reintegracije prošlo više od 20 godina. Općine Borovo, Negoslavci i Markušica prije šest su godina sukladno Zakonu o odgoju i obrazovanju podnijele zahtjev Županiji za prijenos osnivačkih prava, ali to još nije riješeno, i na to je u Saboru upozorila i zastupnica SDSS-a Dragana Jeckov. Srpska nacionalna manjina iznimka je kada je riječ o registraciji škola kao manjinskih. Ostale nacionalne manjine imaju registrirane manjinske škole. Problematična je i organizacija nastave po obrazovnim modelima za pripadnike nacionalnih manjina. Manjin- sku nastavu u modelu C često drže nastavnici koji nemaju punu satnicu, i tako im se ona popunjava, bez obzira na to imaju li oni dovoljne struč- ne kvalifikacije za izvođenje nastave važne za očuvanje srpskog identiteta i kulture. U daljnjem tekstu navodimo više konkretnih primjera.

Zabrana narodne glazbe u Novoj Rači

Općina Nova Rača u ožujku je donijela odluku kojom se na Veliku Gospu i druge državne blagdane zabranjuje izvođenje narodne glazbe. Općinskim vlastima prigovor je uputio dio građana i lokalnih branitelj- skih udruga zato što su na Veliku Gospu gostovali glazbenici Miroslav Iliić i Esad Merulić, pjevači novokompovane narodne glazbe. Prosvjed je javno podržao i po nacionalizmu i po sklonosti ustaštvu poznat televi- zijski voditelj Velimir Bujanec jer je “nedopustivo da na jedan katolički blagdan nastupaju pjevači iz Srbije”. Načelnik Nove Rače Darko Knežić (iz HSS-a) kazao je sljedeće: “Da se opet ne bi ponavljale takve situacije koje izazivaju nezadovoljstvo građana, Općina Nova Rača donijela je odluku da se na dane državnih blagdana bez naše suglasnosti ne mogu organizirati koncerti bez obzira gdje bili.” Knežić vjeruje da više neće biti neugodnih situacija, a s obzirom na to da bez suglasnosti Općine nije moguće organizirati koncert na državne praznike, izvjesno je da će vlasti učiniti sve da gostovanja nepoćudnih pjevača (bez obzira na to što na njihove koncerti dolaze ljudi različitih nacionalnosti i svjetonazo- ra) više ne bude.26

/ Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 17

Prilagodba financiranja nacionalnih manjina pandemiji koronavirusa

Gradsko vijeće Vukovara donijelo je u ožujku odluku o korištenju prora- čunskih sredstava s ciljem prilagođavanja epidemiji koronavirusa. Mjere su usmjerene na pomoć posebno ugroženim skupinama, ali odluka propisuje i obustavu isplate sredstava svim vijećima nacionalnih manjina i udrugama, osim gradske organizacije Crvenog križa. U obrazloženju je navedeno da je odlukom Stožera civilne zaštite zabranjeno javno okupljanje te je time onemogućeno djelovanje vijeća i udruga, pa, po- sljedično, nema potrebe za njihovim financiranjem. Financiranje vijeća nacionalnih manjina dijelom je uređeno i propisano Ustavnim zakonom o pravima nacionalnih manjina i lokalne vlasti u to nikako ne bi smjele intervenirati.27

Nejednakost ratnih žrtava

Početkom godine Ustavni sud je odbio prijedlog za pokretanje ocjene ustavnosti Zakona o pravima žrtava seksualnog nasilja za vrijeme oru- žane agresije na Republiku Hrvatsku u Domovinskom ratu, koji je podnio Centar za žene žrtve rata Rosa. Ocjena ustavnosti zatražena je zato što Zakon, prema tvrdnji podnositelja zahtjeva, nedovoljno dobro definira žrtvu seksualnog nasilja i uvjete za priznavanje prava. Poseban problem Centar za žene žrtve rata Rosa vidio je u tome što dijelu žena koje su silovane nije priznat status žrtve. Prema Zakonu, prava iz Zakona ne mogu ostvariti žene koje za vrijeme rata nisu bile hrvatske državljanke, kao ni pripadnici, pomagači ni suradnici neprijateljskih vojnih postrojbi.28

Pasmina slavoserbska u zagrebačkoj osnovnoj školi

Na proljeće 2020. godine veći dio nastave zbog pandemije koronavirusa organiziran je “na daljinu”. U zagrebačkoj Osnovnoj školi Izidora Krš- njavog učenici su sedmog razreda na nastavi povijesti dobili poveznicu na tekst objavljen na portalu www.povijest.hr. Riječ je o tekstu o Anti Starčeviću u kojem se navodi da je Srbe nazivao “pasminom slavo- serbskom”, muslimane nije priznavao za narod, već ih je uključivao u hrvatski nacionalni korpus, a za Slovence je tvrdio da su alpski Hrvati. Činjenica je da su sve navedene tvrdnje doista Starčevićeve tvrdnje iz raznih faza njegova političkog djelovanja. No te su tvrdnje objavljene bez komentara i pojašnjenja, bez kontekstualiziranja. Tako napisane navedene tvrdnje uznemirile su pojedine roditelje koji su o svemu obavijestili javnost. Ravnateljica škole od nastavnice je zatražila očitovanje.29 / SNV Bulletin #20 / 18

Nacionalna naknada ovisi o neprekinutom trajanju prebivališta

Hrvatski sabor u svibnju je usvojio Zakon o nacionalnoj naknadi za starije osobe, a taj je Zakon stupio na snagu 1. siječnja 2021. godine. Tim se Zakonom osobama starim 65 godina i više, uz ispunjenje određenih socijalnih i imovinskih uvjeta, te uz uvjet o prebivalištu na teritoriju Republike Hrvatske u neprekinutom trajanju od 20 godina neposred- no prije podnošenja zahtjeva, jamči nacionalna naknada. Nemali dio Srba povratnika koji ispunjavaju socijalne i imovinske uvjete neće moći ostvariti pravo na nacionalnu naknadu. Naime, većina njih vratila se u Hrvatsku nakon 2000. godine i, s obzirom na propisani uvjet o neprekinutom trajanju prebivališta u Hrvatskoj, oni će teško, ako i uopće, moći ostvariti pravo na nacionalnu naknadu.30

Nepravilnosti na biralištima

Na izborni dan 5. srpnja SDSS je zaprimio više primjedbi o nepravilnosti- ma na biračkim mjestima, koje se uglavnom tiču glasanja u 12. izbornoj jedinici, u kojoj pripadnici nacionalnih manjina biraju svoje zastupnike u Saboru. Na pojedinim biralištima nisu bile istaknute izborne liste za 12. izbornu jedinicu, članovi biračkih odbora nisu pripadnike nacionalnih manjina upoznavali s njihovim biračkim pravom, već su im ponegdje odmah davali listić prema prebivalištu (dakle za 1. do 10. izbornu jedinicu, ovisno o prebivalištu birača), a na pojedinim biralištima na prednjoj strani glasačke kutije nije bila vidljivo istaknuta oznaka 12. izborne jedinice. Takve primjedbe uputili su birači iz Zagreba, Rijeke, Zadra, Šibenika, Pakraca i Gospića.

I dalje bez ćirilice u Vukovaru

Gradsko vijeće Vukovara sredinom je listopada na prijedlog gradona- čelnika Ivana Penave drugu godinu uzastopce odlučilo da neće proširiti prava pripadnika srpske nacionalne manjine na upotrebu nacionalnog jezika i pisma u Vukovaru.31 Grad Vukovar Statutom je punu primjenu tih prava, što uključuje i pravo na uporabu ćirilice i ploče na javnim institucijama na jeziku i pismu nacionalne manjine, odgodio i uvjetovao je budućim procjenama gradskih vlasti o dostignutom stupnju razumijevanja, solidarnosti, snošljivosti i dijaloga, jednom godišnje. Na temelju takve procjene može se, eventualno, svake druge godine dopunjavati Statutarna odluka o priznavanju manjinskih prava. Gradski Statut iz 2009. godine omogućavao je primjenu odredbi Zakona o upotrebi jezika i pisma nacionalnih manjina bez obzira na to što prema popisu stanovništva iz 2001. godine udio Srba u stanovništvu Vukovara nije bio / Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 19 jedna trećina. Prema popisu stanovništva iz 2011., udio Srba u stanovniš- tvu Vukovara veći je od jedne trećine, ali je, bez obzira na tu činjenicu, zabilježena dugogodišnja regresija u ostvarivanju tih prava i prava iz Ustavnog zakona o pravima nacionalnih manjina. Međutim, politička je atmosfera izborom Tomislava Karamarka za predsjednika HDZ-a radi- kalizirana, a pokušaj Vlade, u kojoj je dominantnu ulogu imao SDP, da postavi dvojezične natpise na pročelja javnih zgrada u Vukovaru suočio se sa žestokim buntom, utjelovljenim ponajprije u razbijanju postavlje- nih dvojezičnih ploča ispisanih na latiničnom i ćiriličnom pismu. Nakon lokalnih izbora 2013. godine, pobjede HDZ-a i njegovog kandidata Ivana Penave, Statut Grada Vukovara promijenjen je. Zaključak Gradskog vi- jeća iz listopada prošle godine može se tumačiti i kao protivljenje odluci Ustavnog suda iz srpnja 2019. godine. U toj odluci Ustavni je sud upozorio na to da se proširenje opsega prava nacionalnih manjina, konkretno srpske nacionalne manjine, ne može odgađati unedogled. Ustavni sud obvezao je i Vladu da predvidi prikladan pravni mehanizam za situacije kada predstavničko tijelo jedinice lokalne samouprave ne provodi obveze iz zakona, a dok se to ne učini, zabranili su “nasilno uvođenje dvojezičnosti”.32 Od Vlade je Ustavni sud zatražio izvješće, a do sredine studenoga 2020. godine Vlada ga nije dostavila. Ustavni sud zadržao je pravo na vlastitu inicijativu preispitati Statut Grada Vukovara.

O upotrebi jezika i pisama nacionalnih manjina u prosincu se oglasio i Odbor ministara Vijeća Europe. Odbor je Hrvatskoj preporučio da više čini na učenju jezika nacionalnih manjina i promicanju jezika manjina u obrazovanju, upravi i medijima. Zaključio je i da ćirilično pismo nije dovoljno prisutno u općinama gdje za to postoje uvjeti.33

Nemogućnost otkupa stanova u Belom Manastiru

U Belom Manastiru i dalje nije riješen problem otkupa stanova sa sta- narskim pravima ljudi koji u njima žive i više od 40 godina, zbog imo- vinsko-pravnih poteškoća. Riječ je o 76 stanova u kojima živi više od 150 ljudi, uglavnom prosvjetnih i zdravstvenih radnika, koji ne mogu otkupiti stanove, ili su u neravnopravnom položaju zbog prijenosa osnivačkih prava. Stanovi su bili u općinskom vlasništvu, a danas su u vlasništvu škole kojoj je osnivač Županija. Stanarima nije ponuđen otkup po po- vlaštenoj cijeni, odnosno po uvjetima po kojima je otkup stanova inače nuđen korisnicima stanarskog prava. Škola tvrdi da stanove po povlašte- noj cijeni može prodati ako to odobri školski odbor, a školski odbor tvrdi da nema pravo donijeti takvu odluku.34 / SNV Bulletin #20 / 20

Deložacija obitelji Jovanović u Zagrebu

Slučaj obitelji Jovanović ne može se smatrati diskriminacijom, svakako ne u klasičnom smislu riječi, ali je ipak riječ o slučaju koji u ovom iz- vještaju treba zabilježiti. Obitelj Jovanović u studenom je 2020. godine deložirana iz svog stana u Zagrebu. Zbog duga za pričuvu u visini od 10.000 kuna tužili su ih stanari zgrade. Obitelj je socijalni slučaj, Jasmi- nka Jovanović 20 godina prima socijalnu pomoć u visini od 1.200 kuna mjesečno i nije uspjela platiti sve račune. Sud je ovršio obitelj Jovanović, zbog namirenja duga od 10.000 kuna njihov je stan prodan, a oni su deložirani.35

Pravda za “tavanicu” nakon 21 godine

Europski sud za ljudska prava u prosincu je donio presudu u korist po- kojnog Mile Novakovića, a protiv Republike Hrvatske, i to zbog kršenja članka 8. Europske konvencije o ljudskim pravima, koji regulira pravo na poštovanje privatnog života. Novaković je bio nastavnik tehničkog odgoja u srednjoj školi u Dardi, a otpušten je 1999. godine jer je držao nastavu na srpskom jeziku. Europski sud za ljudska prava zaključio je da je Novaković otpušten a da nisu razmotrene alternative, poput dodatne edukacije. Otkaz je najstroža mjera, a primjenom najstrože mjere ugrožena su njegova prava. Republika Hrvatska nasljednicima Novakovića mora isplatiti 5.000 eura. Protiv njega i još nekoliko na- stavnika srpske nacionalnosti poslana je anonimna prijava jer u nastavi koriste srpske riječi. Inspekcija je zaključila da Novaković ne koristi “hrvatski jezik u svakom pogledu”, a konkretno mu je zamjerena upotre- ba imenice “tavanica”. Inspekcija je provedena samo nad nastavnicima srpske nacionalnosti. Novaković je otpušten. Zaključeno je da ga se ne može premjestiti na drugo radno mjesto jer nema radnog mjesta na kojem bi mogao predavati na srpskom jeziku. Nije mu omogućena ni dodatna edukacija iz hrvatskog jezika jer je u to doba imao 55 godina, pa je zaključeno da je zapravo prestar za dodatnu edukaciju. Nakon što je iscrpio sva pravna sredstva u Hrvatskoj, Novaković se obratio Europ- skom sudu za ljudska prava u Strasbourgu.36 / Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 21

Govor mržnje, ekstremizam

Govor mržnje i ekstremizam postali su dio svakodnevice u Hrvatskoj, uobičajeni sadržaj fasada zgrada, izljeva navijačkog šovinizma, pojedi- nih medija, komentara čitatelja portala, objava na društvenim mrežama, a dijelom i političkog diskursa i govora, i to do te razine da se nacionalnost političara koristi kao argument za obračun s njime ili s njom, a čak se pokušava i negirati postojanje nacionalnih manjina, odnosno poku- šava se sve njih prevesti u hrvatsku nacionalnost.

Istraživanje koje su proveli Marko Poljak, Jelena Hadžić i Maša Mar- tinić pokazuje da je govor mržnje u hrvatskom medijskom prostoru u porastu.37 Istraživanjem je obuhvaćeno 14 milijuna objava u tisku, na portalima, radiju, televiziji i na društvenim mrežama, na hrvatskom, srpskom i slovenskom jeziku, u razdoblju od šest godina (od 2013. do 2019. godine). Istraživači su zaključili da je broj objava koje sadrže govor mržnje svake godine bio manji od jedan posto, ali je rastao iz godine u godinu. Također su zaključili da su objave koje se mogu okarakterizirati kao govor mržnje najčešće na portalima, a najrjeđe na radiju.

Govor mržnje u javnom prostoru u Hrvatskoj namjerava se suzbiti i novim Zakonom o elektroničkim medijima koji je koncem prošle godine, nakon javnog savjetovanja, upućen u parlamentarnu proceduru. Na- crt prijedloga Zakona o elektroničkim medijima izazvao je polemiku u javnosti, a zbog predloženih prekršajnih odredbi nezadovoljni su i zabrinuti nakladnici elektroničkih medija. Nitko ne spori potrebu suzbijanja govora mržnje, kojemu su ponajčešće meta pripadnici manjinskih i ranjivih skupina, pa ni nakladnici. Njih brine visina zaprijećene kazne (od 100.000 do milijun kuna), a takva je kazna predviđena za čak 104 prekršaja. Za komentare koji sadrže govor mržnje odgovarao bi nakladnik, dok nakladnici smatraju da odgovarati primarno treba osoba koja je autor komentara. Pojedini nakladnici najavili su da će, bude li Zakon usvojen s takvim prekršajnim odredbama, vjerojatno ukinuti komentare. S jedne je strane postavljeno pitanje ograničavanja slobode govora, odnosno izražavanja mišljenja čitatelja u komentarima, s druge strane nužnost suzbijanja govora mržnje, a s treće strane visina sankcije koja bi za brojne, posebno manje i lokalne medije, mogla biti, bude li im izrečena, fatalna.

Pojačavanje kaznenopravnog odgovora na govor mržnje europska je tendencija. Europska komisija lani je objavila Akcijski plan Europske unije za antirasizam u razdoblju 2020. — 2025. Akcijskim planom od država se članica traži da kriminaliziraju javno poticanje na nasilje ili / SNV Bulletin #20 / 22

mržnju na temelju rase, vjere, nacije i drugih osnova, a u to su uključena i djela koja su počinjena na internetu.38

Raširenost govora mržnje u Hrvatskoj potvrdilo je i istraživačko-umjet- nički projekt “Usputno zlo” udruge Vizura aperta, proveden prošle godine, a koji je pratio / istraživao / popisivao grafite koji sadrže govor mr- žnje. Istraživanje je u većoj mjeri provedeno u Zagrebu, Splitu i Osijeku, a u manjoj mjeri u još 18 mjesta.39 Pronađeno je više od 460 natpisa na više od 180 lokacija. Grafiti najčešće sadrže nacistička i ustaška obi- lježja, ustaški pozdrav “za dom spremni” te pozive na likvidaciju (“ubij Srbina”, “Srbe na vrbe”, “Srbine čakija ti ne gine”, “ubij pedera”, “ubij tovara” i drugi). Iz natpisa je razvidno da su najčešće usmjereni protiv Srba, ali nisu rijetkost ni natpisi koji su usmjereni protiv homoseksuala- ca te natpisi potaknuti regionalnom netrpeljivošću.

Istraživačko-umjetnički projekt “Usputno zlo” potaknuo je i mnoge pojedince da udruzi Vizura aperta putem društvenih mreža prijavljuju grafite koji sadrže govor mržnje. U Zagrebu je popis lokacija na kojima su zabilježeni mrziteljski grafiti dostavljen Gradskom uredu za prostor- no uređenje, izgradnju grada, graditeljstvo, komunalne poslove i promet. Nakon nadzora 101 prijavljene lokacije komunalni redari izdali su nalog za uklanjanje ili su pokrenuli postupak uklanjanja za 274 grafita. Do početka 2021. godine uklonjeno ih je 11.40

Srpsko narodno vijeće također je primilo niz prijava o govoru mržnje, posebno natpisima koji pozivaju na likvidaciju Srba i/ili nose ustaško znakovlje. Iz tih je prijava razvidno da su takve pojave ipak učestalije u Dalmaciji i Zagrebu te dijelom u Slavoniji, dok ih je u drugim dijelovima Hrvatske manje.

U nastavku donosimo niz primjera govora mržnje i ekstremizma.

Ustaški grafiti i grafiti kojima se poziva na likvidaciju Srba

Grafiti s ustaškim znakovljem i pozivima na likvidaciju Srba bilježeni su tokom cijele godine. Čak ni razdoblje proljetnog zatvaranja uslijed pandemije koronavirusa nije onemogućilo “grafitere”, vjerojatno i zato što je u to doba bio i 10. travnja, pa su htjeli obilježiti proglašenje NDH. Valja ipak kazati i da pojedine lokalne vlasti, ubrzo nakon prijave, brišu mrzilačke grafite.

U siječnju je na osnovnoj školi u splitskom naselju Spinut osvanuo grafit protiv Srba i policije. Nepoznati počinitelj(i) ispisali su “I bez vrba nema veze, vješat ćemo vas na breze, ubi Srbina”, “panduri pičke plaćene / Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 23

1312”. Grad je vrlo brzo prebojio grafite.41 U drugom splitskom naselju, Pujanke, u ožujku je ispisan doslovce koljački grafit — “zakolji četnika i izvadi mu oči jer na Pujankama to nije zločin”. Istoga mjeseca u Županji je ispisan grafit kojim su dvije mržnje — nacionalna protiv Srba i navi- jačko-nogometna protiv Dinama — ujedinjene u grafit “Mrzim Dinamo srpsko ime to”.42 Grafiti posvećeni veličanju NDH, ustaškim zločincima Maksu Luburiću i Juri Francetiću i zloglasnoj Crnoj legiji ispisani su u ožujku u Koprivnici. Gradske vlasti žurno su uklonile grafite.43 U travnju je natpis na ulazu u Morpolaču išaran natpisom “ubij Srbina”.44

Proglašenje NDH označeno je u Splitu i u Zagrebu. Na nadvožnjak na Ba- rutani, na ulazu u Split, 10. travnja okačen je transparent na kojoj je bila otisnuta Hrvatska u granicama NDH i na kojem je bilo napisano “sretan dan državnosti 10. 4. 1941.”.45 Istoga dana kod novog rotora u Zagrebu ispisano je “sretan 10. travnja”, a na petnaestmetarskom grafitu napisano je i: “Još domoljubi, sinci poglavnika u srcu te nose nezavisnu.”46

Ni mrtvi ni mjesta sjećanja nisu pošteđena vandalizma i ustaškog resantimana. Spomenik ubijenim Srbima iz Banskog Grabovca i okolnih naselja, a njih oko 1.200 ubile su ustaše u ljeto 1941. godine, vandaliziran je ispisivanjem ustaškog pozdrava “za dom spremni”, “NDH”, “HOS”.47 U studenom su djelatnici SNV-a prilikom obilaska terena uočili ispisane ušato “u” i “NDH” i to u Kožari, koja je u Drugom svjetskom ratu bila dio / Grafit u jasenovačkog logora, a danas je zaštićen spomenik kulture. Načelnica zagrebačkom Jasenovca Marija Mačković najavila je da će grafiti biti uklonjeni. naselju Savski gaj / SNV Bulletin #20 / 24

Tri su mladića u Glini šarala po zgradama ušato “u” i kukasti križ. Poli- / Grafiti na cija ih je pronašla i prijavila.48 Zabilježeno je više slučajeva oslikavanja Filozofskom murala posvećenih HOS-u, a u sklopu je njihovog znakovlja i “za dom fakultetu u Zagrebu spremni”. Takvi slučajevi zabilježeni su u svibnju u Splitu, pa potom i u Dugom Ratu, i to na autobusnoj stanici. Što se potonjega tiče, načelnik Jerko Roglić najavio je da će ga ukloniti. U studenom je u Nuštru izvje- šen transparent posvećen HOS-u s ustaškim pozdravom.

Grafiti mržnje mjestimično pokreću mlade na djelovanje i organizirano uklanjanje takvih grafita. U Osijeku je Nikica Torbica iz Volonterskog centra Osijek pokrenuo uklanjanje grafita “Srbi marš iz Juga 2”, koji godinama stoji na zgradi blizu ulaza u osnovnu školu.49 U istome je gradu inicijativa mladih Mladforma u suradnji s udrugom Hip-Hop Osijek pokrenula akciju grafitiranja govora mržnje, dakle njihovog prekrivanja drugačijim sadržajem. Mladforma je dobila podršku Grada Osijeka za uklanjanje govora mržnje s površina u gradskoj nadležnosti. Srpanjski slučaj iz Drniša pak pokazuje da govor mržnje brzo može osvanuti, ali se isto tako brzo može i ukloniti. Na glavnoj cesti u Drnišu ispisano je “ubij Srbina”, “mrzin Srbe i pandure”, “za dom spremni” i sve to vrlo je brzo potom uklonjeno.

Govora mržnje nisu pošteđene ni institucije Srba u Hrvatskoj. Na ulazu u sjedište Srpskog privrednog društva Privrednik zalijepljene su sličice s ustašama i urezano je ušato “u”. To se dogodilo nakon što je P-portal, / Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 25

kojega je nakladnik SPD Privrednik, na natječaju Ministarstva kulture i medija dobio financijsku potporu iz Europskog socijalnog fonda vrijed- nu nešto manje od 1,3 milijuna kuna. Tom vandalskom činu prethodila je objava huškačkog teksta u tjedniku 7dnevno, u kojem je pisano o dobitnicima potpore iz lijevog i iz liberalnog spektra.50

Riječkom umjetniku Nemanji Cvijanoviću grafitom je zaprijećeno smrću. On je u Rijeci, na poznati neboder na Korzu, postavio instalaciju u obliku crvene petokrake zvijezde, u znak spomena na partizane poginule prilikom oslobađanja Rijeke 1945. godine. Radikalni i ekstremni dio desnice tu je njegovu instalaciju, postavljenju u sklopu manifestacije Europske prijestolnice kulture 2020., oštro napao, optužujući autora za veličanje komunizma i Jugoslavije. U samoj je Rijeci ispisan grafit “Nemanja Srbine, presudit ćemo ti”, a u potpisu je stajalo “A”, iz čega se može zaključiti da su grafit napisali pripadnici navijačke skupine Arma- da. Ni izložba plakata posvećenih toleranciji postavljena kod zagrebač- kog Botaničkog vrta nije prošla bez grafiterskih intervencija. Ti su plaka- ti išarani ustaškim znakovljem i porukom “smrt srbozločincima”.

Navijačko veličanje ustaštva i širenja govora mržnje

Sportska borilišta, posebno nogometni stadioni i nogometne utakmice, poodavno su mjesta na kojima se skandiranjem veliča NDH i ustaški režim, mjesta na kojima se često uzvikuje ustaški pozdrav. Ni prošla godina u tome nije bila iznimka, iako je i u sportskom smislu, zbog pandemije koronavirusa, bila specifična, pa su sportska natjecanja veći dio godine održavana ili bez gledatelja ili s ograničenim brojem gledatelja. Na nogometnoj utakmici između Dinama i Rijeke, odigranoj krajem ve-

/ Grafiti u Dubravi / SNV Bulletin #20 / 26

ljače u Zagrebu, Bad Blue Boysi su skandirali “živjela NDH”.51 U travnju je / Grafiti u Zagrebu narisan grafit na kojem su sljubljeni nacistički orao i grb Dina- u Maksimiru ma.52 U Zagrebu je na utakmici Lokomotive i Hajduka navijačka skupina splitskog kluba, Torcida, skandirala “oj hrvatska mati, Srbe ćemo klati”.

Navijačke skupine bile su aktivne i izvan sportskih borilišta. Armada je u travnju na Most hrvatskih branitelja u Rijeci istaknula transparent na kojem je bio i ustaški pozdrav, a ta je njihova akcija bila zapravo reakcija na inicijativu predsjednika Republike Zorana Milanovića da se zabrani ustaški pozdrav.53

Jedan od najgnjusnijih ispada dogodio se u lipnju u zagrebačkoj Kusto- šiji. Skupina Bad Blue Boysa izvjesila je transparent na kojem je pisalo “jebat ćemo srpske žene i djecu”. Tim transparentom i skandiranjem “ubij Srbina” obilježili su završetak crtanja navijačkog murala. Njihov ispad u javnosti je generalno oštro osuđen i kao gnjusan i kao antisrpski. Djelomična iznimka saborski je zastupnik Zlatko Hasanbegović koji je zaključio da je riječ o par gnjusoba te da u tome (transparentu) “ne vidi elemente protusrpstva, eventualno pedofilije”.54 Šest Bad Blue Boysa privedeno je sudu, a autor transparenta na sudu se branio tvrdnjom da nije znao što je na transparentu, nije znao ni što je napisao, jer je, kada su radili transparent, bio pijan, a, eto, i društvo ga je ponijelo. Grafit identičnog sadržaja kao i onoga kustošijanskoga osvanuo je u Splitu 5. srpnja, na izborni dan, a istoga je dana i uklonjen.55 U to doba, počet- kom ljeta, u kratkom je roku u Zagrebu osvanulo nekoliko antisrpskih, mrzilačkih grafita. Nisu svi nužno povezani s navijačkim skupinama. / Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 27

Antisrpski grafit osvanuo je u Borovju, a u Svetoj Klari osvanuo je natpis “Serbian family tree”, (srpsko obiteljsko stablo) uz što je nacrtano stablo s obješenim ljudima.

Na jednom sportskom događaju mogu se zabilježiti potpuno različiti događaji koje iniciraju navijači. Primjer je za to utakmica rukometnih reprezentacija Hrvatske i Srbije. Utakmica je odigrana u sklopu Europ- skog prvenstva u siječnju, u Grazu. Utakmica nije imala nikakvu rezul- tatsku važnost, a iz Hrvatske je došlo oko 5.000 navijača. Manji je dio njih za vrijeme utakmice skandirao “nije gotov rat”. Manji dio je nakon intoniranja srpske himne zviždao, što je već poodavno ružan i loš običaj na sportskim terenima. Međutim, nemali je dio navijača hrvatske re- prezentacije nakon intoniranja himne Srbije zapljeskao. Načelno, nakon himne nije pristojno pljeskati, ali u ovom se slučaju ta nepristojnost može okarakterizirati kao pozitivan čin.

Rasprave u Hrvatskom saboru i izjave političara

U naravi je svakog parlamenta, pa tako i Hrvatskog sabora, da se u njemu vode žustre i žestoke rasprave. Ne bi trebalo pak biti u naravi da se vode rasprave u kojima se prelazi određena granica. Žustru nacio- nalizmom obojenu raspravu izazvao je Zakon o popisu stanovništva i to zbog zahtjeva zastupnika nacionalnih manjina da se stanovnicima dopusti da se izjasne o više materinjih jezika te da se poštuje manjinska kvota među popisivačima. Potonja je postojala i na prijašnjima popisi- ma, ali nije bilo propisano zakonom, već podzakonskim aktima, a, na koncu, tako je i u aktualnom zakonu. Poštivanje manjinske kvote među

/ Grafiti u Sesvetama / SNV Bulletin #20 / 28

popisivačima bit će uređeno uputama Državnog zavoda za statistiku. U raspravi je zastupnik Hrvoje Zekanović (iz Hrasta) kazao da bi možda “bilo najbolje da se zapravo popisivanje radi u Srbiji, pa da evo Pupovac nema troškove prijevoza ljudi na popisivanje.” Osim toga, Zekanović je zaključio da će “zahvaljujući ovom zakonu, zahvaljujući hrvatsko-srpskog trgovačkoj koaliciji, sutra u Vukovaru možda biti nešto više Srba nego što ih stvarno ima”. Sve to je doveo u vezu s Vukovarom kao mjestom posebnog pijeteta i navodnom željom zastupnika manjina, konkretno zastupnika Srba, da Vukovar više ne bude mjesto posebnog pijeteta, što bi se imalo ostvariti preko zapravo falsificiranog popisa stanovništva u tom gradu.56

Ni rasprava o provedbi Ustavnog zakona o pravima nacionalnih manjina nije prošla bez ekstremnih, ponižavajućih i povijesno netočnih izjava. Zastupnik Stevo Culej (iz HDZ-a) zaključio je da je Hrvatska od 1918. do 1995. godine trpjela velikosrpski zulum, a za sebe je konstatirao da je zaštitnik nacionalnih manjina i njihovih prava.57 Rasprava prilikom raspuštanja Sabora u svibnju također nije bila lišena izjava kojima se blatilo manjinske zastupnike, konkretno Milorada Pupovca. Zekanović je bio zadovoljan činom raspuštanja parlamenta jer je to kraj “vlasti hrvatsko-srpske trgovačke koalicije”, a najavio je i da će se potrudi- ti da Pupovac više ne može trgovati “mandatom koji je nepravedno stekao”.58 Tu je raspravu “obogatio” i zastupnik Ivan Pernar, koji je bez opomene i oduzimanja riječi govorio o judeoboljševičkoj zavjeri.59

Istup zastupnice SDSS-a Anje Šimprage u Saboru, u kojem je emotiv- no iznijela vlastita djetinja sjećanja na Oluju, bio je veoma zapažen u javnosti i široko komentiran, uglavnom pozitivno. Međutim, ubrzo nakon njezinog govora internetom se počela širiti fotografija na kojoj je više ženskih osoba, a koje nose i velikosrpsko znamenje. Tvrdilo se da je jedna od osoba i Anja Šimpraga, čime ju se htjelo diskreditirati. Na fotografiji nije Anja Šimpraga, nego Vukosava Krulj, medicinska sestra iz Beograda.60 Ne samo nepoštovanje, nego i prezir prema pripadnicima antifašističkog partizanskog pokreta izrazio je zastupnik Željko Sačić (iz Hrvatskih suverenista), inače svojedobno član Saveza komunista. Na sjednici saborskog Odbora za veterane Sačić je zatražio zabranu državne brige o partizanskim grobljima i zabranu crvene petokrake zvijezde. Na istup ga je potakla Katarina Peović (Radnička fronta), koja je predložila da se uredi zapušteni Spomen-park Dotrščina. Sačić smatra da država ne smije davati ni kune za takva grobišta i da se radi o rat- no-zločinačkoj bagri.61 Zastupnik Sačić očito ne zna da je Spomen-park u Dotrščini posvećen žrtvama ustaškog terora u Zagrebu. Zastupnik Sačić imao je problema s činjenicama i kada se odlučio komentirati izjavu potpredsjednika Vlade Borisa Miloševića da će doći na obljetnicu Oluje u Knin, ali da za to treba imati želudac. Sačić je preporučio Milo- / Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 29

ševiću da prije dolaska obilježi 150 masovnih grobnica koje su abolirani SDSS-ovci napravili na štetu hrvatskog naroda. Za ratni zločin abolicije nema, oni ne zastarijevaju, a SDSS je osnovan nakon završetka rata.

Insinuacije su jedna od omiljenih metoda političke diskvalifikaci- je, ali i širenja opasnih teorija zavjere kojima se nekoga želi prikazati kao štetočinu. Voditelj izbornog stožera Kolinde Grabar-Kitarović na predsjedničkim izborima Ivan Anušić u analizi je izbornog poraza svoje kandidatkinje, u emisiji “Točka na tjedan” televizije N1, uzroke poraza potražio i među Srbima. Izjavio je da su na drugi krug predsjedničkih izbora Srbi dolazili autobusima izvan Hrvatske i nisu glasali za Kolin- du Grabar-Kitarović.62 Gradonačelnik Vukovara Ivan Penava netom je nakon što je istupio iz HDZ-a insinuirao da Milorad Pupovac zna tko su počinitelji ratnih zločina nad Hrvatima u Vukovaru. Ne bi li osnažio svoju tezu o Pupovcu kao zaštitniku ratnih zločinaca pokazao je foto- grafiju prerezanog vrata, tvrdio je da je riječ o Hrvatu iz Vukovara Bariši Ivančiću i poručio Pupovcu da pita nadležne tko je počinio taj zločin.63

Milorad Pupovac jedna je od omiljenijih tema čelnika Domovinskog pokreta Miroslava Škore. On Pupovca izravno proziva kao velikosrbina, dakle protivnika Hrvatske. U svibnju, uoči izbora, izjavio je komenti- rajući dnevne događaje da Andrej Plenković i Ivan Anušić surađuju s “velikosrpskim domoljubom Miloradom Pupovcem”.64 Škoro je optužio Pupovca i da je de facto marioneta, odnosno čovjek predsjednika Srbije Aleksandra Vučića, preko kojega Vučić upravlja političkim procesima u Hrvatskoj.65 Takvom tvrdnjom Pupovcu je pripisao nevjerojatnu moć, a pripisivanje nevjerojatne, nadnaravne moći političkim protivnicima jedna je učestalih metoda difamacije. Posljedica takvih izjava, ali i šire društvene klime, ispisivanje je natpisa “Pupovac četnik” na ulazu u sjedište SNV-a u Zagrebu, baš kao i ispad jednog navijača koji je u Glini, dan nakon potresa, Miloradu Pupovcu pjevao “ubij Srbina”.66 Valja primijetiti da je Pupovcu pjevano u trenutku kada je on, kao i mnogi drugi, došao na Baniju zbog organiziranja humanitarne pomoći postradalima u potresu, a isto tako valja primijetiti da mu se pjevalo u Glini, mjestu u kojem su ustaše u Drugom svjetskom ratu počinile jedan od najzlogla- snijih pokolja Srba. U politički govor mržnje treba uvrstiti i dolazak vijećnika Dubrovačkog demokratskog sabora Matka Munitića na sjednicu Vijeća sa zaštitnom maskom na kojoj je otisnuto znakovlje HOS-a s ustaškim pozdravom. Njegova ga je stranka nakon toga smijenila i poručila da poštuje žrtve HOS-a u Domovinskom ratu, ali sjednice Grad- skog vijeća nisu mjesto gdje treba isticati simbole i pozdrave totalitar- nog i fašističkog režima NDH. Munitić je pojasnio da je on porijeklom iz Imotskog, da su mu prijatelji iz tog grada, koji su bili u HOS-u, poklonili masku i kazali da se neće usuditi s njome doći na sjednicu Gradskog vijeća, a on je došao i, kako je kazao, ponovno bi to napravio.67 / SNV Bulletin #20 / 30

Miroslav Škoro bio je i objekt govora mržnje i diskreditiranja po nacionalnoj osnovi. Marko Ljubić u svojoj ga je objavi na Facebooku, a ta je objava prenošena u medijima, optužio da je de facto eksponent srpske obavještajne službe. “Škoro je po svemu razumski viđenom vrlo opasan i odavno pripremljen projekt, s vrlo izvjesnim rukopisom srpske oba- vještajne službe.”68 Škoro je prozivan i zbog etničkog, srpskog porijekla svoje supruge, a zbog toga ga se pokušalo povezati s četništvom govo- reći da je zet “clevelandskog vojvode”.

Negiranja identiteta nacionalnim manjinama

U dvama smo slučajevima zabilježili pokušaj negiranja postojanja nacionalnog identiteta pripadnicima nacionalnih manjina. Načelna je poteškoća u tome što pojedinci ne razumiju razliku između nacionalne pripadnosti i državljanstva, a suštinska u tome što pojedinci ne bi htjeli da u Hrvatskoj postoje nacionalne manjine. U ožujku je stranka Hrvat- ski suverenisti predstavila programske smjernice za parlamentarne izbore. Član savjeta stranke Ladislav Ilčić ponudio je rješenje “pitanja nacionalnih manjina koje provode teror nad većinskim narodom”. On bi nacionalnost definirao po državljanstvu, a ne po etničkom porijeklu, i tako bi Hrvatski suverenisti “sve pripadnike dosadašnjih nacionalnih manjina digli na razinu većinskog hrvatskog naroda. Bit ćemo država ravnopravnih državljana i podjela više neće biti”.69 Iz izjave Ilčića jasno je da su za njega pripadnici nacionalnih manjina niža bića u odnosu na pripadnike hrvatskog naroda, ali bi ih Hrvatski suverenisti digli na ravnopravnu razinu pretvarajući ih u Hrvate. Osim toga, iz njegove izjave da više neće biti podjela zaključuje se da ne shvaća da suvreme- na društva i demokratski poredak počivaju upravo na podjelama, ne na jednoobraznosti.

Ideju nacionalizacije pripadnika nacionalnih manjina goji i Karolina Vi- dović Krišto, danas zastupnica u Saboru. U lipnju, prije izbora, izjavljuje da su “svi hrvatski državljani hrvatske nacionalnosti, ako je netko po etničkoj pripadnosti Mađar, Talijan ili Srbin, a hrvatski je državljanin, on je hrvatske nacionalnosti”.70

Napad na Banske dvore

Danijel Bezuk, 22-godišnji mladić, pucao je 12. listopada na Banske dvore iz automatske puške. Ranio je jednog policajca, a nakon toga se ubio. Prije samoubojstva Bezuk je na društvenim mrežama objavio da je “do- sta bilo prevara i bezobzirnog gaženja ljudskih vrijednosti bez odgovornosti”. Ubrzo se otkrilo da je Bezuk mrzio Srbe te da je maštao o tome / Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 31

kako ih ubija. Na njegovom profilu na Facebooku pronađena je fotografija testiranja snajperske puške uz što je napisao “da sam jedan od njih, da skidam Srbe”.71 Ubrzo nakon Bezukovog napada razvila se rasprava o radikalizaciji društva u Hrvatskoj, a tu je raspravu potaknuo predsjednik Vlade Andrej Plenković. Raspravljalo se i o tome tko je, kako i čime radikalizirao Bezuka. Uz ostale, u raspravu se uključila i Željka Markić, koja je optužila SDSS kao terorističku organizaciju. Gostujući u emisiji Bujica Velimira Bujanca, u kojoj se i inače promoviraju ekstremni stavovi, kazala je da je i sam Plenković radikalan te da je u koaliciji, misleći na SDSS i posebno predsjednika Skupštine stranke Vojislava Stanimirovića, s onima koji odgovaraju opisu onoga što je Plenković opisao kao doma- će teroriste.72

Hrvatski tjednik

Nabrajati sve ekstremističke ispade ekstremno desnog Hrvatskog tjednika zauzelo bi doista mnogo prostora. Vjerojatno najgnjusniji objavili su u studenom 2020. godine. U rubrici “Fusnote za fah idiote” u kojoj redovito vrijeđaju i omalovažavaju osobe iz javnog života ekstremistič- kim komentarima, komentirali su govor Milorada Pupovca o identitetu Srba u Hrvatskoj, izrečen u Saboru. Pupovac je kazao da su tri važne komponente identiteta Srba u Hrvatskoj, a to su slobodarstvo, ustavni patriotizam i antifašizam. U svom je komentaru Hrvatski tjednik objavio: “I četvrta, najvažnija komponenta da svi prije ili poslije završe na popisu jasenovačkih žrtava. Ne ćete se smiriti dok i sebe ne vidite na popisu zaklanih.” Ta zastrašujuća poruka upućena je Miloradu Pupovcu, ali i Sr- bima u Hrvatskoj generalno. Poruka i poziv na klanje Srba ekstremni su čak i za standarde Hrvatskog tjednika koji tekstovima u svakome broju huška na napade predstavnika Srba u Hrvatskoj. Osim mržnje, Hrvatski tjednik širi i opskurne teorije zavjere. / SNV Bulletin #20 / 32

Historijski revizionizam

Revizionizam i negacionizam poodavno su uzeli maha u Hrvatskoj. Pod revizionizmom ovdje smatramo onakav tip revizije povijesti koji ne ide za novom znanstvenom spoznajom (i samim tim revidira dotadašnju), već nastoji promijeniti nedavnu prošlost mijenjajući ne samo povijesni, nego i moralni narativ. Jednostavnije rečeno, onaj je to tip koji reha- bilitira ustaštvo. Revizionizam se simbolički i stvarno najviše manife- stira kroz reafirmaciju ustaškog pozdrava “za dom spremni”, ali i kroz reafirmaciju drugih ustaških simbola i slavljenje 10. travnja. Rasprave o tim temama u Hrvatskoj traju dugo. Rezultat svega djelomično je prihvaćanje ustaškog znakovlja kao nečega normalnog, a ne kao nečega što bi trebalo biti nedopušteno i čije je korištenje sramotno. Istodobno, postoje i inicijative pojedinaca i skupina koje se tome protive, koje traže zakonsku zabranu korištenja ustaškog znakovlja. Doprinos svemu, i to ne dobar, daje i sudstvo kroz neujednačenu sudsku praksu u prekršaj- nom kažnjavanju korištenja ustaškog znakovlja.

Negacionizam se i prošle godine manifestirao u sad već dugogodišnjoj kampanji minoriziranja broja žrtava jasenovačkog logora i pokušaju stvaranja narativa o Jasenovcu kao ugodnom mjestu, a ne kao mjestu smrti i stradanja. Prošle godine posebno je na udaru negacionista bila Dana Budisavljević, autorica filma Dnevnik Diane Budisavljević.

Ustaški pozdrav “za dom spremni”

Prošle godine Visoki prekršajni sud bavio se ustaškim pozdravom i to u kontekstu prekršajnog postupka vođenog protiv Marka Perkovi- ća Thompsona zbog njegove pjesme Bojna Čavoglave, koja započinje ustaškim pozdravom. U veljači su u raspravi na Visokom prekršajnom sudu o tome krši li pjevač zakon kada na početku pjesme uzvikuje “za dom spremni” iznesena tri prijedloga i ni jedan nije dobio potrebnu većinu.73 Visoki prekršajni sud u lipnju je donio pravomoćnu presudu u kojoj navodi da je općepoznato da se Thompsonova pjesma s ustaškim pozdravom tokom rata svakodnevno i neprekidno izvodila “ohrabrujući i pozivajući na obranu domovine, bez ikakve povezanosti s totalitarnim režimom od prije pedesetak godina”.74 U presudi je Visoki prekršajni sud potvrdio argumentaciju nižeg Općinskog suda u Šibeniku, prema kojoj nema prekršaja protiv javnog reda i mira jer nitko od sudionika koncerata zbog kojih je protiv Thompsona pokrenut prekršajni postupak u Šibeniku nije negodovao, niti je bio uznemiren zbog izvikivanja spornog pozdrava. Koncerti su legalno organizirani, Thompson godi- / Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 33 nama izvodi pjesmu i za nju dobiva autorsku naknadu ZAMP-a. Ministar unutarnjih poslova Davor Božinović izjavio je komentirajući presudu da za njega to nije remećenje javnog reda i mira, a “taj poklič u nekoj drugoj varijanti nije dopušten. I policija podnosi prijave bez pardona”.75 Samo nekoliko dana poslije, pak, Ustavni je sud, potaknut presudom Visokog prekršajnog suda, izdao priopćenje u kojem je izrazio jasno stajalište da je riječ o ustaškom pozdravu Nezavisne Države Hrvatske te da taj pozdrav nije u skladu s Ustavom Republike Hrvatske.

U travnju je dan nakon komemoracije u Jasenovcu predsjednik Republi- ke Zoran Milanović zatražio da se zakonom zabrani i propišu sankcije za veličanje ustaštva po uzoru na druge demokratske zemlje. U Jasenovcu je kazao da treba maknuti ploču s ustaškim pozdravom (posvećena po- ginulim pripadnicima HOS-a), a tom izjavom Milanović nije htio obezvri- jediti ili umanjiti žrtvu pripadnika HOS-a, već je htio prokazati “one likove koji politički i neljudski zloupotrebljavaju poginule branitelje da bi rela- tivizirali zločinački karakter NDH te da bi se narugali žrtvama ustaškog terora i u Jasenovcu i širom Hrvatske”. Predsjednik Republike smatra da su poginuli pripadnici HOS-a sredstvo za slobodno veličanje ustaštva i za neometano širenje mržnje i laži. Izrazio je uvjerenje da u Saboru postoji potrebna većina za usvajanje propisa kojima bi se zabranilo i kažnjavalo veličanje ustaštva.76 Predsjednik Židovske općine Zagreb Ognjen Kraus 9. je studenoga, na Međunarodni dan borbe protiv fašizma i antisemi- tizma, pozvao vlasti i predsjednika Vlade Andreja Plenkovića da usvoje zakon kojim bi se zabranilo ustaška obilježja.77 Za potpunu zabranu ustaškog pozdrava založio se i veleposlanik Izraela Ilan Mor.78

/ Grafit u Maksimiru / SNV Bulletin #20 / 34

Predsjednik Republike demonstrirao je svoje protivljenje ustaškom / Poruka Zoranu pozdravu na svečanom obilježavanju 25. obljetnice Vojno-redarstvene Milanoviću operacije Bljesak u Okučanima. Svečanost je napustio kada je shvatio u Maksimiru da su u protokolu osobe koje imaju majice HOS-a, na kojima je i ustaški pozdrav, izjavivši: “Ja u tome neću sudjelovati.”79

Ustaški pozdrav pronašao je svoju komercijalnu upotrebu i u vrijeme pandemije. Trgovina Cro Sport Vez u centru Zagreba prodaje zaštitne (dvoslojne, platnene) maske s grbom HOS-a na kojoj je i pozdrav “za dom spremni”. U trgovini su se ljetos mogle kupiti i zastave HOS-a i majice posvećene 75. godišnjici Bleiburga, sve s ustaškim pozdravom. Vlasnik trgovine Jakov Marković kazao je da ne radi ništa protuzakoni- to. Državni inspektorat ustvrdio da po pitanju tržišne inspekcije nema ničeg protuzakonitog. Što se spornog pozdrava tiče, za Državni inspektorat ništa nije sporno jer je riječ o amblemu udruge s takvim grbom i pozdravom, a sve je registrirano pri Ministarstvu uprave.80

Kampanja protiv filma Dnevnik Diane Budisavljević

Hrvatski tjednik, notoran zbog negacionističkih i revizionističkih stavova, vodio je cjelogodišnju kampanju protiv filma Dnevnik Diane Budisavljević, režiserke Dane Budisavljević, koji je pobijedio na Pulskom filmskom festivalu 2019. godine. Film koji opisuje napore humanitarke Diane / Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 35

Budisavljević u spašavanju djece čiji su roditelji, mahom srpske nacionalnosti, stradali u ustaško-njemačkim ofenzivama na Kozaru i koja su bila odvojena od obitelji i odvedena u sabirne logore, ta tiskovina opisuje kao povijesni falsifikat i četničku propagandu. Već na početku godine, u broju od 9. siječnja, taj je film uvršten u rubriku “Najveće laži, podvale i gnusobe u 2019. godini”.81 U tom se tekstu tumači da je poglavnik NDH Ante Pavelić zapravo spašavao djecu (ne navodi se od koga ih je spašavao i tko je tu djecu ugrozio), za preminulu djecu navodi se da su umrla od “poodmakle i neizlječive bolesti” (bez naznake o tome kako su djeca oboljela od takvih bolesti), a za autoricu se navodi da je prihvatila “četnički stereotip i napravila film u interesu velikosrpske promidžbe i politike”. Emitiranje filma na HTV-u u travnju prošle godine okarakterizirano je kao “Plenkovićeva četnička poslastica na HTV-u”, a film kao “velikosrpski povijesni falsifikat”.82 Kako to da su djeca završila u logorima, zašto su ostala bez roditelja, u kakvim su uvjetima boravila u dječjim logorima i kako su udomljavana, svime se time Hrvatski tjednik ne bavi, tek konstatira da su “Velikosrbi nakon svega okrenuli priču i humanitarnu priču pretvorili u dječje logore i zločinačku ustašku vlast koja je djecu navodno ubijala”.

Kampanja protiv filma i autorice trajala je u toj tiskovini cijele godine. Film i autorica okarakterizirani su kao četnički i velikosrpski, a o zlodje- lima ustaškog režima izbjegavalo se pisati. I pred kraj godine, u tekstu posvećenom filmu Djeca s Kozare Romana Leljaka, za kojega povjesniča- ri specijalizirani za žrtve Drugog svjetskog rata i poraća navode da ba- rata precizno izmišljenim brojkama žrtava jasenovačkog logora, za film Dane Budisavljević navedeno je da je riječ o “velikosrpskom pamfletu”, a Vladi, odnosno Ministarstvu znanosti i obrazovanja, blago je rečeno zamjereno što je taj film uvršten u osnovnoškolski kurikul.83

U ljeto 2020. film Dnevnik Diane Budisavljević dobio je suglasnost Mi- nistarstva znanosti i obrazovanja za uvrštavanje u nastavni kurikul. Ministarstvo je za korištenje odobrilo i predloženu stručno izrađenu metodičku pripremu nastavne jedinice “Dnevnik Diane Budisavljević i period Drugog svjetskog rata u Hrvatskoj”.84 Uvrštavanje filma u kurikul izazvalo je nove reakcije revizionista i negacionista holokausta i geno- cida, koje su ustaše počinile za vrijeme Drugog svjetskog rata. Protiv redateljice filma Dane Budisavljević Hrvatski svjetski kongres u listopadu je 2020. godine podnio kaznenu prijavu,85 navevši da film sadrži niz laži, a sve je obrazloženo u 16 prilično nevjerojatnih točaka. / SNV Bulletin #20 / 36

Negacionizam

Hrvatski tjednik bio je negacionistički aktivan, kada je riječ o ustaškom režimu i ustaškim zločinima, cijele godine, što nije ništa drugo nego nastavak njihove dosadašnje prakse. Cijele godine vodio je kampanju protiv JUSP-a Jasenovac, njegova ravnatelja Ive Pejakovića i aktualne pozicije kada je riječ o broju žrtava jasenovačkog logorskog kompleksa o kojoj, inače, ne postoje ozbiljni znanstveni prijepori, kako ni u Hrvat- skoj tako ni u Srbiji. Hrvatski tjednik zagovornik je ustaškog pozdrava “za dom spremni”, što je potvrdio i na svojoj naslovnici od 28. svibnja, i na- javljenom temom “Traženje zabrane pozdrava ‘za dom spremni” znak je mentalne poremećenosti”.86 Sličnih tekstova u kojima se veličaju ustaš- ki režim, poglavnik ustaškog pokreta Ante Pavelić i njegov, po njihovoj ocjeni, humanitarni rad nakon ofenzive na Kozaru, masovne likvidacije i progoni Srba te odvajanje njihove djece od roditelja u prošloj godini objavljeno je pregršt. Hrvatski tjednik također vodi kampanju, takorekuć iz broja u broj, kojom želi minimizirati broj žrtava jasenovačkog logora, a za to, uz ostalo, koristi i pseudohistorijske uratke Igora Vukića koji su reklamirani kroz tiskovinu cijele godine i kojem je cijele godine davan velik prostor. Vukićevu knjigu Radni logor Jasenovac detaljno je seci- rao povjesničar Milan Radanović i ukazao na niz Vukićevih propusta, okarakteriziravši tako njegovu knjigu kao štetnu i skandaloznu. Ne treba sumnjati da će se negacionistička politika, koja potpuno zanemaruje i to da je ustaški režim proglasio rasne zakone, nastaviti u pojedinim opskurnim medijima i sljedećih godina, a svakako u Hrvatskom tjedniku / Grafit u kojem je to bitna sadržajna odrednica. Savskom gaju / Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 37

Među negacionističke i revizionističke uratke treba se ubrojiti i nizanka (feljton) Jasenovački logor u bespućima povijesnog revizionizma autora Tomislava Vukovića, objavljena u Glasu koncila, kojem ovo nije bio prvi put da objavljuje tekstove takve naravi. Prema nizanci, u jasenovačkom logoru bilo je zločina, ali u njemu su vladali red i zakon, zatočenici su radili razne poslove i bilo im je manje-više dobro. Naslov jednog nastav- ka nizanke glasi “Postupak prilično dobar i hrana je bila dobra”, a drugog “Strijeljani ustaše jer su pljačkali zatvorenike”, čime se htjelo reći da je pravna država prema ustašama bila stroga, ali pravedna, i da se zatoče- nicima nije moglo činiti zlo nekažnjeno.

Uništavanje spomenika

Nastavljeno je uništavanje ili degradacija antifašističkih spomenika, što, uz ostalo, znači da ih još ima. U Perušiću su lokalne vlasti inicirale da se spomen-kosturnica u kojoj su kosti poginulih pripadnika NOB-a iz parka u središtu mjesta premjesti na lokalno groblje. Taj je spomenik podignut 1980. godine, preživio je uništavanje spomeničke baštine devedesetih godina. Argument je vlasti da žele proširiti dječje igralište, pa treba maknuti spomenik, iako u neposrednoj okolici ima sasvim dovoljno mjesta za spomenuto proširenje. U spomen-kosturnici sahranjeni su i borci perušićkog kraja.87 Postoji snažan lokalni otpor premještanju spomenika i spomen-kosturnice, a s obzirom na to da su ondje sahranjeni i borci internacionalnih brigada u Španjolskom građanskom ratu, slučaj je dobio i međunarodnu dimenziju. Do kraja godine spomenik i spomen-kosturnica nisu bili preseljeni, ali vlasti i dalje ustraju na tome.

U lipnju je, uoči obilježavanja obljetnice osnivanja Prvog splitskog partizanskog odreda, opet razbijen spomenik tom odredu na Plokitama.88 Spo- men-ploča Gustavu Perl-Bendi, Židovu koji je 1941. godine pokušao izvrši- ti atentat na Milu Budaka, postavljena u Bjelovaru, u kolovozu je skinuta i razbijena nedaleko od mjesta na kojem je bila.89 Spomen-ploča Perl-Bendi, jednom od osnivača prve bjelovarske partizanske grupe, u Bjelovaru je bila postavljena i ranije, ali je devedesetih godina skinuta. Ponovno je postavljena 5. listopada 2019. godine, na godišnjicu Bendine smrti. Policija je pronašla počinitelja, a najavljeno je postavljanje nove ploče.90

Gradonačelnik Zadra Branko Dukić ostvario je svoju namjeru i uklonio spomenik prvoj ćeliji KPJ-a, osnovanoj u Zadru u lipnju 1941. godine. Za- dar je u to doba i formalno bio dio Kraljevine Italije, pa se osnivanje KPJ-a u Zadru može tumačiti i kao čin otpora talijanskoj fašističkoj vlasti, i kao nacionalnooslobodilački čin. Spomenik je inače zašaran nacističkim simbolima,91 a pod izlikom uređenja grada uklonjen je početkom studenog.92 U Zagrebu je, također, u studenom ukradena bista Đure Đakovića.93 / SNV Bulletin #20 / 38

Imenovanje ulica po ustaškim dužnosnicima

U nizu mjesta u Hrvatskoj ulice i dalje nose nazive po ustaškim duž- nosnicima, najčešće po Mili Budaku. Primjerice, sjedište Grupe Đuro Đaković u Slavonskom Brodu na adresi je Dr. Mile Budaka 1. Ustavni sud još je 2017. godine neustavnim proglasio naziv ulice “10. travnja” u Slatinskim Drenovcima, ali naziv nije promijenjen. Ponekad nije jednostavno ni govoriti protiv takvih pojava. Zastupnica SDSS-a Dragana Jeckov u Saboru upozorila je na to da u još desetak gradova ulice nose nazive po ustaškim dužnosnicima. Zastupnik Hrvoje Zekanović njezin je istup nazvao ispiranjem mozga, a predsjedavajući Ante Sanader dao joj je dvije opomene.94

Romski memorijalni centar

Među pozitivne događaje valja ubrojiti otvaranje Romskog memorijalnog centra u Uštici, mjestu stradanja Roma u sklopu jasenovačkog logora.95 / Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 39

Zaključak

Prethodna poglavlja ukazuju na to da revizionistički i negacionistički stavovi usmjereni ponajviše prema Srbima, ali i prema antifašističkom nasljeđu, nisu rijetkost, a posljedica je toga ukorjenjivanje mržnje u dijelu stanovništva. Ta mržnja, pak, poprima veoma konkretne oblike bilo u fizičkim napadima, bilo u namjernom uništavanju i oštećivanju imovine. Riječ je o dugotrajnom, dugogodišnjem procesu na kojega se nije pravovremeno reagiralo i sada su posljedice takve kakve jesu. Uvijek valja krenuti od vrha i podsjetiti na to da su takve poruke mržnje i revizionizma odašiljani, i to godinama, iz politike, dapače i iz dijela političkog vrha, kao i iz dijela vrha Katoličke Crkve. Dugogodišnja praksa postigla je to da je postalo uobičajeno, za mnoge i normalno, nasljeđe ustaškog režima, a zasigurno dio stanovništva to nasljeđe smatra čak i pozitivnim. Svoj dio odgovornosti snose i mediji (ne svi, ne svi jednako), kako nacionalne tako i lokalne razine. Društvene su mreže, pak, veoma jednostavno sredstvo širenja svih informacija i stavova, pa tako i onih kojima se raspiruje mržnja. U tom prelijevanju društvene moći s vrha prema dnu na koncu se ekspliciraju konkretne manifestacije — grafitiranje, transparentni puni mržnje, skandiranja na sportskim borilištima kojima se poziva na klanje, uvredljive poruke na institucijama Srba u Hrvatskoj, uvrede, fizički napadi i uništavanja imovine, pri čemu se patološkom poremećenošću izdvaja slučaj uni- štavanja nasada bajama.

Država i vlasti, gledano u dužem razdoblju, za takvo stanje snose od- govornost. Nije počinjen samo grijeh nečinjenja, nego je i činjeno ono što se nije trebalo činiti, a i hladnokrvno se gledalo na zbivanja. Osu- đujuće reakcije ipak postoje, konkretne akcije također, i one se također bilježe u prethodnim poglavljima. Međutim, toga je često bilo premalo i za to je bilo prekasno.

Pogled u 2021. godinu umjereno je optimističan, i to ne samo zbog pozitivne promjene u kulturi sjećanja, koja je objašnjena u uvodu i koju treba sagledavati u okviru stvaranja snošljivijeg i mirnijeg ozračja u društvu. Koncem prošle godine Baniju je pogodio razoran potres, i dok on nije tema ovoga biltena, ne može se zaobići visoka razina ljudske i građanske solidarnosti koja je ljudima koji žive u postradalom kraju iskazana od samog početka, od 29. prosinca. Ta se solidarnost manifestirala u slanju pomoći iz cijele Hrvatske, a pomoć je usmjeravana prema svim postradalima, bez obzira na nacionalnu i vjersku pripad- nost. Solidarnost se manifestirala, na identičan način, i među samim / SNV Bulletin #20 / 40

stanovnicima od potresa postradale Banije. Početkom 2021. bilježimo i ozbiljne, višestranačke političke inicijative kojima bi se zabranio ustaš- ki pozdrav. Ne treba očekivati brzu realizaciju te inicijative, upitno je i hoće li biti realizirana, ali bi i ona mogla biti zalog za umjereni optimi- zam u 2021. godini. / Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 41

Reference

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32 Večernji list, Obzor 891, 14. studenoga 46 https://www.portalnovosti.com/u- 2020., “Miroslav Šeparović: Raspravljat zagrebu-ustaski-grafit-dug-15-metara- ćemo o vukovarskom Statutu i jesu li se fotogalerija stekli uvjeti za proširenje prava srpske manjine” 47 https://sdss.hr/oskrnavljen-partizanski- spomenik-u-banskom-grabovcu 33 https://www.jutarnji.hr/vijesti/ hrvatska/odbor-ministara-vijeca-europe- 48 https://www.telegram.hr/politika- cirilicno-pismo-je-nedovoljno-prisutno-u- kriminal/neki-tipovi-isarali-su-slovo-u-na- opcinama-i-na-natpisima-15035721 fasadi-zgrade-u-glini-policija-ih-je-prijavila/

34 https://srbi.hr/beli-manastir-vise-od- 49 https://www.portalnovosti.com/mladi- 150-ljudi-ceka-na-pravedan-otkup-stana/ osjecani-ne-zele-govor-mrznje-u-svome- gradu 35 https://portalnovosti.com/otvoren- racun-za-pomoc-obitelji-jovanovic 50 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ haranga-na-dnevno7-bazi / Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 43

51 https://www.index.hr/sport/clanak/ 64 https://www.vecernji.hr/vijesti/ bad-blue-boysi-na-derbiju-dinama-i-rijeke- skoro-plenkovic-je-zaduzio-anusica-za- pjevaju-zivjela-ndh/2160983.aspx napad-na-domovinski-pokret-i-mene- osobno-1406483 52 https://www.facebook.com/reci.zg/ posts/525399738157711 65 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I_ M85-wvRCY 53 https://www.fiuman.hr/armada- transparentom-na-mostu-branitelja- 66 https://www.novilist.hr/novosti/ podijelila-javnost/ hrvatska/ovo-je-provokator-koji-je-usred- porusene-gline-miloradu-pupovcu-i- 54 https://hr.n1info.com/vijesti/ delegaciji-sdss-a-pjevao-ubij-srbina-ubij- a517768-hasanbegovic-o-transparentu- srbina/ to-je-par-gnjusoba.-ne-vidim-elemente- protusrpstva/ 67 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ dubrovacki-vijecnik-smijenjen-jer-je-na- 55 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ sjednicu-dosao-s-maskom-s-hos-ovim- uklonjen-grafit-koji-poziva-na-silovanje- grbom srpskih-zena-i-djece 68 https://www.maxportal.hr/premium- 56 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ sadrzaj/najzesce-dosad-marko-ljubic-je- danas-u-saboru-hdz-odbio-amandmane- li-skoro-instrument-srpske-obavjestajne- manjinaca-a-zekanovic-izvrijedjao-pupovca sluzbe/

57 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ 69 Hina, vijest objavljena 7. ožujka 2020. novosti-opet-na-meti-desnice-u-saboru 70 https://www.braniteljski-portal.com/ 58 https://www.index.hr/vijesti/clanak/ karolina-vidovic-kristo-ako-je-netko-po- sabor-raspravio-prijedlog-o-raspustanju- etnickoj-pripadnosti-madar-talijan-ili-srbin- zekanovic-kraj-hrvatskosrpske- a-hrvatski-je-drzavljanin-on-je-hrvatske- koalicije/2183374.aspx nacionalnosti

59 https://www.facebook.com/ 71 https://www.jutarnji.hr/vijesti/hrvatska/ antifavjesnik/posts/2541408176111219 sto-je-napadac-objavljivao-na-svom- facebooku-da-sam-jedan-od-njih-da- 60 https://www.index.hr/vijesti/clanak/ skidam-srbe-15024691 pricali-smo-sa-zenom-sa-slike-koju-su- desnicari-pokusali-pripisati-zastupnici- 72 https://www.youtube.com/ sdssa/2203331.aspx watch?v=8xgqBBYmztU

61 https://www.portalnovosti.com/sacic- 73 https://www.portalnovosti.com/sud-i- o-bagri dalje-ne-zna-sto-bi-s-pozdravom-za-dom- spremni 62 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v= Y8QG4lNXVUA&v=watch&feature=youtu.be 74 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ za-sud-pozdrav-za-dom-spremni-nije-u- 63 https://www.dnevno.hr/vijesti/ eksplicitnoj-vezi-s-ustaskim-obiljezjima penava-porucio-pupovcu-pitajte- nadlezne-institucije-tko-je-prerezao- 75 https://www.index.hr/vijesti/clanak/ vrat-vukovarskom-hrvatu-barisi- pogledajte-kako-bozinovic-brani-za-dom- ivancicu-1472767/ spremni/2190637.aspx

76 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ ustaski-pozdrav-treba-jednom-za-svagda- zabraniti / SNV Bulletin #20 / 44

77 https://p-portal.net/u-zagrebu- 88 https://www.dalmacijadanas.hr/ obiljezena-godisnjica-kristalne-noci/ razbijen-spomenik-prvom-partizanskom- odredu-u-splitu-kotur-odraz-hdz-ovog- 78 https://www.novilist.hr/novosti/ razbijanja-antifasistickih-vrijednosti/ hrvatska/izraelski-veleposlanik-vrijeme-je- da-se-zabrani-pozdrav-za-dom-spremni/ 89 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ bjelovar-skinuta-antifasisticka-spomen- 79 https://dnevnik.hr/vijesti/hrvatska/ ploca ja-u-tome-ne-bih-sudjelovao-pogledajte- trenutak-kad-je-milanovic-shvatio-da-su-u- 90 https://www.portalnovosti.com/nova- protokolu-ljudi-s-majicama-s-natpisom-za- ploca-za-gustava-perl-bendu dom-spremni---603741.html 91 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ 80 https://www.jutarnji.hr/vijesti/zagreb/ zadarski-antifasisti-protiv-uklanjanja- u-centru-zagreba-prodaju-se-maske-za- spomenika-komunistima dom-spremni-vlasnik-nema-tu-nista- protuzakonito-15007319 92 https://zadarski.slobodnadalmacija.hr/ zadar/kalelarga/uklonjen-spomenik 81 Hrvatski tjednik, 798, 9. siječnja 2020., -antifasistima-na-muraju-1055110?fbclid=I “Najveće laži, podvale i gnusobe 2019. wAR39Ja_j_qH6JdtlhSLytn8LS7qriq-q-ltg godine”, str. 29 — 30. NsZHqZef1rr-Z07D7yjwbr8

82 Hrvatski tjednik, 813, 23. travnja 2020., 93 https://www.facebook.com/antifa “Ivica Marijačić: Plenkovićeva četnička vjesnik/posts/2699506286968073?__cft__ poslastica na HTV-u znak da su u ovoj državi [0]=AZUflXBcsU4wPvjTR-8QTxFsFVWDbJo_ ratni pobjednici pretvoreni u gubitnike, a 6tLb0yIenqM5zZzJ3sWZ6VMFa3RV2a7R44 gubitnici u pobjednike”, str. 4 — 5. wag8g2eQJ0pDs3eoD_VV56evqc-eIgD_yj6t_ GmdvSbTLrRVTbLHs6x90R6EDE5VMzmYDW 83 Hrvatski tjednik, 847, 17. prosinca bYtaEiZbTR14Gkh08gmwHPnAtsY84h3LzW 2020, “Ivica Marijačić: Leljakov film Djeca s BQvw&__tn__=%2CO%2CP-R Kozare briljantan dokumentarni odgovor na četnički pamflet Dane Budisavljević”, str. 15. 94 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ dragana-jeckov-zatrazila-ukidanje-imena- 84 Dostupno na: http://www.dnevnik ulica-nazvanih-po-ustasama-pa-dobila- dianebudisavljevic.com/blog/2020/07/09/ dvije-opomene film-dnevnik-diane-budisavljevic-od- jeseni-u-skolskom-kurikulumu-za-ucenike- 95 https://www.jutarnji.hr/vijesti/ osnovnih-i-srednjih-skola/ hrvatska/u-ustici-u-blizini-jasenovca- svecano-otvoren-romski-memorijalni- 85 Dostupno na: http://hsk. centar-15011567 hr/2020/10/09/podnesena-kaznena- prijava-protiv-autorice-filma-dnevnik- diane-budisavljevic/

86 Hrvatski tjednik, 818, naslovna stranica.

87 http://www.antifasisticki-vjesnik.org/ hr/prenosimo/6/HDZ_se_nakon_75_godina_ osvecuje_palim_partizanima/404/,%20 https://www.portalnovosti.com/djecjim- igralistima-protiv-nob-a

SNV Bulletin #20 Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020

/ Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 3

Introduction

The parliamentary general election took place on the first Sunday of July. The Independent Democratic Serb Party stood candidates for the election, drawing the public's attention with its campaign, conducted under the slogan “be what you are, respect what you're not” — more specifically, with the three videos it released as part of the campaign. In the first video, waiters are setting up a restaurant terrace to host a wedding; a female waitress posts a sign at the entrance, kindly asking the arrivals not to sing Ustasha songs, as there are Serbs among the invitees. The second video, called “Pupi's to blame for everything” drew most public attention. IDSP president Milorad Pupovac is the protagonist in the self-ironic and witty video, which lays blame for absolutely everything at his feet: from the Nineties war, all the way to planning on micro-chipping the population with Bill Gates and setting up the second wave of coronavirus infections in Croatia. The third video depicts the construction of a small wooden bridge in the Banija region, which made life easier for a Serb family. The video was filmed at the location where a bridge used to exist. The motto of the video is “bridges con- nect people, fools destroy them — don't be a fool”.

The three videos largely describe the subject-matter of this bulletin.

The first case, the chanting of Ustasha songs, illustrates the omnipres- ence of Ustasha symbolism in public space as the most visible example of historical revisionism and of the rehabilitation of the Ustasha regime and the Independent State of Croatia. The façades of Croatian towns

/ Grafitti in Buzin / SNV Bulletin #20 / 4

are covered in so many Ustasha symbols, such as the letter U with extended serifs and the Ustasha salute, “for the homeland ready”, that one can conclude that such symbols have become commonplace. It is to be hoped that things will not go a step further, as the only possible step further would be for such symbols to become not only commonplace, but normal. Ustasha symbolism and the rehabilitation of the Ustasha ideology are closely tied to hate speech, often used to call for murder — likewise present on façades, but also in sports venues. Hate speech can also be considered a commonplace phenomenon in Croatia, which we can only hope will not become normal.

In the second case, Milorad Pupovac was “used” both actually and symbolically to portray something that happens often in Croatia: the saddling of Serbs with collective guilt and responsibility. Even in 1991, when more than 580,000 Serbs lived in Croatia, they were in no way monolithic, including in the political sense, and are still not today, when a little more than 186,000 Serbs live in Croatia (according to the 2011 census). Failing to grasp that there are differences amongst Serbs in Croatia, turning Serbs into a monolith, serves to create a narrative about the Croatian Serbs' collective guilt not only when it comes to the Nineties war, but also certain other periods in history and events that are predominantly negatively portrayed, such as the Socialist era in Croatian history. This ultimately results in a narrative about Serbs in Croatia as a nation of schemers whose purpose, mission and goal are to harm Croatia and the Croats.

The third case says a lot about the circumstances in which many Serbs in Croatia live, especially in underdeveloped rural areas. Many live in isolation in terms of transport links, in poor living conditions, often lacking basic infrastructure, while the state continues to invest long-lasting, yet insufficient efforts.

Over the past year, we have witnessed challenges to the rights of the political representatives not only of the Serbs in Croatia, but of all national minorities. This has been a consequence of the composition of the governing coalition and the Government, in which Boris Milošević, elected to the Croatian Parliament as an IDSP candidate, holds the role of Deputy Prime Minister. Doubtlessly, every government will be considered unlikeable, or even objectionable by some; people will be dissatisfied that they are in opposition rather than government. How- ever, in this case, it was the national minorities', that is, their representatives', right to endorse the Government that was challenged, going so far as to claim that their election was unconstitutional — a completely senseless assertion. / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 5

However, things were not entirely grim last year. We have seen positive steps in the culture of memory and the efforts to create a more benev- olent atmosphere in the society, based on mutual respect and tolerance. Four important steps have been taken in the sphere of culture of memory — the commemoration of the military and police operation Storm; of the killings of Serbs in the villages Grubori and Plavno, as well as Varivode; and the Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Vukovar and Škabrnja. The unprecedented presence in Knin of the political representative of the Serbs in Croatia, Boris Milošević, then already Deputy Prime Minister, has been highlighted as the first step. His arrival in Knin was met with broad approval, with the odd dissonant note. A significant part of the general public also approved of PM Andrej Plenković's speech, in which he honoured all the innocent Croat victims, but also all the innocent Serb victims, “from Paulin Dvor to Varivode”. President Zoran Milanović's speech was similarly received. The second step was the commemoration held in late August in Grubori, attended by President Milanović, Deputy PM and Veterans' Affairs Minister Tomo Medved, Deputy PM Boris Milošević, and IDSP president Milorad Pupovac. This was the first time that such senior officials — the Pres- ident of the Republic and a deputy to the PM whose portfolio includes veterans' affairs — took part in the commemoration in Grubori, with messages of understanding, tolerance, condemnation of crimes and honouring innocent victims of Serb ethnicity. The commemoration in Varivode — the third step — was attended by PM Andrej Plenković and Deputy PM Boris Milošević as representatives of the Government. Here too, crimes against Serb civilians, not only in Varivode, were condemned. The fourth step was the Deputy PM Milošević's participation in the remembrance procession in Vukovar. It should be noted that he was not the first representative of Serbs in Croatia to have participated in the procession, but he did send important messages of reconciliation, tolerance and mourning for the victims.

When it comes to the culture of memory, two further facts need emphasising. For the first time in five years, a single commemoration was held in Jasenovac; while for the fifth year in a row, not a single representative of the national leadership — neither the President of the Republic, nor the Speaker of the Parliament, nor the Prime Minister — has attended the ceremony to mark the Anti-Fascist Struggle Day held in Brezovica forest, near the town of Sisak.

/ Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 7

Table

As in previous years, the Bulletin describes and analyses cases of physical violence, damage to property, hate speech, discrimination, historical revisionism and denialism.

The data presented have been collected from the media, as well as from reports to the Serb National Council. The table does not represent all the cases that actually happened — neither were the data collected in such detail, nor was the table designed with that in mind. The examples were used broadly in a way that a single location represents one overall case — for instance, not all graffiti containing hate speech were recorded, because that would mean that in Zagreb alone there would be hundreds, if not thousands. A similar methodology was used when analysing the media. Certain media “produce” such content by carry- ing statements by public figures or writing about events, while others produce them in line with their editorial policy, on a daily basis, so to speak. Only the radical examples have been included in the table; the list is by no means comprehensive.

The table has been published ever since the SNC has been publishing its Bulletin on the subject, among other reasons also so that the data could be compared year on year. Data for 2020 diverge from previous years' data — the last year was in many ways specific, its unusualness caused by the Coronavirus pandemic, which also influenced the content of this Bulletin. The pandemic prevented or limited many activities. For instance, there were fewer cases of hate speech in sporting venues because throughout the better part of the year, football matches were played either in empty venues or for a limited number of spectators — the situation is similar in several of the categories listed in the table below. Likewise, a number of public events that were not held (Jase- novac, Jadovno, Srb, etc.) would normally have provoked an increase in hate speech. In addition, the number of acts characterised by intolerance towards Serbs has sharply fallen as a result of the fact that last year, there have been no referendum initiatives to reduce the rights of members of national minorities secured thus far. / SNV Bulletin #20 / 8

cases of historic revisionism, hate 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 speech and violence against serbs

Graffiti and symbols containing hate 8 14 26 35 33 40 30 speech and ethnic intolerance

Hate speech and ethnic intolerance 4 8 20 14 12 16 8 in sporting venues

Hate speech and ethnic intolerance 8 21 42 40 43 37 38 in the media

Hate speech and ethnic intolerance 5 10 28 31 38 32 n/a1 on social networks

Public conduct with characteristics 9 31 53 52 52 51 14 of intolerance towards Serbs

Ethnic intolerance and historical revisionism 9 37 42 52 56 55 35 in statements by public figures

Insults and threats directed against Serbs 7 20 62 107 105 115 50 and Serb institutions in the RC

Physical assaults (number of people 5 9 16 11 5 25 21 assaulted)

Damaged, destroyed and stolen property belonging to private individuals and Serb 6 9 17 16 15 11 8 institutions

Damaged and destroyed anti-fascist 7 13 17 17 19 16 7 monuments

Damaged and destroyed bilingual signs 8 8 2 4 3 2 3

Total 82 189 331 393 381 400 214 / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 9

Physical assaults, verbal threats, destruction of property

Over the past year, cases of physical assault, verbal threats, destruction of property and obstructing another's enjoyment of their property have again been recorded. None of the cases recorded reverberated much in the public in the way that, for instance, the organised assault on Serb citizens watching the Crvena Zvezda football club play, or the assault on Crvena Zvezda water-polo players in Split did in 2019. However, assaults in Vukovar were recorded, including assaults on tourists and robberies against elderly Serbs, as well as despicable destruction of Serb-owned property. This chapter brings a partial overview of such events.

The assault on the Jandrićs, a married couple near Sunja

In January, a married couple was attacked and robbed — Milja (82) and Miloš Jandrić (85), both suffering from impaired mobility. It is not possible to affirm that the assault was directly ethnically motivated, but assaults on elderly returnees have been frequent. The Jandrićs live on social welfare, and the value of the savings stolen from them was around 10,000 Euros. After four months, the police apprehended three individuals (one of them under-age) suspected of having assaulted the Jandrićs.2

/ Graffiti on the Philosophy Faculty building in Zagreb / SNV Bulletin #20 / 10

Frequent assaults in Vukovar

A series of physical incidents and assaults have been recorded in Vukovar, largely associated with the Bad Blue Boys (BBB), the supporters' club of the Zagreb football club Dinamo. In May, a group of BBB members attacked two Serb citizens (aged 24 and 29 respectively). The younger victim requested medical assistance, while the older went unscathed. Attacks on Serb individuals are frequent in Vukovar.3 Sever- al days later, four assailants were arrested, three of whom were Zagreb residents.4

In June, there was a clash between the Bad Blue Boys, supporters of Dinamo Zagreb, and the Grobari [Gravediggers], supporters of the Bel- grade-based Partizan football club. The confrontation appears to have been days in the making, and took on national connotations. Eighteen people were involved in the clash, while it is difficult to understand whether the Bad Blue Boys were the first to attack the Grobari a day before the match, or whether a Bad Blue Boys member was the first to have been attacked. Similar clashes featuring elements of ethnic-based hatred have been a feature of the past two years, ever since the Bad Blue Boys have established a local association.5 Thirteen individuals are suspected of taking part in the scuffle; ten Serbs and three Croats. A number of BBB members were released immediately upon arrest. Ten of those who were taken to court were released pending trial, while three, all of them Serbs, were remanded for 30 days.6

A number of physical assaults were also recorded in August, when, according to unofficial information published on the Srbi.hr website, three assaults against Serbs were recorded over three days in Vukovar and the surrounding areas. The most serious attack took place in Borovo Naselje, where four men attacked two Serb men; the police apprehended one suspect. The attacks moved IDSC MPs Dragana Jeckov and Milo- rad Pupovac to hold a press conference. Jeckov drew attention to young people going on night-time sorties that end up in fights, often motivated by ethnic intolerance.7 She described one of the assaults, how, when the Serb individuals stopped outside a bakery to get something to eat, two cars pulled up behind them. “Young men in their thirties” got out of the cars and attacked them, leaving them in need of medical assistance. Pupovac added that it had appeared that such assaults died down in Vukovar once the parliamentary election was held on 5 July, but that over several days, they rose again “in a particularly crude and particularly dangerous manner”. Pupovac warned that “things would seem to point to someone seeking to provoke inter-ethnic conflict in the war- torn city, among its inhabitants, deeply traumatised by the ravages of war.” / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 11

In September too, a physical assault on two Serb individuals was recorded. The motive for the assault has not been established beyond doubt; it is presumed that four attackers took part, and a 27-year-old has been arrested, under suspicion of having committed the crime of “attempted grievous bodily harm”. The two victims requested medical assistance.8

In October, there was a fight among pupils outside the Nikola Tesla secondary school. The fight had an inter-ethnic dimension. After the incident, Srđan Kolar, president of the Vukovar branch of the IDSP, stated that a campaign is being waged against the Serb community “in order to portray Serbs as the fundamental problem in both Vukovar and Croatia”. Reporting on the event, the local, Vinkovci-based Plava TV broadcaster claimed that the Serb pupils were the attackers, but the videos published on Instagram appear to show that it was the Serb pupils who were attacked on 8 October.9

Physical assaults were not the only kind of ethnic-based attack recorded in Vukovar. Ahead of 18 November, the Remembrance Day for the Victims of the Homeland War and the Remembrance Day for the Vic- tims of Vukovar and Škabrnja, Saša Kuzmanović, head of st. Nicholas church in Vukovar and Serbian Orthodox Church priest, received tele- phone threats in which he was told: “Go away, Chetniks, what are you still waiting for here, you're the worst kind of scum.”10 This happened after Deputy PM Boris Milošević and IDSP president Milorad Pupovac paid a visit to Vukovar. It has been established that no such events took place over the past few years, but the situation is changing.

In late November, an incident took place in a Vukovar café due to breaches of Covid restrictions. The State Secretary in the Veterans' Affairs Ministry, Stjepan Sučić, and the director of the Memorial Centre of the Homeland War in Vukovar, Mladen Šeremet were in a café at a time when it should have been closed. The employees at the establishment called the police, and when the officers arrived, there was an al- tercation, leading to the apprehension of both Sučić and Šeremet. One of the police officers who responded to the waitress's call, an ethnic Serb, was verbally abused on the basis of his ethnicity by State Secre- tary Sučić, who allegedly knew him. Sučić cursed his “Chetnik mother”. Riot police was called, apprehending Sučić and Šeremet, and several days later, the Government dismissed Sučić.11 / SNV Bulletin #20 / 12

Attack on Saša Vukojević in Baška Voda

In late July, Saša Vukojević, a Serb citizen of Austria, was attacked and badly beaten in Baška Voda. Vukojević was on a summer holiday with his family (his wife Manuela, a Croat, and their children). It was early evening, and he went to buy food for his family, when he was attacked from behind, probably by three individuals. Vukojević, a burly man nearly two metres tall and weighing more than 130 kilos, sus- tained heavy injuries, for which he was given medical treatment. After the blow from behind, Vukojević fell to the floor and was “booted” — kicked repeatedly. Vukojević said he was not aware of the real reason for the assault, but assumed it was the tattoos on his arms — on one, an orthodox cross, and on the other, the crest of his favourite football club — FK Crvena Zvezda.12

Otišić, grazing and preventing another's enjoyment of their property

Violence does not necessarily have to be physically aimed against a single person. It can take different forms as well, such as impeding economic activity. In March, a none too unique case was recorded concerning cattle grazing in Otišić. A CDU councillor in the Vrlika municipality, Zdravko Samardžić, drove his cattle onto other people's land and pastures, thus creating problems for the brothers Željko and Jovica Rađen, owners of a family agricultural holding who grazed their cattle on leased land. Their mother was threatened with being forced to leave the house, the field and her homeland. Some twenty inhabitants of Otišić signed a petition against Samardžić and what is in their view his illegal approach to livestock farming. Jovica Rađen has claimed that he has been receiving ethnic-based threats, and that he was threatened that he would be “shot through with buckshot”.13

Biljani Gornji, the destruction of Mira Gagić's almond grove

One of the most revolting and base acts of villainy took place in April, on Mira Gagić's farm in Biljani Gornji. An unknown individual doused her orchard with acid, destroying all 44 of her almond trees.14 The acid destroyed all the trees and their roots. At the SNC's insistence, staff from the Zadar unit of the Agriculture and Fishery Extension Services Administration visited the site, establishing that the destruction of the saplings was total, and the effect of the strong pesticides the trees had been doused with. Following this finding, and again at the SNC's insistence, a criminal investigation was opened. The SNC compensated / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 13 for the damage caused to the destroyed almond trees by buying and planting 50 almond saplings.15 However, this still means that Gagić, a 69-year-old retiree, will have to wait for another couple of years until the young almonds become established and start bearing fruit that can be sold for profit.

Destruction of Serbian tourists' property

Tourists from the Republic of Serbia have visited Croatia in droves, a great majority of them peacefully enjoying their holidays, mostly on the Adriatic coast. However, from time to time, chauvinist incidents do oc- cur, such as attacks on tourists from the Republic of Serbia, or damage to their property.

In early August, an unknown perpetrator scribbled offensive and chauvinist messages all over a car with Belgrade numberplates that was parked in the Spinut neighbourhood of Split. The messages scrawled on the car with black spray-paint were “Kill the Serb”, “For the homeland ready” and “Get on your tractor and leave”.16

In August, a car belonging to a Serbian national holidaying in Poreč was damaged and scratched. In addition to the damage to his car, paper notes containing two chauvinist messages saying “butchers, Chetniks” were left under the windscreen wipers. The injured party reported the incident with the Tourism Association, saying he expected no assistance, but that he did not want to keep quiet about what had happened to him. The same individual spent his 2019 summer holiday in Croatia, also in Poreč, but had no problems then.17

Islam Latinski, preventing the enjoyment of one's own property

In May, returnee Dušan Lakić asked his neighbour Marinko Matek to stop using and usurping his land. In spite of his pleas, he was unsuc- cessful, so he put up a sign saying, “Access forbidden, private property”. This too had no effect, except that the sign was discarded, and the neighbour ploughed Lakić's land to prepare it for further agricultural use. A conversation between Lakić and Matek about the right of use of the private land escalated, with Marinko cursing Lakić's “dead Chetnik mother” and threatening to kill and slaughter him. The incident was reported to the police.18 Matek was apprehended, and the local State Attorney's Office filed charges against Matek and demanded he be remanded — a measure the court replaced with a restraining order requiring him to stay at least 100 m away from Lakić.19 / SNV Bulletin #20 / 14

Damage to Serbian Orthodox Church property

There have also been cases recorded of destruction of property belonging to the Serbian Orthodox Church. In May, three floodlights in the portico of the Great Martyr George Church in Otočac were destroyed.20 A similar incident was also recorded in 2016.

In the night between 2nd and 3rd October, at around 2 a.m., the safety fencing around Saint Spyridon's Church in Petrinja (currently under construction) burst into flames. Paper sacks containing construction materials either started to burn or were set fire to, and the fire spread onto the reinforcing mesh used to fence in the construction site. The police reported that it was unknown how the fire had started, and that there had been no material damage.21

In April, the Chapel of St. Mark on Velebit mountain was burgled. There was not much material damage, and the incident was reported to the police.22

Slovinci, harassment of inhabitants

In Slovinci, in the Sunja municipality, where Serbs made up 85 percent of the population in 1991, there were recorded incidents of violence by retired policeman and president of the local council Ivo Ivezić. The local population complained that Ivezić has fenced in other people's plots of land, prohibiting their owners from accessing them, that he has illegal- ly logged a forest, that his cattle have destroyed other people's crops, that he has used a drone to film his neighbours on their own land, and that his dogs have attacked local people. The locals claim that they called the police, but to no avail.23

Banija, Bijele Vode, theft of construction material and destruction of dwellings

In several places in Banija, especially in Bijele Vode, incidents such as theft of construction materials, dismantlement of houses, sawing through the beams and boards used to construct houses, and theft of roofing tiles, were reported. Someone cut out and stole nearly all the timber walls of the house of Milan Metikoš from Bijele Vode. At least eight such cases have been recorded over the last two years, and the police have reported that three perpetrators were reported for stealing construction materials, while the search for the others is still ongoing.24 / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 15

Varaždin, destruction of the Serb National Minority Council sign

On election day on 5 July, the bilingual and biscriptural sign of the City of Varaždin Serb National Minority Council was stolen and destroyed. The police inspected the site. This was not the first such case in Varaž- din, a similar one having been recorded in 2018, after the Croatian football team beat the Russian national team in the World Cup. Ivan Čehok, the mayor of Varaždin, condemned the destruction of the sign.25 A new one, also bilingual and biscriptural, was installed reasonably quickly. / SNV Bulletin #20 / 16

Discrimination

Article 3 of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia indirectly prohibits all forms of discrimination. In addition to the Constitution, there are a number of laws and international statutes prohibiting discrimination in Croatia. The Anti-Discrimination Act regulates the prohibition of discrimination on a number of grounds, such as ethnic and religious affiliation, colour of skin, sex, religion, language, sexual orientation, political and other beliefs etc. The European Convention on Human Rights, to which Croatia is a signatory, also legally prohibits discrimination, as does the European Union Charter of Fundamental Rights, to which Croa- tia is also a signatory.

In this chapter, we will list examples that may fall within the category of discrimination, or behaviour and actions comparable to discrimination, and which cause injury or damage to individual persons. In the intro- ductory segment we will list certain situations, based on practice and the facts of the case, which can also be considered discrimination due to the long-term obstruction of, or failure to recognise, certain rights guaranteed to citizens of the Republic of Croatia.

In this context, the slow reconstruction and infrastructural development of a number of settlements in Croatia where Serbs make up the majority of the population needs highlighting. These are primarily settlements that are without electricity, and it should be noted that they did have electricity before the war. Such conditions make life difficult for people

/ Graffiti on the Marin Držić avenue in Zagreb / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 17 living in such places, while also largely complicating the return of the few who would like to return to their homeland a quarter of a century after the end of the war. The situation with the water supply is nearly identical, as is the case when it comes to constructing basically satisfactory, minimally asphalted roads in villages and smaller settlements, predominantly located in underdeveloped and poor, majority Serb, parts of Croatia. School education for members of the Serb national minority is also a serious problem, having still not been organised properly and in accordance with the Croatian legislation. The issue of registering schools where instruction is entirely in the Serb language and the Cyrillic script is still open. Such schools have still not been registered as minority schools, which is connected to the issue of transferring the ownership rights to the school, for instance, in the Vukovar-Syrmia County, even though more than 20 years have passed since the peaceful reintegration process was concluded. Although the Borovo, Negoslavci and Markušica municipalities filed a request with the County, as the founder, to transfer its ownership rights in line with the Education Act, six years ago, the issue has still not been settled, as highlighted in the Parliament by IDSP representative Dragana Jeckov. The Serb national minority is an exception when it comes to registering schools as minority schools. Other national minorities' minority schools have been registered. Also problematic is the way instruction has been organised according to educational models for members of national minorities. Minority instruction under Model C is frequently given by teachers who need to give classes to meet the statutory requirement for the number of teaching hours given, regardless of whether they are professionally qualified to teach subjects relevant to the preservation of Serb identity and culture. We list a number of concrete examples in the text below.

Prohibition of folk music in Nova Rača

In March, the Nova Rača municipality adopted a decision to prohibit the performance of folk music on Assumption Day and other national holidays. A number of citizens and local war veterans' associations complained to the municipal authorities about concerts given by Miroslav Ilić and Esad Merulić, both pop-folk music singers, on Assumption Day. The television presenter Velimir Bujanec, notorious for his nationalism and sympathies for the Ustasha ideology, publicly gave his support to the protests, as “it cannot be allowed that singers from Serbia appear on a Catholic holiday”. The Nova Rača mayor Darko Knežić (from the Croatian Peasant Party) stated: “In order to avoid such situations causing dissatisfaction among citizens, the Nova Rača municipality has decided that no concerts can be held on national holidays, regardless of venue, without our approval.” Knežić believes that there will be no / SNV Bulletin #20 / 18

more unpleasant situations, and given the impossibility of organising concerts on national holidays without the Municipality's approval, it is certain that the authorities will do everything to prevent any ap- pearances by undesirable singers (regardless of the fact that people of different ethnicities and world-views come to such concerts) from taking place.26

Changes to the financing of national minorities during the Coronavirus pandemic

In March, the Vukovar City Council passed a decision to allocate funds from the city budget for the purposes of adapting to the Coronavirus epidemic. The measures were focussed on helping the most vulnerable groups, but the decision also stipulates that funding for national minorities' councils and all associations except the Vukovar subsidiary of the Red Cross is to be discontinued. The explanation stated that as the Civil Protection Headquarters banned public gatherings, thus precluding the operation of councils and associations, it follows that there is no need to finance them. As the financing of national minority councils is partly regulated by the Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities, local authorities should by no means intervene on the issue.27

Lack of equality among victims of war

In April, the Constitutional Court refused the request to review the con- stitutionality of the Law on the Rights of the Victims of Sexual Violence during the Armed Aggression against the Republic of Croatia in the Homeland War submitted by the Rosa Centre for Women War Victims. Rosa requested the constitutional review because, according to them, the Law does not provide a satisfactory definition of a victim of sexual violence, or the conditions for the relevant rights to be recognised. Ac- cording to the Rosa Centre for Women War Victims, the fact that some women who had suffered rape were not recognised as victims presents a special problem. According to the Law, the rights stipulated therein could not be exercised by women who did not have Croatian citizenship during the war, or who were members of, assisted, or cooperated with, hostile military formations.28 / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 19

The Slavoserbian breed in a Zagreb primary school

In spring 2020, instruction was largely done remotely due to the Coro- navirus pandemic. During a history class, pupils at the Zagreb primary school Izidor Kršnjavi received a link to a text published on the www. povijest.hr website. The text was about Ante Starčević, and stated that he called Serbs a “Slavoserbian breed”, did not recognise Muslims as a nation but considered them part of the Croatian nation, and claimed that Slovenians were Alpine Croats. It is true that all the aforemen- tioned claims were indeed made by Starčević during the early stages of his political engagement. However, the claims were published without comment or explanation, or indeed any context. The claims cited in this fashion disturbed some of the parents, who made their concerns public. The school director asked the teacher who posted the link to explain why she did so.29

National benefits for the elderly depend on uninterrupted legal residence

In May, the Croatian Parliament passed the Law on the National Ben- efit for the Elderly, which came into force on 1 January 2021. The law provides for a national benefit for all individuals aged 65 and above, provided certain social and means test conditions are met, and if the individual has been legally resident on Croatian territory for at least 20 years without interruption at the time the request is made. A significant portion of returnee Serbs who do meet the social and means test conditions will not be able to exercise their right to the national benefit, as the majority only returned to Croatia after 2000. Given the stipulated condition of uninterrupted legal residence in Croatia, they will find it hard, if not impossible, to exercise their right to the national benefit.30

Irregularities at polling stations

On election day on 5 July, the IDSP received a number of complaints about irregularities in polling stations, mostly to do with voting in the 12th electoral district, reserved for candidates whom members of national minorities choose as their representatives in Parliament. In certain polling places, the candidate list for the 12th district was not displayed, and polling station officials failed to inform members of national minorities about their electoral rights, but occasionally immediately gave them their ballots according to their place of residence (that is, for electoral districts 1 — 10, depending on where the voter was resident); while in certain polling places, the 12th electoral district / SNV Bulletin #20 / 20

was not clearly marked on the front of the ballot box. Such complaints came from voters in Zagreb, Rijeka, Zadar, Šibenik, Pakrac and Gospić.

Still no Cyrillic script in Vukovar

In mid-October, at the suggestion of mayor Ivan Penava, the Vukovar City Council decided for the second year running not to expand the rights of members of the Serb national minority to the use of their language and script in Vukovar.31 The city of Vukovar statutorily de- layed the full implementation of these rights, which include the right to use the Cyrillic script and for the signs of public institutions to include the language and script of the national minority, making it conditional on future assessments by the city authorities of the attained level of understanding, solidarity, tolerance and dialogue, to be made annually. Such assessments may allow the Statutory decision on the recogni- tion of minority rights to be amended every two years. The 2009 City Charter allowed the implementation of provisions of the Law on the Use of the Language and Script of National Minorities regardless of the fact that according to the 2001 Census, Serbs made up less than a third of the population of Vukovar. According to the 2011 Census, Serbs make up more than a third of the population, yet in spite of this, there has been a long-term regression in the realisation of these rights, as well as the rights defined by the Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities. However, the election of Tomislav Karamarko as president of the CDU radicalised the political atmosphere, and the attempt by the SDP-led government to install bilingual signs on the façades of public buildings in Vukovar was met with fierce opposition, which was primarily reflected in the destruction of the installed signs, written both in the Latin and Cyrillic script. Following the 2013 local elections, which the CDU won in Vukovar with its candidate, Ivan Penava, the Charter of the City of Vukovar was changed. The October 2020 decision by the City Council may also be interpreted as disapproval of the July 2019 decision of the Constitutional Court, in which the Court warned that expanding the rights of national minorities, specifically the Serb minority, cannot be deferred indefinitely. The Court also compelled the Government to provide for an appropriate legal mechanism for situations when the representative body of a local self-government unit fails to carry out its legal obligations, prohibiting “the introduction of bilingualism by force” until this is done.32 The Constitutional Court requested that the Government submit a report on the matter, which as of mid-November 2020 the Government failed to do. The Constitution- al Court retained the right to review the Charter of the City of Vukovar on its own initiative. / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 21

The Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe also had its say on the use of national minorities' language and script. The Committee recommended that Croatia should do more on the issues of teaching national minorities' languages and promoting such languages in education, administration and the media. It also concluded that the Cyrillic script was not sufficiently represented in municipalities where the conditions for its use were met.33

Inability to buy flats in Beli Manastir

The problems around buying flats with occupancy rights by people who have lived there for more than 40 years have still not been solved in Beli Manastir, due to property law complications. There are 76 such flats, where more than 150 people live, mainly educational and health professionals, who cannot buy their flats, or are at a disadvantage due to the transfer of ownership rights. The flats used to be municipal- ly-owned, and are now owned by the school established by the County. The tenants were not offered the chance to buy the flats at a discount, that is, under the conditions under which beneficiaries of occupancy rights were usually allowed to buy their flats. The school claims that it can only sell flats at a discount if the school committee approves it, and the school committee claims that it is not entitled to make such a decision.34

Eviction of the Jovanović family in Zagreb

The case of the Jovanović family cannot be considered discrimination, certainly not in the classical sense, but it is nevertheless the kind of case a report like this needs to record. In November 2020, the Jova- nović family were evicted from their flat in Zagreb. The tenants in their residential building sued them over their debt of 10,000 HRK in unpaid contributions to the building's reserve fund. The family are on the breadline, Jasminka Jovanović has been on benefits for 20 years, receiving 1200 HRK every month, and could not pay all her bills. The court ordered that the Jovanović family's assets be seized to settle their 10,000 HRK debt, their flat was sold, and they were evicted.35

Justice for the “ceiling” 21 years on

In December, the European Court of Human Rights ruled in favour of the deceased Mile Novaković and against the Republic of Croatia, over violations of article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights, / SNV Bulletin #20 / 22

which regulates the right to respect for one's private life. Novaković taught crafts in a secondary school in Darda, and was sacked in 1999 for holding classes in the Serbian language. The European Court of Hu- man Rights concluded that alternative solutions, such as further training, were not considered before Novaković was sacked. A dismissal is the harshest measure, the recourse to which undermined his rights. The Republic of Croatia must pay 5,000 Euro to Novaković's successors. He and several other Serb teachers were anonymously reported for using Serbian words during instruction. The inspection concluded that Novaković did not use “the Croatian language in every aspect”, and was specifically blamed for using the word “tavanica”, rather than the Croatian “strop”, for “ceiling”. The inspection was conducted only on ethnic Serb teachers, and Novaković was dismissed. It was concluded that he could not be transferred to another job, as there were none in which he could hold classes in Serbian. He was not given the oppor- tunity to take further training in the Croatian language as he was 55 at the time, leading to the conclusion that he was too old for further education. Having exhausted all the legal remedies in Croatia, Novaković petitioned the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg.36 / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 23

Hate speech, extremism

Hate speech and extremism have become quotidian in Croatia, a common feature of building façades, outpourings of sports fans' chauvinism, certain media, below-the-line comments, social network statuses, and partly also of political discourse and speech, to the extent that politicians' ethnicity is used as an argument against them; to the extent, even, of seeking to deny the existence of national minorities, that is, to merge them with the Croat ethnic group.

A study carried out by Marko Poljak, Jelena Hadžić and Maša Martinić shows that hate speech is on the rise in the Croatian media space.37 The study covered 14 million items published in the press, on websites, on the radio, television and social networks, in Croatian, Serbian and Slovenian language, during a six-year period (from 2013 to 2019). The researchers concluded that each year, the number of items containing hate speech amounted to less than one percent of the total, but rose year on year. They also concluded that items that could be characterised as hate speech were most often found on websites, and most rarely on the radio.

The new Electronic Media Act, presented last year for debate before the Parliament after public consultation, also seeks to combat public hate speech. The draft bill created some public controversy, and concern among electronic media publishers over the proposed offence provisions. No-one disputes the need to combat hate speech, which most frequently targets members of national minorities and vulnerable groups, and this includes the publishers. What worries them is the level of penalties (between 100,000 and one million HRK) determined for as many as 104 types of infringements. The publisher would be held responsible for comments containing hate speech, while they themselves believe that responsibility should primarily fall on the authors of such comments. Individual publishers have announced that they will probably close below-the-line comments if the Act is adopted with the offence provisions as they stand. On the one hand, this poses the question of limiting free speech, that is, readers' ability to express their opinions in the comments, and on the other, the necessity of combating hate speech; the third side to the debate is the amount of penalty that could prove fatal for numerous media, especially smaller and local ones, if a penalty is incurred.

It is a tendency at the European level to strengthen the criminal law aspect of responding to hate crime. Last year, the European Commission published its European Union Anti-Racism Action Plan for the period / SNV Bulletin #20 / 24

2020 — 2025. The Action Plan demands that member states criminal- ise public incitement to violence or hatred, on grounds including race, religion, national origin, including when committed online.38

The pervasiveness of hate speech in Croatia was also confirmed by the Vizura Aperta association's research art project, “Collateral Evil”, which was carried out last year, and which monitored / researched / invento- ried graffiti containing hate crime. The research was mostly carried out in Zagreb, Split and Osijek, and to a lesser extent in a further 18 cities and towns.39 More than 460 inscriptions were found in more than 180 locations. The graffiti most often had Nazi and Ustasha features, such as the Ustasha salute, “for the homeland ready”, and calls to eliminate groups ("kill the Serb”, “hang the Serbs from willow40 trees”, “you, Serb, you won't escape the knife”, “kill the faggot”, “kill the ass"41 etcetera). The graffiti are clearly most frequently aimed at Serbs, but those aimed at homosexuals, as well as those that are motivated by regional intolerance, are also not uncommon.

The “Collateral Evil” research art project has also encouraged many individuals to report graffiti containing hate speech to the Vizura Aperta association through social networks. In Zagreb, a list of the locations where hateful graffiti have been recorded has been submitted to the City Office for the Strategic Planning and Development of the City. Having carried out 101 inspections on the locations that were reported, community wardens issued graffiti removal notices or initiated the removal of 274 graffiti. 11 graffiti were removed before the end of 2020.42

The Serb National Council also received a number of reports of hate speech, especially signs calling for the elimination of Serbs and/or displaying Ustasha symbols. The reports clearly show that such phenomena are more frequent in Dalmatia and in Zagreb, to a lesser extent Slavonia, and less so in other parts of Croatia.

Below, we describe several instances of hate speech and extremism.

Ustasha graffiti and graffiti calling for Serbs to be eliminated

Graffiti bearing Ustasha symbols and calls to eliminate Serbs have been recorded throughout the year. Even the Spring lock-down due to the Coronavirus pandemic did not deter the graffiti writers, probably also because that was the period around April the 10th, the day the Independent State of Croatia was founded. It should however be noted that certain local authorities do remove hateful graffiti, especially when they are reported. / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 25

In January, a graffiti against Serbs and the police appeared on the / Graffiti in façade of a primary school in the Spinut neighbourhood of Split. The the Savski Gaj unknown offender(s) wrote, “even if there are no willows, we'll hang neighbourhood of Zagreb you from birches, kill the Serb”, “cops are mercenary cunts 1312”. The city very quickly painted over the graffiti.43 In another Split neighbourhood, the Pujanke, a graffiti that literally called for slaughter was written in March — “slaughter the Chetnik and take his eyes out cause in the Pujanke that's not a crime”. That same month, a graffiti appeared in the town of Županja that integrated two hatreds — the ethnic hatred towards Serbs, and football-related hatred against Dinamo — into a slogan, “I hate Dinamo, the Serb name”.44 graffiti glorifying the ISC, the Ustasha criminals Maks Luburić and Jure Francetić, and the notorious Black Legion, appeared in March in Koprivnica. The city authorities quickly removed the graffiti.45 In April, the sign at the entrance to Mor- polača was scribbled over with the message, “kill the Serb”.46

The proclamation of the ISC was marked in Split and Zagreb. On 10 April a banner was hung from an overpass in Barutana, on the approach into central Split, bearing the outline of Croatia's borders from the time of the ISC, with the message, “happy statehood day, 10 April 1941”.47 The same day, a message saying “happy April 10” was written near the new roundabout in Zagreb, while a fifteen-metre graffiti also said: “Patriots, the Poglavnik's48 sons, carry you independent in their hearts.”49

Even the dead and the places of memory are not spared the vandalism and the Ustasha resentment. The Monument to the murdered Serbs / SNV Bulletin #20 / 26

from Banski Grabovac and the surrounding villages, 1,200 of whom were killed by the Ustashe in the Summer of 1941, has been vandalised, the Ustasha salute “for the homeland ready”, and the acronyms “ISC” and “CDF"50 graffitied on the monument.51 On a visit to the location in November, SNV staff noticed the seriffed letter U and “ISC” graffitied in Kožara — a part of the Jasenovac camp during World War II, and today a protected cultural monument. Marija Mačković, mayor of the town of Jasenovac, announced that the graffiti would be removed.

In Glina, three young men drew seriffed Us and swastikas on the walls of buildings. The police found and reported them.52 A number of murals honouring the CDF were also recorded, containing the “for the homeland ready” slogan. Such cases were also recorded over May in Split, and later also in Dugi Rat, on a bus stop. As far as the latter is concerned, the mayor Jerko Roglić announced that he would have it removed. In November, a banner dedicated to the CDF containing the Ustasha salute was displayed in Nuštar.

Hateful graffiti occasionally motivate young people to take action and organise themselves to remove such graffiti. In Osijek, Nikica Torbica of the Volunteer Centre Osijek initiated the removal of the graffiti saying “Serbs, get out of Jug 2”,53 which has remained for years on a building near the entrance to a primary school.54 Also in Osijek, the Mladforma youth initiative and the Hip-Hop Osijek association initiated the action of graffitiing over hate speech, that is, covering it with different content. The case recorded in Drniš in July in turn shows that as quickly as hate speech can appear, it can also quickly be removed. The messages

/ Graffiti on the Philosophy Faculty building in Zagreb / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 27

“kill the Serb”, “I hate Serbs and cops” and “for the homeland ready” were graffitied along the main street in Drniš, but were all very rapidly removed.

Croatian Serbs' institutions were also not spared hate speech. Stickers with Ustasha images were stuck at the entrance to the head office of the Privrednik Serb Business Society (SPD Privrednik), and a seriffed U carved in. This took place after the P-portal, published by the SPD Privrednik, received a little under 1,3 million HRK in European Social Fund funding, having been selected in a Ministry of Culture and Media call for proposals. The act of vandalism was preceded by the publica- tion of an incendiary text in the 7dnevno weekly, about recipients of grants from the left-liberal political spectrum.55

The Rijeka artist Nemanja Cvijanović received death threats in the form of public graffiti. He had installed a five-point red star on a well-known skyscraper on the Korzo in Rijeka, in memory of the partisans killed during the liberation of Rijeka in 1945. The radical and extreme right railed against the installation, part of the European Capital of Culture 2020 programme of events, accusing the author of glorifying Com- munism and Yugoslavia. In Rijeka itself, a graffiti with the message “Nemanja, you Serb, we'll judge you”, signed “A”, leads to the conclusion that the authors were members of the Armada football supporters' group. The exhibition of posters dedicated to tolerance, installed near the Zagreb Botanical Gardens, was also the target of graffiti. The posters were scrawled over with Ustasha symbols and the message, “death to Serbocriminals”.

Football supporters' glorification of Ustashism and spreading hate speech

Sports venues, especially football stadia, and football matches have for long been places where chants glorify the ISC and the Ustasha regime, places where the Ustasha salute is often heard shouted. The last year was no exception, even though it was specific in a sporting sense due to the Coronavirus pandemic, with sports competitions throughout the greater part of the year held in empty venues, or with a limited number of spectators. During a football match between Dinamo and Rijeka held in late February in Zagreb, the Bad Blue Boys chanted “long live the ISC”.56 In April, a graffiti was drawn in Zagreb that blended the Nazi eagle with the Dinamo crest.57 In a football match in Zagreb between the local club Lokomotiva and the Split club Hajduk, Torcida, the Split club's supporters' group, chanted, “o, Croatian mother, the Serbs we will slaughter”. / SNV Bulletin #20 / 28

/ Graffiti in Dubrava

Supporters' groups were also active outside sporting venues. In April, the Armada displayed a banner with the Ustasha salute on the Croatian Veterans' Bridge in Rijeka, in reaction to President Zoran Milanović's initiative to ban the Ustasha salute.58

One of the most vile outbursts happened in June, in the Kustošija neighbourhood of Zagreb. A group of Bad Blue Boys put up a banner saying “we will screw Serb women and children”. The banner, as well as / Graffiti in chants of “kill the Serb”, marked the completion of a supporters' mural. Maksimir park / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 29

/ Graffiti in Sesvete

Their outburst was generally condemned in the strictest terms as vile and anti-Serb, with MP Zlatko Hasanbegović something of an exception, having concluded that the individuals in question were filth, and that he “did not see elements of anti-Serbism” in the banner, “possibly paedophilia”.59 Six Bad Blue Boys were taken to court, and the author of the banner defended himself in court by claiming he did not know what the banner said, or even what he himself had written, as he had been drunk when they were making the banner, and got carried away by his company. A piece of graffiti identical to the one in Kustošija also appeared on 5 June, election day, in Split, and was also removed on the same day.60 During that time, in early summer, several hateful anti-Serb graffiti appeared in Zagreb over a short period of time. Not all were necessarily linked to supporters' groups. One anti-Serb graffiti appeared in Borovje, while in Sveta Klara, an inscription that read, “Serbian family tree” appeared next to a drawing of a tree with human figures hanging from it.

During a single sporting event, entirely distinct events initiated by the supporters can be recorded. An example of this is the handball match between the Croatian and Serbian national teams. The match was played during the European Championship in Graz. It was a dead rubber match, and some 5,000 supporters arrived from Croatia. A small segment chanted “the war's not over” during the match. A small segment whistled at the Serbian anthem, which has been an ugly and nasty custom in sporting venues for quite a while. However, a not insignificant segment of the Croatian supporters applauded after the Serbian anthem. In principle, it is disrespectful to applaud an anthem, but in this case, the irreverence can be seen as a positive thing. / SNV Bulletin #20 / 30

Debates in the Croatian Parliament and politicians' statements

It is in the nature of every parliament, the Croatian included, that vigorous and fiery debates are held there. What should not be in its nature, though, is for debates held there to cross certain lines. The Census Act provoked a fiery debate tinged with nationalism, due to the national minorities' representatives' demands that citizens be allowed to declare themselves as having more than one mother tongue and that minority quotas for census takers are honoured. Minority quotas were also a requirement in the previous censuses, but they were not pre- scribed by any law, but by subsidiary legislation, leading up to it being included in the law as it stands. Meeting minority quotas for census takers will be guided by instructions issued by the Croatian Bureau of Statistics. During the debate, representative Hrvoje Zekanović (the Hrast party) said that maybe “it would be best if the census was done in Serbia, so that Pupovac here wouldn't have to bear the expenses of transporting people [to be included in the census].” In addition, Ze- kanović concluded that “thanks to this legislation, thanks to the Cro- at-Serb trading coalition, tomorrow there may be some more Serbs in Vukovar than there really are”. He associated all this with Vukovar as a place of special reverence and the alleged wish among minority MPs, specifically Serb representatives, to take this status away from Vuk- ovar, which would putatively be done by means of falsifying the census results for the city.61

The debate on the implementation of the Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities also was not free from extremist, degrad- ing and historically incorrect statements. Representative Stevo Culej (CDU) concluded that from 1918 to 1995, Croatia suffered Greater-Ser- bian tyranny, while declaring himself a defender of national minorities and their rights.62 The debate about the dissolution of Parliament in May was also not free of statements denigrating minority representatives, specifically Milorad Pupovac. Zekanović was happy with the move to dissolve the Parliament, as it meant the end of the “rule of the Croat-Serb trading coalition,” and also announced that he would do his best to prevent Pupovac from “trading his unfairly gained seat”.63 The debate was also “enriched” by MP Ivan Pernar, who was allowed to go on about a Judeo-Bolshevik conspiracy without censure or being asked to resume his seat.64

The IDSP representative Anja Šimpraga's speech in Parliament, in which she emotionally shared her childhood memories of the Operation Storm, received much public attention and was much commented on, mostly positively. However, soon after her speech, a photograph began making the rounds on the Internet, showing a number of women wear- / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 31 ing the symbols of Greater Serbia. The claim was that Anja Šimpraga was one of the women, seeking to discredit her thus. The woman in the photograph was not Anja Šimpraga, but Vukosava Krulj, a nurse from Belgrade.65 Representative Željko Sačić (Croatian Sovereignists), incidentally a former member of the League of Communists, expressed not only a lack of respect, but his contempt towards members of the anti-fascist partisan movement. During a meeting of the Parliamentary War Veterans' Committee, Sačić demanded that the state be prohibit- ed from maintaining partisan cemeteries, as well as the banning of the red five-point star. This was a reaction to Katarina Peović (Workers' Front), who suggested that the dilapidated Dotrščina Memorial Park be renovated. Sačić believes that the state should not give a penny for such graveyards, and that these were all war criminal scum.66 Repre- sentative Sačić clearly does not know that the Dotrščina Memorial Park is dedicated to the victims of Ustasha terror in Zagreb. Representative Sačić also struggled with the facts when he decided to comment on Deputy Prime Minister Boris Milošević's statement that he would attend the anniversary of the Operation Storm in Knin, but that one needs to be able to stomach it. Sačić recommended that, before com- ing to Knin, Milošević should mark 150 mass graves that amnestied IDSP members dug at the expense of the Croatian people. There is no am- nesty for war crimes; statutes of limitation do not apply to war crimes; the IDSP was founded after the end of the war.

Insinuations are among the favourite methods not only of political disqualification, but also of spreading dangerous conspiracy theories whereby someone can be depicted as a blight. Analysing his candidate's election loss in the “Točka na tjedan” [Dotting the Week] programme on N1 Television, Ivan Anušić, Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović's pres- idential election campaign manager, sought the causes for her defeat among the Serbs. He stated that Serbs were bussed in from outside Croatia to vote in the second round of the election, and that they did not vote for Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović.67 Immediately upon leaving the CDU, Vukovar mayor Ivan Penava insinuated that Milorad Pupovac knew who committed the war crimes against the Croats in Vukovar. In order to bolster his assertion about Pupovac as a patron of war criminals, he showed a picture of a slit neck, claiming that the picture was of Bariša Ivančić, a Croat from Vukovar, telling Pupovac to ask his superiors who committed the crime.68

Milorad Pupovac is among the favourite subjects of Miroslav Škoro, leader of the Homeland Movement party. He directly labelled Pupovac a Greater-Serbian ideologue, that is an enemy of Croatia. In May, ahead of the election, while commenting daily events, he stated that Andrej Plenković and Ivan Anušić were cooperating with the “Greater-Serbi- / SNV Bulletin #20 / 32

an patriot Milorad Pupovac”.69 Škoro also accused Pupovac of being a de facto puppet, that is, Serbian president Aleksandar Vučić's man, through whom Vučić was controlling political processes in Croatia.70 With this statement, he attributed incredible power to Pupovac, and ascribing incredible, supernatural power to one's political opponents is among the more common methods of defamation. As a consequence of such statements, indeed, the broader social atmosphere, someone wrote “Pupovac is a Chetnik” at the entrance to the SNC's head office in Zagreb, while a day after the earthquake, a football fan chanted “kill the Serb” at Milorad Pupovac in Glina.71 It should be noted that the chant was directed at Pupovac at the time when he, as well as many others, was in Banija in order to help organise humanitarian assistance to those affected by the earthquake. It is also worth noting that the chant was sung in Glina, the town where during World War II, the Ustashe committed one of the most notorious massacres of Serbs. The Dubrovnik Democratic Assembly councillor Matko Munitić's arrival to a Council meeting wearing a protective mask bearing the insignia of the CDF with the Ustasha salute should also be included in the invento- ry of political hate speech. His party dismissed him after the incident, declaring that it respected the CDF's sacrifices in the Homeland War, but that meetings of the City Council were not the place for displaying the symbols and salutes of the ISC's totalitarian and fascist regime. Munitić clarified that he hailed from Imotski and had friends there who had been in the CDF, who gave him the mask, teasing him that he would not dare attend a City Council meeting wearing it, but that he did do it and, he said, would do it again.72

Miroslav Škoro was also the target of hate speech and discrediting on the grounds of ethnicity. In a Facebook status which was reproduced in the media, Marko Ljubić accused him of being effectively an exponent of the Serbian intelligence services. “Everything that can reasonably be discerned points to Škoro being a very dangerous project long in the making, bearing a very clear signature of the Serbian intelligence services.” Škoro was also called out because of his wife's ethnic, Serb origin, with attempts to tie him to the Chetnik movement, labelling him “a Cleveland voivode's son-in-law”.

Denying national minorities' identities

In two cases, we recorded attempts to deny the existence of the national identities of members of national minorities. The notional difficulty lies in the fact that individuals do not understand the difference between ethnic affiliation and nationality, and the substantial difficulty in the fact that some individuals would rather that there were no na- / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 33

tional minorities in Croatia. In March, the Croatian Sovereignists party presented its programme guidelines for the parliamentary election. Ladislav Ilčić, a member of the party council, offered a solution to the “question of national minorities that have conducted a campaign of terror over the majority population”. He would define nationality according to citizenship, rather than ethnic origin; that way, the Croatian Sover- eignists would “elevate all the members of erstwhile national minorities to the level of the majority Croatian nation. We shall be a state where citizens are equal, with no more divisions.”73 Ilčić's statement makes it clear that to him, members of national minorities are lower-order beings in relation to members of the Croatian people, but that the Cro- atian Sovereignists would elevate them to equality by turning them into Croats. Moreover, judging by his statement that there would be no more divisions, he does not grasp that modern societies and the democratic system are founded upon divisions, and not uniformity.

Karolina Vidović Krišto, now a Member of Parliament, also holds dear the idea of nationalising members of national minorities. In June, before the election, she declared that “all the citizens of Croatia are Croats by nationality; if someone's ethnic affiliation is Hungarian, Italian or Serb, but they are a Croatian citizen, they are Croat by nationality.”74

The assault on Banski Dvori

On 12 October, Danijel Bezuk, a 22-year-old youth, fired an automatic rifle at the Banski Dvori building. He wounded a policeman, after which he killed himself. Before his suicide, Bezuk published a statement on social networks, saying “enough with the fraud and the reckless trampling of human values without accountability”. It was soon found out that Bezuk hated Serbs and fantasised about killing them. A photo of a snip- er rifle, with the caption “if I was one of them, to mow down Serbs”, was found on his Facebook profile.75 Soon after Bezuk's attack, a discussion about the radicalisation of the Croatian society developed, prompted by Prime Minister Andrej Plenković. It was also discussed who radicalised Bezuk, how and by what means. Željka Markić was among those who got involved, accusing the IDSP of being a terrorist organisation. Appear- ing in Velimir Bujanac's Bujica TV programme, which regularly advances extremist views, she said that Plenković himself was a radical, and that he was in a coalition with people (meaning the IDSP, and especially Vojislav Stanimirović, president of the Party Committee) who fit the description of what Plenković described as homegrown terrorists.76 / SNV Bulletin #20 / 34

Hrvatski tjednik77

Listing all the extremist outbursts of the extreme right-wing Hrvatski tjednik would indeed take up a lot of space. Probably the vilest was published in November 2020. Its “Footnotes for Dweebs” section, where public figures are regularly insulted and degraded using extremist comments, commented on Milorad Pupovac's speech in parliament about the identity of Serbs in Croatia. Pupovac had said that there are three important components to the identity of Serbs in Croatia — lib- eralism, constitutional patriotism and anti-fascism. In its comment, Hrvatski tjednik stated: “And the fourth, most important component — that all should sooner or later end up on the list of victims of Jasenovac. You won't sit still until you see your name on the list of those slaugh- tered.” The intimidating message was directed at Milorad Pupovac specifically, but also at Serbs in Croatia in general. The message and the call to slaughter Serbs are extreme even by the standards of the Hrvatski tjednik, whose every issue contains texts inciting attacks on representatives of Serbs in Croatia. The Hrvatski tjednik does not only spread hatred, but also obscure conspiracy theories. / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 35

Historical revisionism

Revisionism and denialism have since long picked up steam in Croa- tia. Revisionism here is taken to mean the kind of revision of history that does not follow new scientific insights (thus revising the existing history), but seeks to change the recent past by changing not only the historical narrative, but the moral narrative as well. Put more simply, it is the kind that rehabilitates Ustashism. Revisionism primarily mani- fests itself, both symbolically and materially, through the reaffirmation of the Ustasha salute, “for the homeland ready”, but also through the reaffirmation of other Ustasha symbols and the celebration of April the 10th. Debates about these matters have been going on for a long time in Croatia, resulting in a partial acceptance of the Ustasha symbolism as a normal thing, rather than something that ought not to be allowed, and whose use is shameful. At the same time, there are initiatives by individuals and groups opposing this, and demanding the legal prohibition of the use of Ustasha symbols. Contributing its share, and not in a good way, is the judiciary, through inconsistent practice in penalising the use of Ustasha symbols.

Denialism has manifested itself last year too, in what is now a years- long campaign to downgrade the number of victims of the Jasenovac camp, and the attempt to create a narrative about Jasenovac as a pleasant place, rather than a place of death and suffering. Dana Budis- avljević, author of the film Diana Budisavljević's Diary, was particularly singled out by the denialists.

The Ustasha salute, “for the homeland ready"

Last year, the High Misdemeanour Court considered the Ustasha salute in the context of the misdemeanour proceedings against Marko Perković Thompson over his song, Bojna Čavoglave, which opens with the Ustasha salute. In February, three proposals were put forward during debates in the High Misdemeanour Court on whether the singer is committing an offence when exclaiming “for the homeland ready” at the beginning of the song; none of the proposals received the necessary majority.78 In February, the High Misdemeanour Court issued its fi- nal decision, in which it stated that it was well-known that Thompson's song featuring the Ustasha salute was performed daily and constantly during the war, “encouraging and calling to the defence of the Home- land, having no link at all with the totalitarian regime of some fifty / SNV Bulletin #20 / 36

/ Graffiti in Maksimir

years ago.”79 In its decision, the High Misdemeanour Court affirmed the argumentation of the Municipal Court in Šibenik, according to which there has been no violation of public peace and order as none of those present at the concerts over which misdemeanour proceedings were initiated against Thompson in Šibenik disapproved of them, or was discomforted by the chanting of the disputed salute. The concerts were legally organised, Thompson has performed the song for years and received royalties from ZAMP.80 Commenting on the ruling, Davor Božinović, the Minister of the Interior, stated that in his view, this did not constitute a violation of public peace and order, and that “the call is not permitted in other versions. And the police report it without ado.”81 Only a few days later, the Constitutional Court, reacting to the High Misdemeanour Court ruling, issued a statement clearly expressing its view that the expression is an Ustasha salute used in the Independent State of Croatia, and as such is not in accordance with the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia.

In April, a day after the commemoration in Jasenovac, President Zoran Milanović demanded that the glorification of Ustashism be legally forbidden and sanctioned, following the example set by other democratic countries. He said in Jasenovac that the sign bearing the Ustasha salute (dedicated to the fallen members of the CDF) needs to be removed. Milanović's statement was not meant to devalue or diminish the sacrifice of CDF members, but to denounce “those who politically and inhumanly abuse the fallen veterans to relativize the criminal character of the ISC and to mock the victims of Ustasha terror / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 37 in Jasenovac and throughout Croatia.” The President believes that the fallen CDF members have been instrumentalised by those who wish to freely glorify Ustashism and to spread hatred and lies unimpeded. He also expressed his conviction that the necessary majority exists in Par- liament to adopt a regulation to prohibit and sanction the glorification of Ustashism.82 On 9 November, the International Day Against Fascism and Anti-Semitism, Ognjen Kraus, president of the Jewish Community of Zagreb, called on the authorities and PM Andrej Plenković to enact legislation to ban Ustasha symbols.83 Israel's ambassador to Croatia Ilan Mor also advocated a total ban on the Ustasha salute.84

The President of the Republic demonstrated his opposition to the Ustasha salute at the official commemoration of the 25th anniversary of the Military and Police Operation Bljesak [Flash], held in the town of Okučani. When he became aware that officially attending the event were individuals wearing CDF T-shirts with the Ustasha salute, he abandoned the ceremony, stating that he “would not take part in this”.85

The Ustasha salute found its commercial use during the pandemic too. The Cro Sport Vez retail store in the centre of Zagreb has been selling protective (two-layer, cloth) masks emblazoned with the CDF crest and the “for the homeland ready” salute. Last summer, CDF flags and / Message for T-shirts commemorating the 75th anniversary of Bleiburg could also Zoran Milanović be bought in the store, all of them displaying the Ustasha salute. Jakov in Maksimir / SNV Bulletin #20 / 38

Marković, the owner of the store, said he was not doing anything illegal. The State Inspectorate established that the market inspection found nothing illegal. As far as the disputed salute is concerned, the State In- spectorate found nothing untoward, as the symbol and salute were part of the emblem of an association, all of it registered with the Ministry of Public Administration.86

The campaign against the film, Diana Budisavljević's Diary

Hrvatski tjednik, infamous for its denialist and revisionist views, has waged a year-long campaign against Diana Budisavljević's Diary, a film by director Dana Budisavljević, which won several prizes, including best film, at the Pula Film Festival in 2019. The film, which depicts the efforts of the humanitarian Diana Budisavljević to save children whose parents, predominantly Serbs, perished in the Ustasha-German offensive on Ko- zara, and who were separated from their families and taken to concen- tration camps, is described by the paper as a historical falsification and Chetnik propaganda. Already at the beginning of the year, on 9 January, the film was included in the “Greatest lies, subterfuge and filth of 2019” section.87 The text explains that the ISC Poglavnik Ante Pavelić was actually saving children (it does not state who from, or who had en- dangered the children), claims that the children who passed away died of “an advanced and incurable illness” (with no indication of how the children came to suffer from such diseases), and states that the author had accepted “the Chetnik stereotype and made a film that served the interests of Greater-Serbian publicity and propaganda”. The screening of the film on Croatian Television in April last year was characterised as “Plenković's Chetnik delight on the CT,” and the film as a “Greater-Serbi- an historical falsification”.88 How did the children end up in the camps, why did they lose their parents, what were the conditions in the children's camps like and how they were placed into foster care, none of this concerns Hrvatski tjednik, which merely asserts that “in the end, the Greater Serbians turned the story around and turned a humanitarian story into children's camps and the criminal Ustasha government that allegedly murdered the children.”

The paper pursued its campaign against the film and its author throughout the year. Both the film and its author were characterised as Chetnik and Greater-Serbian, while the atrocities committed by the Ustasha regime were avoided. Towards the end of last year too, a text about the film Djeca s Kozare [The Children from Kozara] by Roman Leljak, who historians specialising in the victims of World War II and its aftermath say wields precisely contrived numbers of victims of the Jasenovac camp, calls Dana Budisavljević's film a “Greater-Serbian / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 39 pamphlet”, and, to put it mildly, begrudges the Government, that is, the Ministry of Science and Education for including the film in the primary curriculum.89

In the Summer of 2020, Diana Budisavljević's Diary received the Sci- ence and Education Ministry's consent to its inclusion in the school curriculum. The Ministry also approved for use the recommended expert-designed methodological preparation for a lesson called “Diana Budisavljević's Diary and the Second World War period in Croatia.”90 The film's inclusion in the curriculum provoked new reactions by revi- sionists and denialists of the Holocaust and the genocide committed by the Ustashe during World War II. In October 2020, the Croatian World Congress filed a criminal complaint against Dana Budisavljević, the film's director,91 claiming that her film contained a number of false- hoods, explaining everything in 16 rather unbelievable points.

Denialism

Hrvatski tjednik was actively denialist on the subject of the Ustasha regime and crimes throughout the year, which is no less than a con- tinuation of their usual practice. Throughout the year, it has waged a campaign against the Jasenovac Memorial Site, its director Ivo Pejak- ović, and the current state of knowledge when it comes to the number of victims of the Jasenovac camp complex — which, incidentally, is not a matter of any serious scientific controversies, in Croatia or in Serbia. Hrvatski tjednik supports the Ustasha salute, “za dom spremni”, which it confirmed with its 28 May cover and the announced topic, “Asking for the ‘for the homeland ready’ salute to be banned is a sign of men- tal disturbance.”92 An abundance of such texts, glorifying the Ustasha regime, the Ustasha movement's Poglavnik Ante Pavelić and his, as they see it, humanitarian work after the Kozara offensive, mass killings and persecution of Serbs, and separation of their children from their parents, have been published over the last year. Hrvatski tjednik has also waged a campaign, in every issue so to speak, to downgrade the number of victims of the Jasenovac camp, utilising the pseudo-historical work of Igor Vukić, which the paper has advertised all year long, giv- ing him a large amount of space throughout the year. Vukić's book, The Jasenovac Labour Camp was dissected in detail by the historian Milan Radanović, who highlighted a number of omissions by Vukić, charac- terising his book as harmful and scandalous. There should be no doubt that denialist policies, which also fully neglect the fact that the Ustasha regime instituted race laws, will retain their grip in certain obscure media for years to come, doubtlessly including Hrvatski tjednik, to which they are a substantial component. / SNV Bulletin #20 / 40

Tomislav Vuković's series of articles, The Jasenovac Camp in the Wilder- / Graffiti ness of Historical Revisionism, published in Glas koncila,93 should also be in Savski gaj included in the list of denialist and revisionist writing. The series was not the first time its author published such texts. According to it, there were crimes in the Jasenovac camp, but law and order prevailed there, with the prisoners doing various kinds of work, enjoying mostly decent conditions. One of the instalments was called “The treatment was pret- ty good, and the food was also good”, and another, “Ustashe executed by firing squad for robbing inmates”, which were intended to say that the legal state under the Ustashe was firm, but fair, and that those doing harm to inmates did not go unpunished.

Destruction of monuments

The trend of destruction or degradation of anti-fascist monuments has continued, which means, among other things, that some monuments are still standing. In the town of Perušić, local authorities have initiated the removal of the charnel house containing the bones of those killed in the National Liberation Struggle from the park in the town centre to the local cemetery. The monument was erected in 1980, and survived the / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 41

1990s wave of destruction of monuments that constituted an important part of Croatia's cultural heritage. The authorities have argued that the monument needs to be removed because they want to expand the children's playground, even though there is plenty of space for possible expansions in the immediate vicinity. Among those interred in the memorial ossuary were soldiers from the Perušić region.94 There is a great deal of resistance locally to moving the monument and the memorial ossuary, and since International Brigades fighters who fought in the Spanish Civil War are also interred there, the case has gained an international dimension. The monument and the memorial ossuary have not been moved by the end of the year, but the authorities are still insisting on the issue.

In June, ahead of the marking of the anniversary of the establishment of the 1st Split Partisan Detachment, the memorial to the Detachment in the Plokite quarter was again damaged.95 In August, the memorial plaque to Gustav Perl-Benda, a Jew who attempted to assassinate Mile Budak in 1941, which had been displayed in Bjelovar, was removed and smashed not far from where it had been.96 The memorial plaque to Perl-Benda, one of the founders of the 1st Bjelovar Partisan Group, had been installed in Bjelovar once before, but was removed in the nineties. It was put up once again on 5 October 2019, on the anniversary of Benda's death. The police found the perpetrator, and it has been announced that a new plaque would be installed.97

The Zadar mayor Branko Dukić made good on his intention to remove the memorial to the first cell of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, founded in Zadar in June 1941. At the time, Zadar formally belonged to the Kingdom of Italy, so the founding of the CPY in Zadar can also be interpreted as an act of resistance to the Italian Fascist government, as well as an act of national liberation. The monument had already been scrawled all over with Nazi symbols,98 and was removed in early November under the pretext of urban renewal.99 Also in November, the bust of Đuro Đaković was stolen in Zagreb.100

Naming streets after Ustasha functionaries

There are a number of places in Croatia where streets still bear the names of Ustasha functionaries, most often Mile Budak. For instance, the Đuro Đaković Group is headquartered in Slavonski Brod at Dr. Mile Budaka 1. It was as far back as 2017 that the Constitutional Court ruled that the street name “10th of April” in Slatinski Drenovci was unconstitutional, but the name has not been changed. At times, it is no simple matter even to speak up against such phenomena. When an IDSP MP / SNV Bulletin #20 / 42

warned that there are around a dozen cities and towns where streets are still named after Ustasha functionaries, representative Hrvoje Ze- kanović called her speech brainwashing, while Ante Sanader, presiding over the session, gave her two warnings.101

The Roma Memorial Centre

The opening of the Roma Memorial Centre in Uštica, the village near Jasenovac that was part of the Jasenovac camp complex where Roma people were held and perished, should be mentioned as a positive event.102 / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 43

Conclusion

The previous chapters have shown that revisionist and denialist views directed mostly at the Serbs, but also at the legacy of anti-fascism, are not rare, which has resulted in hatred taking root among part of the population. This hatred has in turn taken on some very concrete forms, be it physical assaults, or the deliberate destruction and damaging of property. This is a protracted, long-term process which has been left to fester, leaving the consequences that we are faced with today. One should always begin at the top, and remind that for years, such messages of hatred and revisionism have come from politics, and indeed, from parts of the highest level of politics, as well as from segments of the Catholic church. The long-term practice has achieved that the legacy of the Ustasha regime has become commonplace, for many even normal, and, certainly for a segment of the population, even positive. The media, both national and local, also bear their share of the responsibility (not all, and not equally). As for social networks, they are a very simple means of disseminating all kinds of information and attitudes, including the hatemongering kinds. In this spillover of social power from top to bottom, concrete manifestations of hatred ultimately emerge — graffitiing, hateful banners, chants in sporting venues calling for slaughter, offensive messages on Croatian Serbs' institutions, insults, physical assaults and destruction of property, with the destruction of an almond grove particularly salient for its pathological derangement.

Taking a longer view, the responsibility for this situation falls on the state and the authorities. The sin of inaction was not the only one that was committed; things were done that should not have been done, while the goings-on were viewed with indifference. Nevertheless, there have been reactions of condemnation, and specific actions too, which we have recorded in the previous chapters. However, they were often too little too late.

The outlook for 2021 is moderately optimistic, not only due to the positive change in the culture of memory that we explained in the In- troduction, and which should be seen in view of the creation of a more tolerant and peaceful social climate. Late last year, a devastating earthquake hit Banija, and while this was not the main topic of this bulletin, the high level of human and citizen solidarity shown to people living in the affected region since the very beginning, on 29 December, cannot be overlooked. This solidarity has manifested itself in the aid sent from / SNV Bulletin #20 / 44 all over Croatia, to all those affected, regardless of ethnic and religious affiliation. Solidarity has manifested itself in an identical way among the inhabitants of the earthquake-hit Banija themselves. Early 2021 has also seen serious, multi-party political initiatives to ban the Ustasha salute. We should not expect the initiative to come to fruition very soon, if at all, but it could be another reason for moderate optimism in 2021. / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 45

References

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8 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ 18 https://srbi.hr/islam-latinski-komsija- uhapsen-27-godisnjak-zbog-napada-na- mu-psovao-mrtvu-cetnicku-majku-i-pretio- dvojicu-srba-u-vukovaru smrcu/

19 https://www.portalnovosti.com/kako- se-borim-to-ja-najbolje-znam / SNV Bulletin #20 / 46

20 https://banija.rs/novosti/20431- 33 https://www.jutarnji.hr/vijesti/ razbijeni-reflektori-kod-hrama-u-otoccu. hrvatska/odbor-ministara-vijeca-europe- html cirilicno-pismo-je-nedovoljno-prisutno-u- opcinama-i-na-natpisima-15035721 21 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ paljevina-ili-zapaljenje 34 https://srbi.hr/beli-manastir-vise-od- 150-ljudi-ceka-na-pravedan-otkup-stana/ 22 https://banija.rs/novosti/20361-obijena- kapela-na-velebitu.html 35 https://portalnovosti.com/otvoren- racun-za-pomoc-obitelji-jovanovic 23 https://www.vecernji.hr/vijesti/ bivsi-policajac-strah-i-trepet-u-selu- 36 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ protuzakonito-sjece-sumu-i-sustavno-nas- nastavnik-dobio-otkaz-u-skoli-jer-je- maltretira-1435342 koristio-srpsku-rijec-tavanica

24 https://www.portalnovosti.com/crne- 37 https://www.portalnovosti.com/najvise- pljacke-bijele-vode govora-mrznje-na-portalima-a-najmanje- na-radiju 25 https://varazdin.hr/novosti/podrska- srpskoj-nacionalnoj-manjini-grada- 38 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ varazdina-8393/ europska-komisija-trazi-kazneno- sankcioniranje-govora-mrznje 26 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ narodnjaci-zabranjeni 39 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ prijavljeno-preko-460-natpisa-govora- 27 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ mrznje penava-obustavio-finansiranje-manjinskih- veca-u-vukovaru 40 Srbe na vrbe, a commonly used nationalist rhyming slogan, translator's note 28 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ neprijatelj-nije-zrtva-silovanja 41 tovar, a derogatory term for Dalmatians, t.n. 29 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ zagrebacki-skolarci-uce-da-su-srbi- 42 https://www.portalnovosti.com/od- pasmina-slavoserbska 274-grafita-s-govorom-mrznje-obrisano- njih-11-%20ostali-na-cekanju%C2%A0 30 http://www.veritas.org.rs/novosti- portal-13-05-2020-dragana-jeckov-zakon- 43 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ o-nacionalnoj-naknadi-diskriminira-srbe- prebojani-grafitina-ulazu-u-splitsku-skolu povratnike/ 44 https://www.portalnovosti.com/u- 31 https://www.portalnovosti.com/vecina- splitu-i-zupanji-novi-grafiti-protiv-srba i-trecina 45 https://www.portalnovosti.com/stop- 32 Večernji list, Obzor 891, 14 November ustasovanju 2020, “Miroslav Šeparović: Raspravljat ćemo o vukovarskom Statutu i jesu li se 46 http://www.veritas.org.rs/vecernje- stekli uvjeti za proširenje prava srpske novosti-05-04-2020-kod-sibenika-grafiti- manjine” [We will discuss the Vukovar sa-ustaskim-simbolima-i-natpisom-ubi- Charter and whether the conditions for the srbina-hrvatima-mrznja-jaca-i-od-korone/ expansion of the rights of the Serb minority have been fulfilled] / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 47

47 https://dalmatinskiportal.hr/vijesti/ 61 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ deseti-travanj-pogledajte-koja-je-poruka- danas-u-saboru-hdz-odbio-amandmane- istaknuta-na-ulaz-u-split/62883 manjinaca-a-zekanovic-izvrijedjao-pupovca

48 Poglavnik — the Croatian word that is 62 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ almost exclusively used to denote Ante novosti-opet-na-meti-desnice-u-saboru Pavelić, the dictator who headed the ISC; similar to Führer, t.n. 63 https://www.index.hr/vijesti/clanak/ sabor-raspravio-prijedlog-o-raspustanju- 49 https://www.portalnovosti.com/u- zekanovic-kraj-hrvatskosrpske-koalicije/ zagrebu-ustaski-grafit-dug-15-metara- 2183374.aspx fotogalerija 64 https://www.facebook.com/ 50 Croatian Defence Forces — a antifavjesnik/posts/2541408176111219 paramilitary group that identified with the Ustasha ideology and fought during the 65 https://www.index.hr/vijesti/clanak/ '90s war, t.n. pricali-smo-sa-zenom-sa-slike-koju-su- desnicari-pokusali-pripisati-zastupnici- 51 https://sdss.hr/oskrnavljen-partizanski- sdssa/2203331.aspx spomenik-u-banskom-grabovcu 66 https://www.portalnovosti.com/sacic- 52 https://www.telegram.hr/politika- o-bagri kriminal/neki-tipovi-isarali-su-slovo-u-na- fasadi-zgrade-u-glini-policija-ih-je-prijavila/ 67 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v= Y8QG4lNXVUA&v=watch&feature=youtu.be 53 Jug 2 is a neighbourhood in Osijek, t.n. 68 https://www.dnevno.hr/vijesti/ 54 https://www.portalnovosti.com/mladi- penava-porucio-pupovcu-pitajte- osjecani-ne-zele-govor-mrznje-u-svome- nadlezne-institucije-tko-je-prerezao- gradu vrat-vukovarskom-hrvatu-barisi- ivancicu-1472767/ 55 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ haranga-na-dnevno7-bazi 69 https://www.vecernji.hr/vijesti/ skoro-plenkovic-je-zaduzio-anusica-za- 56 https://www.index.hr/sport/clanak/ napad-na-domovinski-pokret-i-mene- bad-blue-boysi-na-derbiju-dinama-i-rijeke- osobno-1406483 pjevaju-zivjela-ndh/2160983.aspx 70 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I_ 57 https://www.facebook.com/reci.zg/ M85-wvRCY posts/525399738157711 71 https://www.novilist.hr/novosti/ 58 https://www.fiuman.hr/armada- hrvatska/ovo-je-provokator-koji-je-usred- transparentom-na-mostu-branitelja- porusene-gline-miloradu-pupovcu-i- podijelila-javnost/ delegaciji-sdss-a-pjevao-ubij-srbina-ubij- srbina/ 59 https://hr.n1info.com/vijesti/ a517768-hasanbegovic-o-transparentu- 72 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ to-je-par-gnjusoba.-ne-vidim-elemente- dubrovacki-vijecnik-smijenjen-jer-je-na- protusrpstva/ sjednicu-dosao-s-maskom-s-hos-ovim- grbom 60 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ uklonjen-grafit-koji-poziva-na-silovanje- 73 Hina, news item published on 7 March srpskih-zena-i-djece 2020. / SNV Bulletin #20 / 48

74 https://www.braniteljski-portal.com/ 87 Hrvatski tjednik, 798, 9 January 2020, karolina-vidovic-kristo-ako-je-netko-po- “Najveće laži, podvale i gnusobe 2019. etnickoj-pripadnosti-madar-talijan-ili-srbin- godine”, pp. 29 — 30. a-hrvatski-je-drzavljanin-on-je-hrvatske- nacionalnosti 88 Hrvatski tjednik, 813, 23 April 2020, “Ivica Marijačić: Plenkovićeva četnička 75 https://www.jutarnji.hr/vijesti/ poslastica na HTV-u znak da su u ovoj državi hrvatska/sto-je-napadac-objavljivao-na- ratni pobjednici pretvoreni u gubitnike, svom-facebooku-da-sam-jedan-od-njih-da- a gubitnici u pobjednike” [Plenković's skidam-srbe-15024691 Chetnik delight on the CT a sign that in this country, the victors in the war have 76 https://www.youtube.com/ been turned into losers, and the losers into watch?v=8xgqBBYmztU victors], pp. 4 — 5.

77 The Croatian Weekly, t.n. 89 Hrvatski tjednik, 847, 17 December 2020, “Ivica Marijačić: Leljakov film Djeca 78 https://www.portalnovosti.com/sud-i- s Kozare briljantan dokumentarni odgovor dalje-ne-zna-sto-bi-s-pozdravom-za-dom- na četnički pamflet Dane Budisavljević” spremni [Leljak's film is a brilliant documentary reply to Dana Budisavljević's Chetnik 79 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ pamphlet], p. 15. za-sud-pozdrav-za-dom-spremni-nije-u- eksplicitnoj-vezi-s-ustaskim-obiljezjima 90 Available at: http://www. dnevnikdianebudisavljevic.com/blog/2020 80 The Croatian copyright collecting /07/09/film-dnevnik-diane-budisavljevic- agency, t.n. od-jeseni-u-skolskom-kurikulumu-za- ucenike-osnovnih-i-srednjih-skola/ 81 https://www.index.hr/vijesti/clanak/ pogledajte-kako-bozinovic-brani-za-dom- 91 Available at: http://hsk.hr/2020/10/09/ spremni/2190637.aspx podnesena-kaznena-prijava-protiv- autorice-filma-dnevnik-diane-budisavljevic/ 82 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ ustaski-pozdrav-treba-jednom-za-svagda- 92 Hrvatski tjednik, 818, naslovna stranica. zabraniti 93 a Catholic weekly newspaper published 83 https://p-portal.net/u-zagrebu- by the Archdiocesan Cathedra in Zagreb obiljezena-godisnjica-kristalne-noci/ (“The Voice of the Council”), t.n.

84 https://www.novilist.hr/novosti/ 94 http://www.antifasisticki-vjesnik.org/ hrvatska/izraelski-veleposlanik-vrijeme-je- hr/prenosimo/6/HDZ_se_nakon_75_godina_ da-se-zabrani-pozdrav-za-dom-spremni/ osvecuje_palim_partizanima/404/,%20 https://www.portalnovosti.com/djecjim- 85 https://dnevnik.hr/vijesti/hrvatska/ igralistima-protiv-nob-a ja-u-tome-ne-bih-sudjelovao-pogledajte- trenutak-kad-je-milanovic-shvatio-da-su-u- 95 https://www.dalmacijadanas.hr/ protokolu-ljudi-s-majicama-s-natpisom-za- razbijen-spomenik-prvom-partizanskom- dom-spremni---603741.html odredu-u-splitu-kotur-odraz-hdz-ovog- razbijanja-antifasistickih-vrijednosti/ 86 https://www.jutarnji.hr/vijesti/zagreb/ u-centru-zagreba-prodaju-se-maske-za- 96 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ dom-spremni-vlasnik-nema-tu-nista- bjelovar-skinuta-antifasisticka-spomen- protuzakonito-15007319 ploca / Historic Revisionism, Hate Speech and Violence Against Serbs in 2020 / 49

97 https://www.portalnovosti.com/nova- ploca-za-gustava-perl-bendu

98 https://www.portalnovosti.com/ zadarski-antifasisti-protiv-uklanjanja- spomenika-komunistima

99 https://zadarski.slobodnadalmacija. hr/zadar/kalelarga/uklonjen-spomenik- antifasistima-na-muraju-1055110

100 https://www.facebook.com/ antifavjesnik/posts/2699506286968073

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