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Analiza 2.Pdf
GAP ANALYSIS Page 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABBREVIATIONS 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 1.0 INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 7 1.1 Demographics on national minorities in the Republic of Croatia 7 1.2 Legal and institutional framework protecting the national minorities in 8 the RoC 1.3 Councils of National Minorities 9 1.4 Support to the Councils of National Minorities in Areas of Special State 12 Concern (the Project) 2.0 DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS METHODOLOGY 13 2.1 Phase I – initial data collection 13 2.2 Phase II – data collection 13 2.3 Defined sample of stakeholders within the Phase II 14 2.3.1 Local and regional authorities 14 2.3.2 Councils of National Minorities 15 2.3.3 Co-ordinations of Councils of National Minorities 18 2.4 Approach used in development of the GAP Analysis 19 2.5 Approach used for preparing the recommendations for improving the 19 effectiveness of the LCNMs 3.0 GAP ANALYSIS RESULTS 20 3.1 Evaluation of the LCNM capacities and performed activities 20 3.1.1 The LCNM self-perception of the membership capacities and the 20 structure 3.1.2 The LCNM self-perception of financial and logistical capacities 22 3.1.3 The LCNM self-perception of performed work 24 3.1.4 Evaluation by the local authorities on the LCNM working capacities 25 3.2 Evaluation of the local authorities work pertaining to the LCNMs 26 3.2.1 Local authorities’ self-perception of the work pertaining to the LCNMs 26 3.2.2 The LCNM evaluation of their co-operation with local authorities 27 3.3 Evaluation of the perception of national minorities and the LCNMs by 29 the -
Framing Croatia's Politics of Memory and Identity
Workshop: War and Identity in the Balkans and the Middle East WORKING PAPER WORKSHOP: War and Identity in the Balkans and the Middle East WORKING PAPER Author: Taylor A. McConnell, School of Social and Political Science, University of Edinburgh Title: “KRVatska”, “Branitelji”, “Žrtve”: (Re-)framing Croatia’s politics of memory and identity Date: 3 April 2018 Workshop: War and Identity in the Balkans and the Middle East WORKING PAPER “KRVatska”, “Branitelji”, “Žrtve”: (Re-)framing Croatia’s politics of memory and identity Taylor McConnell, School of Social and Political Science, University of Edinburgh Web: taylormcconnell.com | Twitter: @TMcConnell_SSPS | E-mail: [email protected] Abstract This paper explores the development of Croatian memory politics and the construction of a new Croatian identity in the aftermath of the 1990s war for independence. Using the public “face” of memory – monuments, museums and commemorations – I contend that Croatia’s narrative of self and self- sacrifice (hence “KRVatska” – a portmanteau of “blood/krv” and “Croatia/Hrvatska”) is divided between praising “defenders”/“branitelji”, selectively remembering its victims/“žrtve”, and silencing the Serb minority. While this divide is partially dependent on geography and the various ways the Croatian War for Independence came to an end in Dalmatia and Slavonia, the “defender” narrative remains preeminent. As well, I discuss the division of Croatian civil society, particularly between veterans’ associations and regional minority bodies, which continues to disrupt amicable relations among the Yugoslav successor states and places Croatia in a generally undesired but unshakable space between “Europe” and the Balkans. 1 Workshop: War and Identity in the Balkans and the Middle East WORKING PAPER Table of Contents Abstract ................................................................................................................................................................... -
Barbara Peranic
Reuters Fellowship Paper, Oxford University ACCOUNTABILITY AND THE CROATIAN MEDIA IN THE PROCESS OF RECONCILIATION Two Case Studies By Barbara Peranic Michaelmas 2006/Hilary 2007 CONTENTS Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………….. 3 Section 1………………………………………………………………………………………4 Introduction……….…………………………………………………............................4 The Legacy of the Past.………………………………………………………………...5 Section 2………………………………………………………………………..........................7 Regulations & Mechanisms to Prevent Hate Speech ………………………………… 7 Croatian Journalists’ Association……………………………………………………....9 Vecernji list’s Ombudsman and Code of Practice…………………………………...10 Letters to the Editor/Comments………………………………………………………12 Media Watchdogs …………………………………………………….........................12 Section 3………………………………………………………………………........................13 Selected Events and Press Coverage………………………………….........................13 Biljani Donji …………………………………………………….................................13 Donji Lapac …………………………………………………………………………..21 Section 4………………………………………………………………………………………29 The Question of Ethics………………………………………………..........................29 Section 5…………………………………………………………………………....................32 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………….32 2 Acknowledgements I want to express my gratitude to the Reuters Institute for giving me the opportunity to conduct this research. My warm thanks to all of the Reuters Institute team who gave so freely of their time and especially to Paddy Coulter for being an inspiring director and a wonderful host. I owe a huge dept of -
Članci Republika Srpska Krajina and the Right of Peoples to Self-Determination*
ČLANCI PETER RADAN, PhD, Professor of Law Macquarie University, Sydney Sydney, New South Wels, 2109, Australia [email protected] UDK: 341.231 originalan naučni rad 323.1(497.5) primljeno: 17. maj 2017. prihvaćeno: 11. oktobar 2017. DOI: 10.29362/IST20VEKA.2018.1.RAD.9-34 REPUBLIKA SRPSKA KRAJINA AND THE RIGHT * OF PEOPLES TO SELF-DETERMINATION ABSTRACT: In Part I of this article author details the claims to inde- pendent statehood of Croatia and Krajina based upon the right of peoples to self-determination in the context of the emergence of nationalism as a powerful political force in Yugoslavia in the early 1990s. He also details the response of the international community to the crisis which these irreconcilable claims gave rise to. In Part II author explores the reasons why the secession of Croatia suc- ceeded and the secession of Krajina failed. Finally, the ramifications of Croa- tia’s and Krajina’s competing claims to statehood for the right of peoples to self-determination are discussed in the Conclusion. KEYWORDS: Republika Srpska Krajina, The break-up of Yugoslavia, War in Croatia 1991–1995, International Law, Self-determination, Secession, Inter-ethnic relations, National Minorities, Serbs in Croatia, Nationalism Introduction On 9 November 1989 the Berlin Wall came down. More than any other, this event of that tumultuous year symbolised the end of the Cold War and ush- ered in what Allen Buchanan has called ‘the age of secession’.1 The usual justi- fication for secessionist demands was the right of peoples to self-determination. One of the means by which this right is realised is by ‘the establishment of a sovereign and independent state’.2 The critical question for self-determination relates to the meaning of ‘peoples’. -
The Thorny Issue of Ethnic Autonomy in Croatia: Serb Leaders and Proposals for Autonomy
The Thorny Issue of Ethnic Autonomy in Croatia: Serb Leaders and Proposals for Autonomy NINA CASPERSEN London School of Economics and Political Science, UK Issue 3/2003 EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MINORITY ISSUES (ECMI) Schiffbruecke 12 (Kompagnietor Building) D-24939 Flensburg Germany ( +49-(0)461-14 14 9-0 fax +49-(0)461-14 14 9-19 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ecmi.de The Thorny Issue of Ethnic Autonomy in Croatia: Serb Leaders and Proposals for Autonomy* NINA CASPERSEN London School of Economics and Political Science, UK The current political structure in Croatia provides the Serb minority with cultural autonomy and guaranteed political representation, and is a far cry from the demands that were voiced by Serb leaders before and during the conflict in the 1990s. This article argues that minority elite bargaining over this period constitutes an important explanatory factor in the development and functioning of these autonomy arrangements. Before, during and after the conflict, Serb elites adopted various proposals on autonomy that shaped the basis for further negotiation. By tracking the evolution and shifts in these positions, this article seeks to explain how such proposals came about, and argues that a combination of internal disagreements, changing relations with Belgrade and the interplay of actions and rhetoric within the Croatian government determined the path and ultimate shape of autonomy for the Serb community. I. Introduction “After demanding all, they had lost all.” is how Marcus Tanner describes the fate of the Serbs in Croatia (1997: 298) and, as David Owen puts it in his Balkan Odyssey, “the losers were the Croatian Serbs and their useless leader Martić” (1995: 387). -
Shadow Report on the Implementation of the Framework Convention for Protection of National Minorities in the Republic of Croatia
Center for Peace, Legal Advice and Psychosocial Assistance SHADOW REPORT ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE FRAMEWORK CONVENTION FOR PROTECTION OF NATIONAL MINORITIES IN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA Third monitoring cycle 2004 – 2010 February 2010 0 CONTENT I Information on the Center for Peace, Legal Advice and Psychosocial Assistance 2 II Introductory Remarks on the Shadow Report 3 III Application of the Convention Article by Article 6 Article 3 6 Article 4 8 Article 5 15 Article 6 16 Article 7 19 Article 8 19 Article 9 20 Articles 10 and 11 23 Articles 12, 13 and 14 28 Article 15 30 Article 16 39 IV Action Plan of the Republic of Croatia for the Implementation of the Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities, June 2008 40 V Concluding Remarks and Recommendations 42 1 I Information on the Center for Peace, Legal Advice and Psychosocial Assistance – Vukovar Center for Peace, Legal Advice and Psychosocial Assistance is local, nongovernmental, non-political, non-partisan, nonprofit, humanitarian association that works on protection and promotion of human rights, development of democracy and interethnic relations in the Republic of Croatia. The Center was established on and works since 1 August 1996. Main activities of the Center: - Provision of free legal advices and free legal aid, - Reporting on and analyzing human rights situation, with special attention paid to the rights of refugees, displaced persons and persons belonging to national minorities in the Republic of Croatia, - Provision of informative and technical support to citizens, civil initiatives and economy development initiatives, - Campaigning and advocacy, - Monitoring of the work of courts of law and state administration bodies, - Organization of conferences, seminars, trainings, workshops, roundtables and public discussions, - Cooperation with relevant governmental and nongovernmental organizations in the Republic of Croatia as well as foreign and international nongovernmental organizations, and international organizations. -
Croatia: 2003 Elections and New Government
Order Code RS21703 January 6, 2004 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Croatia: 2003 Elections and New Government name redacted Specialist in International Relations Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary In parliamentary elections held on November 23, 2003, the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), a right-wing party of the late former wartime President Franjo Tudjman, won a plurality of the vote. The HDZ had dominated Croatia’s political scene from 1990 until its defeat in the 2000 elections. Ivo Sanader, who succeeded Tudjman as HDZ party leader and refashioned the party along more moderate, less nationalistic lines, became Prime Minister of a minority government in December 2003. The Sanader government will likelyface significant domestic challenges as well as close international scrutiny over its performance in a number of issue areas. This report analyzes the elections and key issues facing the new government. It will not be updated. For additional information, see also CRS Report RL32136, Future of the Balkans and U.S. Policy Concerns. Introduction The November 2003 elections were Croatia’s fourth parliamentary contest since the country became independent in 1991. In the last vote of January 2000, a coalition of center-left parties soundly defeated the incumbent Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) government, weeks after the death of Franjo Tudjman, the longstanding leader of the HDZ and President of the country. To supporters, Tudjman represented the father of Croatian independence. To critics, however, Tudjman closely resembled nationalist Serb leader Slobodan Milosevic and demonstrated similar territorial designs on neighboring Bosnia. In 1995, Croatia launched two military operations, “Flash” and “Storm,” to regain control over the Krajina, Croat territory held by rebel Serbs after 1991. -
Competition Between Minority Ethnic Parties in Post-Conflict Countries
Competition Between Minority Ethnic Parties in Post-conflict Countries: Performance of Minority Parties in Croatia and Macedonia by Dane Taleski Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Supervisor: András Bozóki Budapest, September 2014 1 ABSTRACT Academic and policy studies argue that an inclusive approach is needed for sustainable peacebuilding. This justifies the inclusion of former combatants into political parties, but some argue that it can have negative consequences for democratization. Institutional engineering is proposed to forge cross-cutting parties; however it is puzzling to find that parties from rebels often dominate in the post-conflict period. To address this puzzle I look at minority ethnic parties in post-conflict Croatia and Macedonia. SDSS dominates the competition between Serb parties in Croatia and DUI dominates between Albanian parties in Macedonia. To answer why this is so, I first look at the process of their formation and functioning and second I compared them to other minority parties. Despite the common history in Yugoslavia, the inter-ethnic conflicts, the post-conflict conditions and institutional environments for minority politics were very different in Croatia and Macedonia. My level of analysis is the competition between minority parties in each country. Because of the similar outcomes, under varying conditions, I consider that the finding in one country control for the other. Using process tracing I analyzed data from 78 interviews, party content, media and archival sources. The findings were corroborated with quantitative analysis of electoral data from national and sub- national elections in the entire post-conflict period. -
ISSN 1450-5460 UDK 32 No. 2/2012 Year IV Vol. 6. Institute for Political Studies 1
Zoran Stoiljković Filip Škiljan Ljubiša Despotović Miroslav Brkić Dragana Stanković Miroslava Filipović Višnja Stančić ISSN 1450-5460 UDK 32 No. 2/2012 Year IV Vol. 6. Institute for Political Studies 1 ISSN 1450-5460 U DK N o. 1-2/2010 II Vol. 2 Serbian Political Thought ISSN 1450-5460 UDK 32 No. 2/2012 Year IV Vol. 6 Serbian Political Thought is published two times a year Serbian Political Thought was founded in 1996 and publishing was renewed in 2010. Publisher Institute for Political Studies Svetozara Markovića 36, Belgrade, Telephone +381 11 33 49 204, +381 11 30 39 380 www.sptips.rs www.ipsbgd.edu.rs e-mail: [email protected] Director Živojin Đurić Editor in Chief Đorđe Stojanović Deputy Editor Dejana Vukčević Foreign Editorial Board Mamoru Sadakata, Dean/Professor, Graduate School of Law, Nagoya University, Nagoya Iver B. Neumann, Research Director, Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, Oslo Dumitru Batar, Dean/Professor, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, University “Lucian Blaga” of Sibiu Anastasia Mitrofanova, Professor, Russian State University for the Humanities, Moscow; Research Director, Center for Euro-Atlantic Studies, Diplomatic Academy of the Russian Foreign Affairs Ministry, Moscow Goran Kovacic, Associated Professor, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ljubljana Domestic Editorial Board Milan Jovanović, Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Belgrade Dušan Pavlović, Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Belgrade Ljubiša Despotović, Institute for Political Studies, Belgrade Živojin Đurić, Institute for Political Studies, Belgrade Sanja Šuljagić, Institute for Political Studies, Belgrade Petar Matić, Institute for Political Studies, Belgrade Višnja Stančić, Institute for Political Studies, Belgrade Dušan Gujaničić, Institute for Political Studies, Belgrade Bojan Kiculović, Institute for Political Studies, Belgrade Secretary of the Journal Mladen Lišanin Translators Ana Matić Andrijana Stamenković Milica Bjelobaba Graphic Designer Miroslava Karajanković Printed by ESELOGE d.o.o. -
Croatia Maritime Border Dispute
UNDER THE ISTRIAN SUN: NAVIGATING INTERNATIONAL LAW SOLUTIONS FOR THE SLOVENIA- CROATIA MARITIME BORDER DISPUTE CHRISTOPHER M. HARTLEY* ABSTRACT Twenty-eight years after Slovenia and Croatia exited the Federation of Yugoslavia on the eve of its bloody civil war, the two countries are still plagued by a maritime border dispute in the northern Adriatic Sea.1 Given that the countries were not in conflict with each other during the war, and given their similar goals for integration into the greater European and international communities, it is perplexing that they have not been able to resolve this dispute. The Bay of Piran (or, Piran Bay), located in the narrow Gulf of Trieste at the land border of the two countries and having a unique, heavily indented geography, is ground zero of this dispute.2 The pivotal issues are sovereign control of the bay itself and access for Slovenian vessels to international waters, a concept that is foreclosed under traditional law of the sea maritime border principles given the constraints of the bay and Slovenia’s miniscule coastline.3 *Assistant Professor, Department of Law, United States Military Academy, West Point. The author is an active duty Army Judge Advocate. The author was a United States military liaison to the Republic of Slovenia’s Ministry of Defense from October 1995 through July 1996. Numerous visits to the Slovenian and Istrian region since his residence there help broaden his unique perspective about this dispute. The views expressed here are the author’s personal views and do not necessarily reflect those of the Department of Defense, the United States Army, the United States Military Academy, or any other department or agency of the United States Government. -
Croatia by Andrija Henjak Capital: Zagreb Population: 4.22 Million GNI/Capita, PPP: US$ 21,730 (2015)
Croatia By Andrija Henjak Capital: Zagreb Population: 4.22 million GNI/capita, PPP: US$ 21,730 (2015) Source: World Bank’s World Development Indicators Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 National Democratic 3.25 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 Governance Electoral Process 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.00 3.00 Civil Society 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.50 2.50 2.50 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.75 Independent Media 3.75 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.25 Local Democratic 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 Governance Judicial Framework 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 and Independence Corruption 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.25 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.25 4.25 Democracy Score 3.64 3.71 3.71 3.64 3.61 3.61 3.68 3.68 3.68 3.71 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. If consensus cannot be reached, Freedom House is responsible for the final ratings. The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. -
Ovdje, Vi Ste Najgori Šljam.”10 to Se Dogodilo Nakon Posjeta Potpredsjednika Vlade Borisa Miloševića I Predsjednika SDSS-A Milo- Rada Pupovca Vukovaru
SNV Bulletin #20 Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / SNV Bulletin #20 Impressum Bulletin #20: Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. Izdavač / Srpsko narodno vijeće zA IZDAVAČA / Milorad Pupovac urednik / Saša Milošević Autor / Tihomir Ponoš istraživači / Tihomir Ponoš i Nikola Vukobratović prijevod / Riječ i savjet dizajn / Igor Stanišljević, Parabureau Tisak / IT Graf Tiraža / 800 ISSN / 1849-7314 ISBN / 978-9537442-56-9 CIP zapis je dostupan u računalnome katalogu Nacionalne i sveučilišne knjižnice u Zagrebu pod brojem 001094522. podrška / Ured za ljudska prava i prava nacionalnih manjina VRH Zagreb, mart 2021. SNV Bulletin #20 Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2020. / 3 Uvod Prve nedjelje u srpnju održani su parlamentarni izbori. Na tim izborima svoje je kandidate istaknula i Samostalna demokratska srpska stranka (SDSS). Pažnju javnosti privukla je kampanja koju je SDSS vodio pod sloganom “budi ono što jesi, poštuj ono što nisi”, konkretno tri spota izašla u sklopu te kampanje. U prvome ugostitelji pripremaju terasu restorana za vjenčanje, a konobarica na ulaz lijepi natpis na kojem piše da se mole gosti da ne pjevaju ustaške pjesme jer su među uzvanicima i Srbi. Drugi je privukao najviše pažnje javnosti i nazvan je “Pupi je kriv za sve”. Protagonist spota predsjednik je SDSS-a Milorad Pupovac, a u autoironičnom i duhovitom spotu njega se doista proglašava krivim za sve: od rata devedesetih godina pa do planiranja čipiranja stanovništva s Billom Gatesom i pripreme drugog vala korone u Hrvatskoj. Treći spot posvećen je izgradnji malena drvenog mosta na Baniji koji je olakšao život jednoj srpskoj obitelji, a snimljen je na mjestu gdje je most nekada postojao.