Belarus Between East and West: the Art of the Deal
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Regime and Churches: What Is Therebetween? Religion In
Issue 8 (38), 2013 RELIGION IN BELARUS: LIMITED INDEPENDENCE Since the concept of secular state has become a issue of “The Bell” is dedicated to answer these standard in a Western world long time ago, the questions. position of the Church is not very much discussed while speaking about the political issues. How- In the first article Anton Radniankou analyses the ever, there are tendencies of the rising interest of three biggest confessions in Belarus and reveals the Putin’s regime on involving Russian Orthodox their connection with the regime. He states, that Church to strengthening its power. while the Orthodox Church is the most familiar Anton Radniankou is a project to the government, Protestants are the least loyal manager of the Local Foundation And we might find similar approach of the Belar- to A.Lukashenka. “Interakcia”. He also edits intellec- usian regime. A.Lukashenka calls the Orthodox tual online magazine IdeaBY. Church as the main ideologist of the statehood, In the second article Natallia Vasilevich takes while remaining a non-believer – some kind of a deeper look into relations between Orthodox Natallia Vasilevich is a politi- strange “Orthodox atheist” composition. More- Church and the regime. She finds out that there cal scientist, lawyer and theolo- over, the Russian Orthodox Church authorities are different groups among the Church branches, gian. She is director of Centre have a direct influence on the Belarusian Church, which position ranges from pro-Russian to pro- “Ecumena” and editor of website forming its shape and ideology. It is clear that Nationalist wings. All in all, it is mostly influ- “Carkwa”. -
Does Belarusian-Ukrainian Civilization Belong to the Western Or the Latin Civilization? Piotra Murzionak
Comparative Civilizations Review Volume 78 | Number 78 Article 5 4-2018 Does Belarusian-Ukrainian Civilization Belong to the Western or the Latin Civilization? Piotra Murzionak Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/ccr Part of the Comparative Literature Commons, History Commons, International and Area Studies Commons, Political Science Commons, and the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Murzionak, Piotra (2018) "Does Belarusian-Ukrainian Civilization Belong to the Western or the Latin Civilization?," Comparative Civilizations Review: Vol. 78 : No. 78 , Article 5. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/ccr/vol78/iss78/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the All Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Comparative Civilizations Review by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Murzionak: Does Belarusian-Ukrainian Civilization Belong to the Western or t Comparative Civilizations Review 41 Does Belarusian-Ukrainian Civilization Belong to the Western or the Latin Civilization? Piotra Murzionak Abstract The aim of this article is to further develop the idea of the existence of a distinct Belarusian-Ukrainian/Western-Ruthenian civilization, to define its place among Western sub-civilizations, as well as to argue against the designation of Belarus and Ukraine as belonging to the Eurasian civilization. Most of the provided evidence will be related to Belarus; however, it also applies to Ukraine, the country that has had much in common with Belarus in its historical and cultural inheritance since the 9th and 10th centuries. Key words: designation, Belarus, Europe, civilization Introduction The designation of a modern country or group of countries to one or another civilization bears two aspects. -
IMAGES, CONCEPTS and HISTORY of a BORDERLAND This Book
INTRODUCTION IMAGES, CONCEPTS AND HISTORY OF A BORDERLAND Th is book focuses on one peculiar aspect of post-Soviet Belarusian soci- ety: its stubborn adherence to the patterns and institutions that hearken back to the Soviet era. Th is phenomenon transcends political structures and encompasses economic system as well as broad patterns of social interaction. It cannot be dismissed as merely a temporary glitch on the road to democracy or explained solely by the effi cient ruthlessness of the current political regime. In this book I try to explain the current peculiarities of Belarus’s social and political landscape by investigating the country’s long history as a borderland between Russia and Poland. Specifi c attention is paid to the impact of the borderland position on Belarus’s development toward modernity. While Europe might think of itself largely in post-modern and post-national terms, for Belarus modernity and nationality still provide the main frame of reference. Th e book is about the Belarusian national idea that found its realization in modern national institutions only from 1920s onwards, as a part of the Soviet project. When the latter unraveled in 1991, Belarus retained the only type of nationhood it was familiar with: a set of national institutions inherited from the Soviet era that could only survive in a symbiosis with Russia. In Belarus, borderland is not an abstract category. At a roadside mar- ketplace, an old peasant selling apples would tell you that his orchard was planted “in Polish times” and lament, albeit not too vociferously, the dispossession of his family “when the Soviets came”. -
Belarus: Country Background Report
Order Code 95-776 F Updated September 28, 2001 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Belarus: Country Background Report -name redacted- Specialist in European Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary This short report provides information on Belarus’s history, political and economic situation, human rights record, foreign policy, and U.S. relations with Belarus. It will be updated when necessary. History Belarus at a Glance Belarusians are descendants of Slavic tribes that migrated into the Land Area: 80,154 sq. mi., slightly smaller region in the ninth century. The than Kansas. beginnings of their development as a distinct people can be traced from the 13th century, when the Mongols Population: 10 million (2000 estimate) conquered Russia and parts of Ukraine, while Belarusians became Ethnic Composition: 77.9% Belarusian, part of (and played a key role in) the 13.2% Russian, 4.1% Polish and 2.9% Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In 1569, Ukrainian. the Grand Duchy merged with Poland, ushering in over two Gross Domestic Product (GDP): $12.67 centuries of Polish rule. Poland itself billion in 1999 (EIU estimate at market was divided in the late 18th century, exchange rate). and Belarusian territories fell to Russia. Political Leaders: President: Aleksandr Lukashenko; Prime Minister: Vladimir Ruling powers (i.e. Poles and Yermoshin; Foreign Minister: Mikhail Kvotsov; Russians) tried to culturally Defense Minister: Leonid Maltsev assimilate Belarusians and pushed Sources: World Bank, International Monetary them to the lowest rungs of the Fund, Economist Intelligence Unit. socio-economic ladder. As a result, Belarus did not develop a substantial national movement until the late 19th century. -
8-13 Belarus and Belarusians
Belarus and its Neighbors: Historical Perceptions and Political Constructs BelarusBelarus andand itsits Neighbors:Neighbors: HistoricalHistorical PerceptionsPerceptions andand PoliticalPolitical ConstructsConstructs InternationalInternational ConferenceConference PapersPapers EDITED BY ALEŚ Ł AHVINIEC TACIANA Č ULICKAJA WARSAW 2013 Editors: Aleś Łahviniec, Taciana Čulickaja Project manager: Anna Grudzińska Papers of the conference “Belarus and its Neighbors: Historical Perceptions and Political Constructs”. The conference was held on 9–11 of December 2011 in Warsaw, Poland. The conference was sponsored by Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Belarus Office, National Endowment for Democracy and Open Society Institute. Translation: Vieranika Mazurkievič Proof-reading: Nadzieja Šakun (Belarusian), Katie Morris (English), Adrianna Stansbury (English) Cover design: Małgorzata Butkiewicz Publication of this volume was made possible by National Endowment for Democracy. © Copyright by Uczelnia Łazarskiego, Warsaw 2013 Oficyna Wydawnicza Uczelni Łazarskiego 02-662 Warszawa ul. Świeradowska 43 tel. 22 54-35-450, 22 54-35-410 [email protected] www.lazarski.pl ISBN: 978-83-60694-49-7 OPEN SOCIETY FOUNDATIONS Implementation of publishing: Dom Wydawniczy ELIPSA ul. Infl ancka 15/198, 00-189 Warszawa tel./fax 22 635 03 01, 22 635 17 85 e-mail: [email protected], www.elipsa.pl Contents Foreword ...................................................................................................... 7 Andrzej Sulima-Kamiński – Quo Vadis, Belarus? Instead of an -
BELARUS (Bielarus)
CLASSROOM COUNTRY PROFILES BELARUS (Bielarus) Belarus has been an independent nation since 1991. The term Belarus means “White Russia” and in the process of rising na- tionalism, Belarus is a relative latecomer. Located at low eleva- tion on a vast plain between Russia, Poland, Ukraine, and the Baltic states, Belarus features gradual change, geographically and culturally. Belarus has maintained fairly close ties to Russia in the aftermath of the Soviet collapse and has been dominated by one political leader, Alexander Lukashenko for over 20 years. The capital city of Minsk is located along the major trans- portation routes between Russia and Western Europe. Religion in Belarus is predominantly of the Eastern Orthodox Christian Population: 9.5 million variety. The two largest ethnic groups in the country, Belarusians and Area: 207,595 sq. km. (size of Kansas) Russians have been Orthodox in tradition for over a thousand years. The Capital: Minsk (2 million ) second largest religious affiliation is Roman Catholic, and represented Languages: Russian and Belarusian (official) primarily by the Polish minority. Belarus has no official state religion and both Catholic and Orthodox versions of Christmas and Easter are cele- brated by state holiday. Freedom of religion is protected by the Constitu- Belarusian education is regulated and run by the tion, however, the political nature of certain religious affiliations (for exam- state. It is unclear what the distinction between ple Catholicism and Poland) has led to the degradation of religious free- public and private institutions of higher learning is doms in recent years. In the aftermath of the atheist Soviet era, a large as both exist and yet all are strictly regulated in proportion of Belarusians (41%) are irreligious. -
The Future of the Belarusian Language: Is It Doomed to Extinction? 15
The future of the Belarusian language: is it doomed to extinction? 15 Viktoria Komorovskaya Uniwersytet Warszawski The future of the Belarusian language: is it doomed to extinction? Controversies and challenges in the language maintenance and revitalization Abstract The article analyses the controversial bilingual situation in Belarus. Although Belarusian is an officially recognised mother tongue and the titular language of the state, it is also a minority language viewed as endangered due to the discriminating language policies and general population’s indifference. This article reveals the discrepancies between the declared national identity and linguistic behaviour of Belarusians. Furthermore, it investigates the gaps in the language management policies and the obstacles in reversing the language decline. Finally, it attempts to predict the future development of Belarusian and concludes that the language shift requires a change in nation’s attitude and groundbreaking political reforms. 1. Introduction Belarusian is an official language of Belarus, and it is considered as a mother tongue, a symbol of ethnic identity and cultural belonging by the majority of its population. Yet it is running the risk of extinction due to a controversial linguistic situation in the country. On the one hand, it is the titular language of Belarus, an acknowledged Slavic language formed during the medieval times. On the other hand, despite be- ing declared a mother tongue and the co-official state language, it is stigmatised and referred to as a minority or “a back-country language” (Basch, 1998, p. 235) that has been viewed as endangered (Rzetelska-Feleszko, 1997). This article has a threefold aim. First, it intends to provide a brief historical overview of the sociolinguistic situ- ation in Belarus and its impact on the current linguistic and ethnic characteristics of the Belarusian population. -
History Teaching in Belarus: Between Europe and Russia Anna Zadora, University of Strasbourg, Strasbourg, France
History Teaching In Belarus: Between Europe And Russia Anna Zadora, University of Strasbourg, Strasbourg, France International Journal of Historical Learning, Teaching and Research [IJHLTR], Volume 15, Number 1 – Autumn/Winter 2017 Historical Association of Great Britain www.history.org.uk ISSN: 14472-9474 Abstract: This paper is devoted to social uses of history teaching and history textbooks. It analyses, first, how the history of the lands of Belarus, at the crossroads between Europe and Eurasia, was not recognized during the Soviet Era. No one school textbook on history of Belarus existed. Belarus declared its independence in the 1991. Next, it analyses how, during Perestroika (from 1985) and in the early 1990s, a new history curriculum was introduced which emphasize fundamental changes in the teaching of history, in its content, methodology, structure and pedagogy, encompassing principles of humanism, democracy and the rejection of dogma and stereotypes. History teaching should legitimate the new state: independent from Soviet past and Russian influence and European-orientated state. Historians were invited to write new textbooks, which encouraged critical thinking, reflection, multiple perspectives and European roots in Belarusian history. Finally it studies how the current government of Belarus aspires to return to a dogmatic, Soviet, Russian-orientated version of Belarusian history which does not foster a sense of belonging to a national community or justify the place of Belarus in Europe or the global system. The paper focuses on school textbooks, which are very sensitive and precise indicators of the social uses of history and history teaching. Keywords: Belarus, Europe History, Historiography, Education, Identity, Russia, Soviet [USSR] and post Soviet period INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL LEARNING, TEACHING AND RESEARCH Vol. -
Attitude to Other Nationalities
Attitude to other nationalities Poles express the most positive attitude to Czechs and Slovaks, who enjoy sympathy of more than half. Fewer people like Italians, Americans, Englishmen and Hungarians. At the same time, relatively few declare negative feelings to the above-mentioned nationalities. Approximately two-fifths of respondents have a positive attitude towards Greeks, Swedes, Austrians, Japanese, French and Lithuanians. In this group, a negative attitude is declared much less frequently than positive. About one-third of respondents are favourable to Germans, Ukrainians, Chinese, Belarusians, Serbs, Vietnamese and Jews. Likewise, for most nations in this group, affection is declared more often than resentment. In case of Ukrainians this spread very small, and in case of Jews, like and dislike are equally often declared. Resentment prevails over sympathy regarding the other nations included in the survey. About a fourth are sympathetic to Russians and Turks, with negative attitude towards them more prevalent. Most respondents are cautious about Roma and Arabs, and relatively few declare their affection. 1 Attitude to other nationalities Average values on the scale from -3 (max. antipathy) to +3 (max. sympathy) Nationalities : % Czechs 53 30 11 6 0,91 Slovaks 52 31 10 7 0,93 Italians 51 30 13 6 0,86 Americans 50 30 12 8 0,81 English 49 32 13 6 0,79 Hungarians 48 32 12 8 0,86 Greeks 43 31 15 11 0,69 Swedes 41 32 15 12 0,64 Austrians 40 34 15 11 0,60 Japanese 40 32 16 12 0,61 French 38 35 17 10 0,50 Lithuanians 37 34 17 12 0,54 Germans 36 29 29 6 0,19 Ukrainians 35 28 33 4 0,08 Chinese 32 32 24 12 0,25 Belarusians 31 34 25 10 0,20 Serbs 30 30 24 16 0,23 Vietnamese 30 32 24 14 0,19 Jews 30 33 30 7 -0,01 Russians 26 26 42 6 -0,35 Turks 23 28 37 12 -0,25 Roma (Gypsies) 20 27 46 7 -0,57 Arabs 15 21 55 9 -0,95 Sympathy Indifference Antipathy Don't know Over the past year, we haven't recorded significant changes. -
Russian and Serbian Minorities After Secession
ETHNIC POLITICS IN NEW STATES: RUSSIAN AND SERBIAN MINORITIES AFTER SECESSION Anna Batta Dissertation Prepared for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS May 2013 APPROVED: Idean Salehyan, Major Professor John Ishiyama, Co-Major Professor T. David Mason, Committee Member Steven Forde, Committee Member Richard Ruderman, Chair of the Department of Political Science Mark Wardell, Dean of the Toulouse Graduate School Batta, Anna. Ethnic Politics in New States: Russian and Serbian Minorities after Secession. Doctor of Philosophy (Political Science), May 2013, 295 pp., 22 tables, 15 figures, 234 titles. New states are often born in a volatile environment, in which the survival of the new country is uncertain. While analysis of the nationalizing new governments exists, research focuses mainly on domestic politics. I argue that the treatment of minority that remains in the new states is a function of the interaction of the dual threat posed by the minority itself domestically on one hand and the international threat coming from the mother state to protect its kin abroad on the other hand. Specifically, I argue that there is a curvilinear relationship between domestic and international threat and the extent of discrimination against the politically relevant minority. Most discrimination takes place when domestic and international threats are moderate because in this case there is a balance of power between the government, the minority, and the rump state. With time-series-cross-sectional (TSCS) data analysis this dissertation systematically tests the treatment of Russian and Serbian minorities in all post-Soviet and post-Yugoslav states between 1991 and 2006 and finds statistically significant results for the curvilinear hypothesis. -
159 the Problem of Using the Belarusian Language
So ist die Medienlinguistik der wichtigste Bestandteil der Kommunikation, der im alltäglichen Leben ununterbrochen verwendet wird. Quellenverzeichnis 1. Luhnman N. (1996). Die Realität der Massenmedien. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag – 1996. 2. Androutsopoulos J. Medienlinguistik[Elektronische Quelle] Zugangsregime: http://www.dfjv.de/ Zugangsdatum -27.02.2013. 3. Standorte linguistischer Medienanalyse im deutschsprachigen Raum [Elektronische Quelle] Zugangsregime: http://www.fbls.uni-hannover.de/medkom/links.htm. Zugangsdatum - 27.02.2013. 4. Burger H. "Textsorten in den Massenmedien". In: Brinker, K. u.a. (Hgg.) Text- und Gesprächslinguistik, Bd.1, 614-628. Berlin, New York: de Gruyter – 2000. View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE THE PROBLEM OF USING THE BELARUSIAN LANGUAGE А.В.Зубик, А.О. Роговая, 2 курс Научный руководитель-Л. И. Колесникович, ст. преподаватель Полесский государственный университет The language situation in Belarus today can be characterized as multilingual with Belarusian-Russian official bilingualism. Having enjoyed a rather short period when after the 27 July 1990 declaration by the parliament of the sovereignty of Belarus and the adoption of the 1990 law “On languages in the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic [4], the Belarusian language functioned as the sole state language of Belarus, active belarusization and noticeable shift to Belarusian especially within governmental and educational spheres slackened. But at the May 1995 referendum 83,3% of the people of the Republic of Belarus voted for Russian as the other state language on a par with Belarusian. Since that time as explicitly expressed by Article 17 of the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus “The state languages of the Republic of Belarus are Belarusian and Russian languages [2]. -
Amnesty International Report 2020/21
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL Amnesty International is a movement of 10 million people which mobilizes the humanity in everyone and campaigns for change so we can all enjoy our human rights. Our vision is of a world where those in power keep their promises, respect international law and are held to account. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and individual donations. We believe that acting in solidarity and compassion with people everywhere can change our societies for the better. Amnesty International is impartial. We take no position on issues of sovereignty, territorial disputes or international political or legal arrangements that might be adopted to implement the right to self- determination. This report is organized according to the countries we monitored during the year. In general, they are independent states that are accountable for the human rights situation on their territory. First published in 2021 by Except where otherwise noted, This report documents Amnesty Amnesty International Ltd content in this document is International’s work and Peter Benenson House, licensed under a concerns through 2020. 1, Easton Street, CreativeCommons (attribution, The absence of an entry in this London WC1X 0DW non-commercial, no derivatives, report on a particular country or United Kingdom international 4.0) licence. territory does not imply that no https://creativecommons.org/ © Amnesty International 2021 human rights violations of licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode concern to Amnesty International Index: POL 10/3202/2021 For more information please visit have taken place there during ISBN: 978-0-86210-501-3 the permissions page on our the year.