Lives of Victorian Political Figures, Part I

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LIVES OF VICTORIAN POLITICAL FIGURES I

Series Editors: Nancy Lopatin-Lummis Michael Partridge

Volume Editors: Michael Partridge Richard A. Gaunt LIVES OF VICTORIAN POLITICAL FIGURES I

Volume 1: Lord Palmerston Volume 2: Benjamin Disraeli (Part I) Volume 3: Benjamin Disraeli (Part II) William Ewart Gladstone (Part I) Volume 4: William Ewart Gladstone (Part II) LIVES OF VICTORIAN POLITICAL FIGURES I

Volume 3

Benjamin Disraeli (Part II) Edited by Richard A. Gaunt

William Ewart Gladstone (Part I) Edited by Michael Partridge First published 2006 by Pickering & Chatto (Publishers) Limited

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BRITISH LIBRARY CATALOGUING IN PUBLICATION DATA Lives of Victorian political figures: Palmerston, Disraeli and Gladstone by their contemporaries 1. Palmerston, Henry John Temple, Viscount, 1784–1865 2. Disraeli, Ben- jamin, Earl of Beaconsfield, 1804–1881 3. Gladstone, W. E. (William Ewart), 1809–1898 4. Prime Ministers – Great Britain – Biography – Sources 5. Statesmen – Great Britain – Biography – Sources 6. Great Britain – Politics and government – 19th century – Sources 7. Great Britain – History – 19th century – Sources I. LoPatin-Lummis, Nancy II. Partridge, Michael III. Gaunt, Richard 941'.08'0922

ISBN-13: 978-1-85196-826-8 (set) New material typeset by P&C CONTENTS

Benjamin Disraeli (Part II) 1 V. The Last Election, 1879–80 3 [Anon.], Squire Bull, and His Bailiff, Benjamin 5 Arthur C. Yates and Arthur G. Symonds, Lord Beaconsfield Interviewed 19 [Anon.], ‘Lord Beaconsfield. I. – Why we follow him. II – Why we disbelieve in him.’ 25 John Phillips Stafford, The Battle of the Genii 59 Francis Bickerstaffe-Drew, How Ben Behaved Himself 69 Frederick Arthur Hyndman, The National or Factional Party: Which Shall Win? 77 VI. Death and Legacy, 1881– 91 Joseph Kidd, ‘The Last Illness of Lord Beaconsfield’ 93 J.M. Milner, In Memoriam. The Right Hon. Benjamin Disraeli 103 Charles Dunlop, Beaconsfield Brilliants 115 James Bryce, ‘Lord Beaconsfield’ 121 James Foster Turner Wiseman, This is the Tree That Ben Raised 139 Lord Randolph Churchill, ‘Elijah’s Mantle; April 19th, 1883’ 171

William Ewart Gladstone (Part I) 183 Acknowledgements 185 Introduction 187 Bibliography 199 Chronology 205 I. Early Life, to c.1859–60 211 John McGilchrist, The Life of William Ewart Gladstone 213 James Brinsley-Richards, ‘Mr Gladstone’s Oxford Days’ 239 James Brinsley-Richards, ‘Mr Gladstone’s Early Politics’ 261 Frederick Maurice, Thoughts on the Duty of a Protestant in the Present Oxford Election 277 II. First Ministry, 1868–74 293 Edward Harper, Mr Gladstone Answered: the Inconsistencies, Absurdities, and Contradictions in Mr Gladstone’s Public Career 295 F.A., ‘William Ewart Gladstone: A Study of Character’ 311 A Templar, The Gladstone Government, Being Cabinet Pictures 329 Notes 405 Benjamin Disraeli (Part II)

V. The Last Election, 1879–80

[Anon.], Squire Bull, and His Bailiff, Benjamin. A Political Allegory (London and Manchester, Abel Heywood and Son, [n.d.])

Robert Stewart’s authoritative list of writings about Disraeli attributes this undated political allegory to 1879 (Stewart, p. 161). However, the internal evidence suggests a publication date some time after 1880, following the General Election of April and the publication of Disraeli’s novel Endymion in Novem- ber, as both events are referred to in the closing pages of the work. The anonymous squib, published by the well-known Manchester firm of Abel Heywood and son, offers a satirical account of Disraeli’s second ministry (1874–80) from the vantage point provided by Gladstone’s return to government as Prime Minister in 1880. The lightly fictionalized tale takes the form of an allegory in which Squire John Bull, the personification of Britain, is served by two competitors for the position of head-bailiff (Prime Minister) over the St George men. Ewart, a transparent allegory for Gladstone, and Benjamin, his Disraelian rival, compete for the support of the Parsons (‘who were afraid of being deprived of the honours and wealth which they received’), the Alehouse- Keepers (‘who feared that Ewart would be even more strict with them than he had been’) and the Landlords (who had lately ‘had to yield many of their privileges’). This results in Benjamin succeeding Ewart as head-bailiff, by way of winning the 1874 General Election. This chimed in with the widespread view that Disraeli’s success at the polls was explained by the offence which had been caused to the parsons, the publicans and the landlords by Gladstone’s energetic programme of reform during his 1868–74 ministry. By contrast, Disraeli’s policy of social reform – first announced in his Manchester Free Trade Hall and Crystal Palace speeches in 1872 and described here as ‘improving the sewage and cleaning out all the cess-pools’ – offered a period of respite from such unsettling activity. The tale proceeds to clothe subsequent events in a lightly veiled satirical garb which readers could easily penetrate. Ewart retires (as had Gladstone, in 1875) ‘to indulge in his favourite recreations of construing Greek verbs, writing letters to the papers, and cutting down trees’ whilst his successor enjoyed spending the financial surplus which his predecessor had amassed and embroil-

5 6 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) ing himself in the problems of ‘an estate [Turkey] owned by a foreigner named Abdul’. By turns, the intervention of the Russian Tsar ‘Squire Alexander’ II (1818–81) and the Austrian Emperor ‘Squire [Franz] Joseph’ (1830–1916) leads Benjamin to the gathering of stewards convened at ‘the hall of a squire named William’ – Kaiser Wilhelm I (1797–1888) of Germany – to settle them. The British occupation of Cyprus – agreed by a secret convention with Turkey in June 1878 – is dismissed as burdening Squire Bull with ‘a pestiferous hole … which would never so much as repay … the cost of the police he would be obliged to send there’. Meanwhile, the domestic affairs of the estate fell into disrepair and the reverses suffered in ‘a small and very hilly estate’ (Afghanistan) formed an unedifying sequel to Benjamin’s period of rule. He is dismissed and Ewart, after expressing some initial reluctance, agrees to succeed him. As such, Squire Bull, and his Bailiff, Benjamin offers an amusing, lightly satirical account of recent events told from the perspective of a Liberal supporter, dressed up as a tale of competing landowners, squires and bailiffs. In a parting dig at Disraeli, the author notes that after being removed from his position, Benjamin had proceeded to write ‘a story … in which he satirized the follies and vices of the Landlords’: Disraeli the hypocritical charlatan was thus, once more, condemned. [Anon.], Squire Bull, and His Bailiff, Benjamin 7

Now there was a man named Benjamin who wanted to be the head-bailiff; he had tried for it all bis life, and had held it once for a short time, but there was then so much dodging and trickery about his conduct that Squire Bull had quickly turned him out. He hoped, howcver, to get the plaee again some day, and in the meantime he did all he could to prcvent Ewart from earrying out his plans-making jokcs about him everywhere, and telling people he was a dangerous person. At last Benjamin wrote a letter to the paper, in whieh he said that Ewart's method of working ·was one of plundering and blundering. This made people laugh, and then Benjamin sa1d if they would support him, and make him bailiff, he would interfcre with no one, bnt would make things pleasant all round. He promised to destroy nothing, to keep all the old laws, and to occupy himself with improving the sewage and cleaning out all the cess-pools on the island. He promised also to make the island as famous as it was when the St. George men had thrashed Squire Bony. At that time, he said, Squire Bull was respected throughout the country-the owners of the largest estates were afraid of him; whereas now nobody cared a jot for him, because it was said he wouldn 't let his men go out to :fight-an through Ewart, who had persuaded him to it, and who bad reduced the number of the police.

A great many people believed Benjamin when he talked in this way ; they thought it would be a fine thing for the island if he became bailiff, and they therefore joined his supporters. These consisted principally of three classes-the Parsons, who were afraid of being deprived of the honours and wealth which they received from the Squire ; the Alehouse-keepers, who feared that Ewart would be even more strict with them than he had been ; and the Landlords. These last were in possession of portians of the island, and although the land, of course, really belonged to the Squire, he allowed them to call these lots their own because they had been in 8 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I)

6 the bands of their families a long time. The curious tl1ing was that they paid no rent for tbe land--only a very small tax. Thus many of them bad become very rieb, and as each of them tried to increase bis sbare as mucb as possible, nearly the whole of the island was in the hands of a few of them. i'.his eaused tbem to give tbemselves great airs. They thought tbemselves very im• pOl·tant, and considered tbat they ought to be able to da wbat they liked witb the common people. !'-t one time they possessed a great deal of power, and l1ad tbe appomtment of the bead-bailiff in their hands, but of late they bad bad to yield many of their privileges · yet they struggled hard for w hat was left to them. They wer~ bitterly opposed to Ewart because they believed he would one day deprive them of some of theiJ: advantages, and they were the most ardent supporters of Benjamin. .A.lthough not one of them, he was their champion, and was earnestly devoted to their cause. .A. man indeed, once called hlm their bravo; and it is certain that when ~ f01·mer bailiff, an excellent man, named Robert, bad deeply offended them, that Benjamin, who bad a biting tongue, came forward and called him such hard names that he nearly broke the poor man's heart.

These three classes-the Parsons, the .A.Iehouse-keepers, and the Landlords-having allied tl1emselves, they succeeded in persuading some of the common people to help them ; after which, they went to the Squire and asked him to appoint Benjamin head-bailiff. The Squire, who made a point of leavmg the selection of bailift' to the people, counted the supporters of Benjamin, and finding they were a majority over those of Ewart, he deC'ided on making a change. He was very sorry to lose Ewart, but he saw tbat Benjamin was now the most popular, and he was half inclined him• self to tbink tbere was something in the plausible promises which Benjamin made. The latter was, therefore, installed, and Ewart retired to indulge in hls favourite recreations of construing Greek verbs, writing letters to tbe papers, and cutting down trees.

When Benjamin got into power, he madehirnself mightily busy in doing nothiug. He drew up one or two regulations about the sewage. which were not kept ; and made a show of doing some• thing eise, but he neither reformed any abuses nor disturbed any interest, by which means he kept bimself popular with the three powerful classes. There was one thing in which he excelled as a bailiff, and that was in bis ehoice of assistants ; he got some very [Anon.], Squire Bull, and His Bailiff, Benjamin 9 7 able men about him, and these performed the work of their o:ffiees cxeeedingly well, tbough they were like Benjamin in their objection to new rules which would do away with abuses and privileges, believing that the Landlords and their friends ought to have all the good things in the island. This is not surprising when it is con• sidered that these men were all Landlords themselves.

Benjamin and his assistants managed the estate for some time in this way, doing what they were obliged, but taking care to make no fresh regulations. They succeeded, notwithstanding, in spending a great deal of money. Ewart, during his supervision of the estate, bad :;aved a considerable sum, part of which he used in paying off a mortgage on the estate and part of whieh he left to his suceessor. Benjamin soon spent it and then raised the rates, and came to the Squire f'or money. This caused dissatisfaction; but when the Squire went to talk with him, Benjamin only joked about it: he was a great joker, and, to do him justice, his jests were fLlways fresh and amusing, so that he generally kept the Squire in a good humour. As for the common people, when they beeame impatient Benjamin treated them to an acrobatic performance. He was a famous perfo1·mer, both on the tight rope and with the pole; he could, moreover, turn somersaults in a marvellous manner, and no matter how difficult or complicated they were, he always alighted on his feet. This usually suceeeded in diverting the people from their object, for they came to the conelusion, after witnessing these spectaeles, that if Benjamin was not a good bailiff he was a very clever man, and an honour to the island. But if he failed to satisfy them by these means, he would put on a very solemn expression of eountenanee and say something high-sounding and g1·and. No one could look more serious whcn he pleased; and so sombre and emotionlass was his ordinary expression, tbat it was impossible to tell from bis face what his feelings or bis thoughts were ; indeed, so diffi.eult was it to find any meaning in bis look, that he acquired the nickname of " The Sphinx." When he put on that expression and gave utteranee to a passage of high-:fiown language, he was irresistiblc. On one oecasion, when a nurober of people had come, expeeting him to give some information about a reform they hoped he would make, he told them in his most solemn manner that what he intended to do would be satisfactory to the sublime instincts of an aneient people; he then put his tongue in his cheek, and went away langhing to himself, while the people remained eheering enthusiastically under the impression that they had heal'd a wonderful 10 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) 8 statement. Thus Benjamin managed to hold his own, and, although he did little work, he succeeded in getting credit fo1· a great deal until a row broke out in a distant part of the country, on an estat~ owned by a foreigner named Abdul. This made the St. George people forget all about their own affairs, and tbink only of what was taking place outside their island. Squire Abdul was a most dis• reputable fellow; he was idle and dissolute, and so ignorant, tbat one of the St. George men, named Lord George, who bad a gift for rhyming, and who had been on Abdul's estate, wrote some lines about him, some of which were as follows :- "He saw with his own eyes the moon was round, Was also certain that the earth was square, Because he'd travelled fifty miles, and found No sign that it was circular anywhere."

Re mismanaged his estate shamefully-tbe roads were all out of repair, the hedges were nearly all destroyed, and there was no drainage. The police were both insufficient in numbers and worth• less in the performance of their duties ; they were badly and irregularly paid, so they recouped themselves by robbing the people, and instead of being a protection from evil-doers, they were dreaded because of their own misdeeds. The Squire made the people pay very high rates, whiuh he squaudered on receipt. He lived in a }arge, tumble-down hall, spending bis time in feasting and revelling with a number of women who lived with him, and when the money was finished he ~ent out bis officers with instructions to get more by some means or other ; if not by fair means then by foul. But he was not content with robbing tbe people, he often ill-treated them. They were very constant in their attendance at church, and as he never went, he took offence against them on that account; one of bis amusements was to stone them both as they were going and coming away; occasionally, to diversify the spart, he set bis dogs at them and even subjected them to worse indignities. At last the inhabitants in oue district vowed that they would stand that sort of thing no Ionger, so they armed themselves with pitchforks and other weapons, and chased Abdul's police away, declaring at the same time that they would manage their own a:fi'airs henceforward. But Squire Abdul, collecting a number of the worst ruffians he could find, despatebad them against the rebels, with instructions to overcome them at any cost. These instructions were carried out in a terrible manner. The rebels on seeing the force sent against them, saw they bad no chance and submitted at once ; but the [Anon.], Squire Bull, and His Bailiff, Benjamin 11

9 ruffians, notwithstanding, set upon them and mUl'dered nearly every living soul they found, the massacre being accompanied by such fearful tortures and outrages that people living miles away shud• dered to bear of them. One of the St. George meu happened to be on the spot, and he sent home such graphic accounts that tbe people were transported witb borror and indignation, and clamoured f'or an expedition to be sent to avenge the slaughter. They were the more sensitive on the point as Squire Abdul bad been kept on his estate some time before by the aid of the St. George men, and it was tbought now that they were in some degree responsible for his misdeeds. But Benjamin treated the matter very coolly; he made a joke or two, said it was no busiuess of theirs, and declined either to blame or punish Squire Abdul for what be bad done. Ewart, however, was ve1·y active in arousing the interest of the people; be told tbem thoy ought not to rest until they bad made it im· possible for Squire Abdul to injure bis people again, and impressed them so much tbat t.hey brougbt considerable inß.uence to bear on Benjamin, who then arranged for a meeting of the representatives of the most powerful squires in tbe country to settle upon some regulations for the better managemaut of Abdul's estate. Abdul con• sented to send a reprcsentative to the meeting, which was beld in nis own hall. The meeting took place, and after long and anxious deliberations, :fixed on some rules which they believed would pre• vent Abdul from continuing to oppress his people. Abdul was then sent for and he was asked to sign a paper on wbich the regu• lations were written, but after he had read them through be colll• menced to swear d.readfully, then tore tbe paper up and ß.ung the bits in the faces of tbe representatives, kicked over the table round whicb they were sitting, told them all to go to the devil, and finally retired to bis rooms, where, with a number of boon companions he got gloriously drunk. This conduct caused great consternation among the representa• tives ; they all went to their bomes much crestfallen, and it seemed as if the attempt to reform Abdul's estate must break down. Ewart made great e:fforts to induce Benjamin to use strong means with Sguire Abdul. He said that it was a farce to suggest reforms unless they were prepared to enforce tbem, for tbey knew that Abdul uever would amend until he was obliged. A great many people agreed with this, and the Squire said he thougbt it was very sensible advice. But Benjamin would have none of it. He liked Squire Abdul, and would much rather have foughtfor him than against 12 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) 10 him, so he flatly refused to constrain him in the least. Squire Bull, with his usual good nature, did not interfere with his bailiff' but there was one proprietor who determined not to be overcom~ by .A.bdul's obstinacy. This was Squire .A.lexander. His estate was the largest in the kingdom, and it was situated near .A.bdul's. The people on the two estates had always been great enemies, and bad fought with each other no less than ten times. .A.lexander said now that unless .A.bdul would consent to carry out the reforms suggested to him, he would invade bis estate and compel him to do so. Benjamin sent him word that if he dared to set a foot on .A.bdul's estate, he (Benjamin) would make him suffer for it. This hold de:fi.ance was applauded by some of the St. George men, but the majority were displeased with it, and told Benjamin that he was mistaken ifhe thought they were going to waste their lives and money in :fi.ghting for that barbarian .A.bdul. Benjamin therefore found that he could not interfere, and, as .A.bdul continued obstinate, .A.lexander carried out bis threat and made an incursion on .A.bdul's estate. .A.bdul bad collected a large number of desperadoes for the purpose of resistance, and a tremendous :fi.ght took place .At fust .A.bdul's men bad the best of it; they were valiant fellows, and, it must be confessed, fought splendidly; but after a while the superior numbers and discipline of .A.lexander's men began to teil, and it became evident that they were going to carry everything before them.

Then a panic set in among a part of the inhabitants of the island of St. George. Squire Bull had an Indian estate a long way from St. George, and also a great distance from Peterstown, where .A.lexander's residence was, but it happened that one extremity of .A.lexander's huge estate was not so far from the Indian property, and some of the St. George men would persist in believing that .A.lexander intended to try and seize it some day. They were also convinced ttat if he once got possession of the hall where .A.bdul lived, the Indian estate would be lost to Squire Bull for ever. This was very foolish, for there was no connection at all between the t>vo. They were a lang way distaut from each other, and the possession of one would have given .A.lexander little, if any, advantage in an attack on the other. The wisest and most experienced men labolll·ed to show the alarmists the folly of the opinions they held, and Cecil, one of Benjamin's assistants, to whom they went with their fears, told them contemptuously to go and study their maps. But Benjamin rejoiced over thei.r ignorance, because it proved likely [Anon.], Squire Bull, and His Bailiff, Benjamin 13 11 to assist him in his project of helping Squire Abdul, and thwarting Alexander, and in order to stimulate the alarmists he kept making feints of interfering in the fight. On the other hand, Ewart and bis party made strenuous efforts to prevent Benjamin from striking 11. blow, and there was a lively contest between the two sets, until at last Abdul said he would give in, whereupon Alexander told his men to stop :fighting. Benjamin deolared that no terms must be made betwen them without his approval, and asked both the Squires to attend another meeting of representatives. This they agreed to do, but Alexander would not consent to let the meeting deoide everything, for after he had gone to all the trouble and expense of :fighting he didn't think that other people should arrange entirely the conditions to be settled between Abdul and himself. But Benjamin said he bad heard there was a secret agreemont, and he would allow nothing of the kind to be made between estates in that country. Then, as Alexander refused at :first to give way, Benjamin pretended to get very angry, and asked tbe Squire for a large sum of money, which after some hesitation was given to him. He then got some boats ready, began to drill all the idle fellows in the island, and sent over to the Indian estate for some soldiers, by whioh course he alarmed the St. George men more than Alexan• der, as they thought that if Benjamin got to :figbting his battles with Indians he would become independent of them, and might even use the Indians against them. He also made a display of tbe Squire's boats and sailors, whom he sent close up to Abdul's hall, where Alexander's men still remained, and by these means he prevailed upon Alexander to allow the meeting to decide upon the terms, The meeting was held at the hall of a squire named William, and was considered to be a very important gathering. Benjamin marked bis sense of its importance by going himself, accompanied by Cecil, and all the head-bailiffs in the country were there. Squire Alexander stated all the arrangements he proposed to make with Abdul, and they were discussed. Benjamin and Oecil opposed some and agreed to others, and then an agreement was drawn up which declared that a Squire Joseph should send l1is police to one part of Abdul's estate, and that the other parts should manage their affairs themselves, Abdul being also eompelled to pay a sum of money to Alexander, and to let him have two or three of his villages. Benjamin made a great show of opposi~g t~e latter arrangement, but it turned out afterwards that he Lad m h1s pocket all the time a secrat agreement witb Squire Ale:x:ander, by whioh he consented that Alexander should have these villages. It 14 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) 12

also transpired that Benjamin had made another secret agreement with Abdul, arranging that Abdul should give Squire Bull a small island, and that Squire Bull should guarantee to protect one part of Abdul's estate against all comers, by which means it was hoped to prevent Alexander from taking the Indian estate. Thus Benja• min, who had raised a commotion through all the country because he said that Squires Alexander and Abdul bad made a secret agreement, went and made one with each of them about the very matter in dispute. However, he and Cecil came home, and there were great rejoicings. When they landed on the island they were received like two con• querors, and when Benjamin went to tbe alehouse at night he told all the big men in the island that he bad brought them " peace with honour." One of them called out that there was never any fear of the peace being disturbed, except by Benjamin bimself, and as for tbe honour, be didn't see much honour wben a man made secret agreements after he had protested against others makina them; but tbe rabble outside, wbo bad gathered in a crowd at th~ window and were listening to everything, drowned the voice of the speaker by cheering for Benjamin, and m·ied out that he was the greateEt bailiff the Squil·e bad ever bad. As these men were unable to read, and were therefore unacquainted with the bistory of the Squire's bailiffs, tbe compliment was not worth mucb, but it was noisily expressed, and therefore prevailed for the time. When men refiected on Benjamin's doings, they found them to be but sorry achievements. The policemen, wbom tbe Squire sent to take possession of the island which he had gained, fell sick of a fever, and some of them died. It was then discovered tbat it was barren and unbealthy, and the Squire, when he heard about it, asked wby on earth Benjamin shonld burden him with a pestiferous hole like that, which would never so much as repay him for the cost of the police he would be obliged to send there. Benjamin replied, with a :fiourish of his band, tbat the island was necessary for the protection of Abdul's estate. The Squire said he didn't see that at all; and a clever fellow who bad been to look at it, burst out langhing in Benjamin's face, and said that tbe idea of protecting Abdul 's estate from that island, was like a man pro• posing to defend the front door of a bouse by hiding bimself in a wood at the back. [Anon.], Squire Bull, and His Bailiff, Benjamin 15 13

And when the Squire saw the responsibility which had devolved upon him by his being bound to defend Abdul's estate, he was amazed and indignant. "Why," he exclaimed, "it will be necessary for every man on my island to become a soldier if I am to keep this engagement, unless I make use of the fellows on my Indian estate, a course I'm. very unwilling to take, because there's no knowing what the consequences of it may be ; and as to its being a means of defenrling that estate, there never was such nonsense talked in the world. The only results that I can perl\leive are that I shall be dragged into a quarrel with Squire Alexander, and that my :finances will be ruined." Thus the Squire expressed his opinion; and it became plain to everyone that Benjamin's star was on the wane, and that the Squire was getting tired of him. Every week hrought some fresh evidence that the agreement Benjamin had made was a wretched one. Much was said at first about the reforms that would resalt from it on A.bdul's estate, but Abdul in his usual cunning way requested a large loan of money before he commenced, and as the Squire knew that lending money to him was like throwing it into the ditch, the work was delayed at its very commencement Then, as if in mockery of Benjamin's boast about peace, the Squire became involved in a quarrel near his Indian estate, and the cause was, as usual, fear of Squire Alexander. The manager selected for the estate by Benjamin was a man named Meredith. Re had had no experience in baili:ff work, but because be could write poetry, Benjamin took a f'ancy to him. He was something after Benjamin's own style, that is, he was full of fanciful ideas, and Iiked showy work. Accordingly, when he got into office, he determined to do something striking. There was a proprietor named Ali, who bad a small and very hilly estate. He might have sold it to Squire Bull for a large sum of money, but be preferred to keep it ; and as he was rather a proud and high-spirited man, the Squire was obliged to treat him with a certain amount of deference. He once showed an inelination to do mischief, so the Squire sent some soldiers against him, who overcame bis men and got possession of his hall, but there were a number of wild fellows hiding in the bills who suddenly swooped down upon tbe Squire's men and murdered them all. The Squire took a speedy vengeance upon them, but when he saw the nature of the estate, that it was billy, and hkely to be infested with robbers, 16 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I)

14 he concluded it would be useless as a possession. Re therefore left it and tried to make a friend of Mr. Ali afterwards. All the different managers who followed afte1· that time, acted in the same way, until it came to Meredith's turn, when he adopted a different course. Having heard that one of Squire Alexander's deputies was living at Mr. Ali's house, he resolved that one of his men should reside there too. He wrote to ask if Mr. Ali would permit him tosend one, but instead of waiting for a reply, he despatched the man immediately afterwards, sending with him such a nnmber of companions, that it looked as if they were intended to frighten Mr. Ali. But the latter was not to be overawed; he sent some soldiers to a cliff, which divided his estate from Squire Bull's, with instructions to prevent Meredith's men from crossing. These were obliged to return, and Meredith, in a rage, declared he would punish Mr. Ali, for which object he began to prepare a force. All this was done with the idea of opposing Squire Alexander; it seemed to be the one aim of Benjamin and his friends to get into a quarrel with that proprietor.

Squire Bull saw at last that it was time for him to interfere. He therefore sent for Benjamin, and told him that he was thoroughly displeased with his conduct, and intended to dismiss him. " Your management of this island," he said, "has been characterised by incapacity and extravagance; while outside you have displayed a want of Straightforward dealing, and have lightly undertaken gigantic responsibilities. My honesty was onee universally recognised, and my word respected on every estate,• now I am regarded with suspicion, and my neighbours sneer whenever my name is mentioned. You have done your best to make Squire Alexander my permanent enemy ; you have annoyed and irritated him in every way you could think of, while you have :fiattered and befriended that wretched creature, Abdul, representing him to everybody as my dear friend and ally. And as for my Indian estate, your idea of managing it appears to be to get into a :fight with somebody about it ; you would spend thousands in quarreHing over it, but are utterly careless of its real welfare. I am dü

Benjamin had very little to say to all this; he saw that the Squire had got the measure of his capacity, and he didn't attempt any excuse; he merely made a low bow, smiled in an indescribable roanner, and walked jauntily away. He sbortly afterwarda published a story he had written, in which he satirized the follies and vicea of the Landlords. He bad worked for these men all his life, but could not refrain from sneering and langhing at them occasionally. The Squire then sent for Ewart, and offered him the post again. At first Ewart refused; his day, he said, had gone by, and he would prefer to serve the Squire in a private capacity ; but when the Squire pointed out to him what a grand sphere of usefulness yet remained to him, and how no other man possessed the same genins for the work, he consented, aud was shortly after installed.

188 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) secured election for the constituency effectively belonging to the Ultra-Tory Duke of Newcastle, he was an object of hostility to some. His book The State in its Relations with the Church, containing his ultra-conservative religious views, was notorious, and his speeches on the slavery issue did nothing for his reputation in ‘liberal’ circles. But his decision to follow Sir Robert Peel in the 1840s took him to the side of Liberal Conservatism. It was difficult for contemporaries, though, to fathom what it was that made Gladstone resign from the Cabinet in January 1845 over the increased grant to the Catholic College at Maynooth, only to vote for it shortly afterwards. The fact was that he had changed his mind about the justice of the measure, but since he had before said he could not approve it, he now needed to resign. However, Gladstone remained loyal to Peel and returned to his Cabinet, briefly, in December 1845, falling with it in July the following year. His acceptance of Peel’s financial ideas meant he could not rejoin Derby’s Conserv- atives, even if that meant allowing the Whigs back into office for seven years. Gladstone could never join Derby, if only because of his strong dislike of the second in command, Benjamin Disraeli. But neither could he join the Whigs, since he felt indifferent to their leader, Lord John Russell, and hostile to Rus- sell’s bête noir and eventual successor, Lord Palmerston. He could join in a coalition with them, however, when the opportunity offered itself, provided it was led by a fellow Peelite, in this case, the Earl of Aberdeen, and especially as it was built on the wreckage of Disraeli’s attempt at a Budget in 1852. Gladstone’s reputation as a financier grew, at this time, but the fall of Aber- deen’s government in February 1855 and the failure of Gladstone’s brief attempt to cooperate with Aberdeen’s successor, Palmerston, drove him into opposition once more. But it was an isolated opposition, as Gladstone could still not ally himself fully with Derby and Disraeli, even though he could not accept Palmerston as his leader, either. He was, though, prepared to cooperate enough with Derby to help defeat Palmerston over the Conspiracy to Murder Bill. He even worked for Derby’s ministry that succeeded Palmerston as a High Commissioner in the Ionian Islands. One result of this was that he missed the meeting at Willis’s Rooms in June 1859 that is generally held to mark the founding of the Victorian Liberal Party. This meeting at least brought together enough voters to defeat Disraeli. Russell decided he could, after all, serve under Palmerston and radical elements agreed as well, while even Sydney Herbert, one of the few remaining Peelites left, also accepted the idea. The Derby government was duly defeated by a vote of no confidence. The question remained as to whether Gladstone would serve with Palmer- ston. When he was offered the post of Chancellor of the Exchequer, Gladstone decided he could accept, and he spent the next six years acting as Chancellor to a Prime Minister whose financial policies he disapproved of. However, his fis- cal policies and other endeavours, such as a tour to Tyneside he and his wife Introduction 189 Catherine undertook in October 1862, all showed the nation an increasingly liberal Gladstone, and his Liberalism seems to have increased with his years. Palmerston’s death in October 1865 brought Russell the office of Prime Minis- ter, but as he was now a Peer, it was left to Gladstone to take the leadership of the House of Commons. The struggle to pass a parliamentary reform measure in 1866 and 1867 was very intense. Gladstone had already, in 1864, argued in the Commons that every male ‘not personally incapacitated by some consideration of personal unfitness or political danger’ should have the right to vote. Not even all Liberals – least of all Palmerston – could accept this, but Russell was less perturbed by it. The original Reform Bill of March 1866 was not as radical as this, but some Liberals nevertheless disapproved of it. As a result they allied with Derby’s Conservatives and passed several amendments to the Bill. When in June some fifty Liberals voted against the government to defeat it, Russell and Gladstone decided the ministry should resign. But the population at large seemed to think their hope for the vote lay with Gladstone, rather than the elderly Russell. A large crowd outside his house called for ‘Gladstone and Liberty’, and there were riots in Hyde Park. The Derby government decided to pass their own reform bill, hoping that doing so would widen the split in the Liberal Party. Not all Liberals could vote for Gladstone’s amendment to the Bill and the Second Reform Act was passed in July 1867. Gladstone stayed out of the way, but the measure was a radical one, as Disraeli hoped granting the vote to people would win him their support. But Gladstone needed an issue that would get him enough votes in the Commons to defeat the Conservatives. He found it in a proposal to disestablish the Anglican Church of Ireland (this would also help him gain the support of Irish MPs). The vote duly defeated the Conservatives and Disraeli, who had succeeded Derby as Prime Minister, decided to call a General Election. By this time no one could doubt Gladstone’s Liberalism, and he won the November 1868 election convincingly. Gladstone’s first ministry was noteworthy for its reforms. Steps were taken to reform the education system and the army, to introduce the secret ballot and to disestablish the Church of Ireland. Even these measures, however, failed to secure Gladstone victory in the 1874 elections and he had to hand over power to his enemy, Disraeli. He also resigned as leader of the Liberal Party. But in 1876 he published the pamphlet Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East. In this he strongly attacked the government’s support for the Ottoman Empire. Public reaction to his criticism persuaded him to accept nomination for the parliamentary constituency of Midlothian. To get elected there he launched a series of speaking tours, the ‘Midlothian campaigns’, which secured him victory in April 1880. At this point he decided he should once again become leader of the Liberal Party and Prime Minister, persuading other possible leaders, like his predecessor, Hart- ington, to step aside. 190 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) Gladstone’s second ministry concentrated its activity on three areas: foreign policy, Ireland and parliamentary reform. In 1882 it was decided to send Brit- ish troops to occupy Egypt, leading to one of Gladstone’s worst disasters, the involvement in the Sudan. Sending General Charles Gordon to supervise the evacuation from the Sudan was a mistake, and not sending troops to ‘relieve’ him was, too. Some progress was made in Ireland, with a Land Act in 1881 granting the ‘three Fs’ (fair rent, free sale and fixity of tenure). Other Irish measures were less happy, however, and as time passed Gladstone became convinced more radical action was needed there. Trying to reform Parliament also proved difficult, and the first attempt was rejected by the Lords in July 1884. It was, however, possible for Gladstone to secure Conservative agreement to dis- cuss the issues of franchise reform and redistribution of seats separately, and the former was agreed in December 1884. But the government was defeated over the Budget in June 1885 and immediately resigned, and it was not until after this that the Redistribution of Seats Act was passed, by Lord Salisbury’s Conservative ministry. It was the issue of Ireland that was to dominate Gladstone’s last years, however. In December 1885 Gladstone’s son Herbert flew the ‘Hawarden Kite’, an article in The Standard based on an idea Gladstone had proposed for the future of Ireland with, central to the scheme, an ‘Irish Chamber for Irish affairs’.1 This caused a storm in Liberal as well as Conservative circles, but it did not prevent Gladstone from winning the General Election at this time and form- ing his third ministry. The first attempt at a Home Rule Bill was introduced in the Commons in April 1886, but despite Gladstone’s greatest efforts the measure was defeated in June, and the government resigned. Worst of all for the Liberals was that ninety-four of those voting against the Bill were Liberal MPs: Irish Home Rule had split the Party. This did not prevent Gladstone, even when in opposition, from continuing to call for ‘justice for Ireland’: Home Rule. But the Liberal Party was also con- sidering other matters. In October 1891 it adopted the ‘Newcastle Programme’, a range of radical political and social demands, such as payment for MPs and the inclusion of all men in the electorate. Gladstone was prepared to accept these proposals, but in his speech to the Party Conference he gave precedence to Ireland. Gladstone’s fourth and final ministry took office in August 1892. It was an unhappy affair, as the eighty-two year old and increasingly deaf Gladstone tried to force a Home Rule Bill through, while standing firm against the Lib- eral imperialist demands that Britain should annex Uganda. He was to lose on both counts: the Home Rule Bill was defeated in September 1893, and Glad-

1. Gladstone, ‘Sketch of a Home Rule Bill’, memorandum, 14 November 1885, in H. C. G. Matthew, Gladstone, 1809 to 1898 (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 463. Introduction 191 stone resigned as Prime Minister six months later, in March 1894. His successor, the Earl of Rosebery, oversaw the annexation of Uganda in June that year. Gladstone spent his final years largely in retirement at Hawarden, but even so carried on a crusade on behalf of the Armenians. He died at Hawarden in May 1898. Gladstone therefore spent over sixty years in the House of Commons. He had started his career as an Ultra–Tory and ended it as the personification of Victorian Liberalism. By his later years, indeed, he appeared to some a dangerous man, with increasingly wild ideas. The result of this radical movement in Gladstone’s opinions was that he aroused ever-increasing hostility and suspicion in some circles, as well as admiration in others. The vast amount of material that can be classed as contemporary to Gladstone is brought out viv- idly by a list prepared at St Deiniol’s in 1998, but even this list, thorough though it is, is not comprehensive.1 It shows clearly how much was published about Gladstone and his policies during his lifetime. At least thirty biographies were completed before he died. His Irish policy which was always a cause of disagreement, merited over forty pamphlets between 1869 and 1896 and when to this is added the material included in contemporary biographies – both books and articles – that number increases further. The question has always been posed about what it was that drove Gladstone to make these changes in his opinions. For some, an explanation was easily found: Gladstone was a hypocrite. According to Richard Assheton Cross, Con- servative Home Secretary from 1874 to 1880 and 1885 to 1886, Gladstone had the power ‘of persuading himself’.2 It was the power of self-persuasion that allowed him to speak out against the Maynooth grant and then vote for an increase, and it was this that allowed him to vote against Palmerston in 1858 and yet to join his ministry just fourteen months later. For others, however, Gladstone was a selfless Christian politician, whose religious faith encouraged him to do ‘right’. It was this that led him to take the field on behalf of the hap- less Bulgarians in 1876, and it was this that led him to give his support to the cause of Irish Home Rule, despite the damage he knew it would do to Liberal Party unity. There are several key moments in Gladstone’s career where debate has raged about his motives. The decision he took in 1859 to join Palmerston’s ministry is one good example. His long-standing hostility to Palmerston would make it appear strange that he should join him. But Gladstone had spent years in opposition and he knew that if he was going to get anywhere he had to get back into office. It would seem, however, that the two men had one issue on

1. L. M. Adcock, Gladstone: A Bibliography of Material Held at St Deiniol’s Library (St Deiniol’s Library, Hawarden, 1998). 2. R. A. Cross, A Political History ([London?], privately printed, 1903), p. 103. 192 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) which they could agree: the future of the Kingdom of Italy. Both Gladstone and Palmerston were in favour of Italian unification, and this brought Glad- stone back into the Cabinet. Another key moment relates to the occupation of Egypt. It would be easy to accept that Gladstone acted from selfless motives. Gladstone was no friend of soldiers, and the military dictatorship in Egypt was threatening British lives: the Prime Minister could not allow this. Any idea that Gladstone was acting to safeguard his investment in the Suez Canal Company – still less acting out of motives to secure the strategically important route to the East – should be dis- counted. It may be, however, that he was simply misled by reports from the country, as at least one observer noted at the time. Contemporary opinions about Gladstone varied widely. Perhaps the best known comes from his arch enemy, Benjamin Disraeli: Posterity will do justice to that unprincipled maniac, Gladstone – extraordi- nary mixture of envy, vindictiveness, hypocrisy and superstition, and with one commanding characteristic – whether preaching, praying, speechifying, or scribbling – never a gentleman.1 Queen Victoria thought him, at least in his old age, though still Prime Minis- ter, ‘wild [and] incomprehensible’.2 Even one of his Cabinet colleagues, William Vernon Harcourt, believed he did not understand his Party’s princi- ples and that he had a ‘flighty’ nature.3 Others, however, thought more highly of him than this. One of his closest colleagues and friends, Earl Granville, told the readers of the Pall Mall Gazette that of all the Prime Ministers he had served under, none had ‘a finer temper, a grander patience, or more consideration for his colleagues’ than Gladstone.4 Contemporary writers, who did not know Gladstone as well as these people, and did not have access to his papers, had to draw what conclusions they could from the ‘public’ Gladstone, who they could see through his policies. During his lifetime, there was a steady stream of political ephemera about the young MP for Oxford University, the Peelite, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the supporter of the Confederate States of America and the Prime Minister who was leading the country to fresh triumphs or to fresh disasters, depending on

1. Letter from B. Disraeli (Earl of Beaconsfield) to the Earl of Derby, in P. Magnus, Glad- stone: A Biography (London, John Murray, 1954), p. 245. 2. Letter from Queen Victoria to the Marquess of Lansdowne, 12 August 1892, in Lord Newton, Lord Lansdowne: A Biography (London, Macmillan, 1929). 3. Letter from W. V. Harcourt to G. J. Goschen, 7 January 1875, in A. D. Elliot, The Life of George Joachim Goschen, Viscount Goschen, 1831–1907 (2 vols, London, Longman, 1911), vol. 1, p. 153. 4. Pall Mall Gazette, 14 December 1883, in J. Morley, The Life of William Ewart Glad- stone (3 vols, London, Macmillan,1903), vol. 2, p. 415. Introduction 193 the witness’s viewpoint. A small number of these have been reprinted in the present volumes. Since his death Gladstone’s life and career have been ever more closely studied. It would be fair to say, however, that his reputation has stayed high, even at times when the Victorian age has not itself been especially fashionable. This is in part no doubt because of the influence of John Morley, the Liberal who was commissioned by Gladstone’s family to complete the ‘official’ biography of the great leader. Morley’s three-volume work was published in 1903. In it, he went so far as to suggest it was necessary to talk of a ‘Gladstonian era’, and to portray Gladstone as a Liberal leader who later generations should admire and who had left an example that they should follow. Morley’s Gladstone portrayed a very secular, ‘political’, figure. This was largely because Morley, himself an acknowledged atheist, had been told by Gladstone's family not to touch his religious life. He also made only limited use of Gladstone’s diaries. It was only four years before Gladstone’s religious feelings were rescued, by D. C. Lathbury. Lathbury published a biography of Gladstone in 1907,1 with a two-volume edition of Gladstone’s ‘correspondence on church and religion’ following in 1910.2 This collection of papers, well- edited though it was, appears, however, to have had much less influence than Morley’s work, leaving the question of the role played by religion in Glad- stone’s life very much unanswered. Keeping Gladstone’s reputation afloat in the difficult economic decades of the 1920s and 1930s was partly helped by his son, Herbert, who in 1928 published After Thirty Years, a strong defence of his father.3 Erich Eyck, a cental European scholar, also helped with his biography of Gladstone published in 1938.4 The next major biography was that by Philip Magnus, published in 1954. Magnus was an historian who was allowed access to all of Gladstone’s papers, including his diaries and the private collection held at St Deiniol’s. He concluded that Gladstone’s life comprised three distinct phases. The first of these was his effective ‘apprenticeship’ under the guidance of Sir Robert Peel. It was Peel who led Gladstone from theology to finance and helped him to acquire an impressive reputation in this field. The second phase of Gladstone’s life was his emergence as a crusader for the cause of freedom, the theme of his speeches to mass audiences. Finally, Gladstone vainly attempted to carry through his last great crusade: Home Rule for Ireland. But this failure did not daunt the ‘Grand Old Man’. Magnus developed Morley’s view of Gladstone as

1. D. C. Lathbury, Mr Gladstone (London, Mowbray, 1907). 2. D. C. Lathbury (ed.), Correspondence on Church and Religion of William Ewart Glad- stone (2 vols, London, 1910). 3. H. J. Gladstone, After Thirty Years (London, Macmillan, 1928). 4. E. Eyck, Gladstone (London, Allen & Unwin, 1938). 194 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) the ‘Great Liberal’, founder of the Victorian Liberal Party and the force that held it together: He towered in moral grandeur above his contemporaries and stood before the world as the inspired prophet of the nineteenth-century Liberal experiment.1 A. J. P. Taylor agreed Gladstone dominated Victorian Liberalism and was ‘the greatest political figure of the nineteenth century’, despite his relative lack of success.2 The first full-length biography of Gladstone to suggest the possibility that he had outlived his age was that of Edgar J. Feuchtwanger, first published in 1975.3 Feuchtwanger accepted that Gladstone did a great deal to create the political world of the 1880s and 1890s, although he actually represented an earlier era: the middle years of the century. Even though Gladstone was aware of this, he would never abdicate what he felt was his position of moral responsibility: his duty compelled him to stand fast. Peter Stansky suggested in a brief note that Gladstone was one of those ‘outsiders’ who have fought their way to the top of the establishment without ever really being a part of it (Disraeli, of course, was another).4 Agatha Ramm, however, saw Gladstone as a man of contradictions: he both disturbed society by his reforms, but at the same time, he encouraged ‘the harmony of classes’, and, while he was a 'demagogue', he was also a ‘political educator’.5 But Gladstone was a Victorian political figure of gargantuan stature, and it is not surprising that some biographies of him have also been very large. The biggest of all in recent years was the two volume work by Richard Shannon, based on Gladstone’s diaries. The first volume, covering the years from 1809 to 1865 was published in 1982, and the second, viewing Gladstone as the ‘Heroic Minister’ between 1865 and 1898, in 1999.6 Shannon made the point that Gladstone’s views and motivations could only be understood if the major influences on his life were found. He concluded that probably the most important of these influences was Gladstone’s religion. It was true that Gladstone had discovered ‘the people’ as a source of energy, to be directed in the right lines, and that Peel deserved credit for helping in this, but ‘Christian providen-

1. Magnus, Gladstone. A Biography (London, J. Murray, 1954), p. xii. 2. A. J. P. Taylor, British Prime Ministers and Other Essays, ed. C. Wrigley (London, Pen- guin, 2000), p. 33. 3. E. J. Feuchtwanger, Gladstone, 2nd edn. (Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1989). 4. P. Stansky, ‘Peter Stansky talks to Daniel Snowman’, History Today, 52:7 (July 2002), p. 38. Stansky had completed Gladstone: A Progress in Politics in 1979 (New York and London, Norton). 5. A. Ramm, William Ewart Gladstone (Cardiff, G .P. C. Books, 1989 edn), pp. 1, 118. 6. R. Shannon, Gladstone, vol. 1 1809–1865 (London, Hamish Hamilton, 1982), vol. 2 Heroic Minister, 1865–1898 (London, Allen Lane, 1999). Introduction 195 talism’ was the key to Gladstone’s life and work.1 Gladstone from his earliest days held a strong religious faith, which led him to believe he had to carry out God’s will, and this consideration led him on, ever more intensely as years passed. In 1986 and 1995 one of the editors of Gladstone’s diaries, Professor Colin Matthew, published his two volume biography, the first of which dealt with the years from 1809 to 1874, and the second, the years from 1875 to 1898.2 This once again is a substantial work (if not quite so massive as Professor Shan- non’s), but it portrays a different Gladstone. For Professor Matthew, Gladstone was a mixture of radicalism and conservatism, and it was this that perplexed his followers, as at critical moments, he did too much for some and too little for others. His motivation was more political than religious. Matthew also suggested that Gladstone had ‘a curious lack of self-awareness’;3 an argument he reiterated in the article he completed for the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.4 It was in the period from 1846 to 1852, as he stood in opposition to Russell’s government, that Gladstone developed ‘an ability at certain critical moments to promote himself – only partly self-consciously – as the champion of liberal causes’.5 But there are also other interpretations of Gladstone’s life and career available. The Social Democrat Peer Lord Jenkins, in the best selling biography of the 1990s, placed Gladstone firmly in the political sphere, and portrayed him as a model for contemporary Social Democrats and their supporters.6 Travis L. Crosby, an American scholar, attempted to interpret Gladstone’s psychology. According to Crosby there were ‘two Mr Gladstones’.7 (He was not the first person to think this: G.T. Garratt in a book published as early as 1936 gave it the same title.)8 Crosby argued that like everyone else, Gladstone had to develop ‘strategies’ that would enable him to ‘cope’ with the stresses of every- day life, which he found quite intense. One of Crosby’s Gladstones was able to maintain his self-control, but the other broke down and gave way to outbursts of anger. For Eugenio Biagini the primary influences on Gladstone were his

1. Shannon, Gladstone, vol. 2, p. xii. 2. H. C. G. Matthew, Gladstone, 1809–1874 (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1986); Gladstone, 1874–1898 (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1995), reprinted in one volume by Oxford University Press in 1999. 3. Matthew, Gladstone (1999 edn.), p. 2. 4. Matthew, ‘Gladstone, William Ewart’, ODNB (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2004), vol. 22, pp. 383–409. 5. Matthew, ‘Gladstone’, ODNB, vol. 22, p. 388. 6. R. Jenkins, Gladstone (Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1995). 7. T. L. Crosby, The Two Mr Gladstones: A Study in Psychology and History (New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1997). 8. G. T. Garratt, The Two Mr Gladstones (London, Macmillan, 1936). 196 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) evangelical upbringing and Sir Robert Peel. To the end of his career, according to Biagini, Gladstone remained convinced his duty was to convert the masses to the doctrines of his great Conservative mentor.1 But biography is not the only possible approach to Gladstone, and writers have studied aspects of his policy, the influences on his development and his relations with others. The earliest studies of Gladstone’s policy based on his papers appeared in the 1920s and 1930s. Three of the most influential, by Paul Knaplund, F.W. Hirst and J.L. Hammond, related to his imperial and foreign policy, his policy as a financier, and his policy towards the Irish nation.2 Rich- ard Shannon in the 1960s took a detailed look at Gladstone and the Bulgarian agitation in 1876.3 During that decade some historians argued that Gladstone stood as an opponent to working class progress, though this view has been less well thought of lately.4 Gladstone’s place in the development of Liberalism was also closely looked at in the 1960s by John Vincent and Maurice Cowling.5 A.B. Cooke and Vincent further argued that Gladstone was far from being a friend of the Irish nation.6 The influences on Gladstone were, of course, varied. Some have argued for the importance of his home and upbringing, either of his parents and his sister Anne playing a leading role. Peel, naturally, occupies centre stage, but others, like Cobden, John Stuart Mill and Edmund Burke had their role to play too.7 His relationships with other groups in the political world have also merited attention. Particular focus has been put on Gladstone and his relations with the Whig and Radical groups in the Liberal Party.8 Gladstone’s introduction of

1. E. F. Biagini, Gladstone (Basingstoke, Macmillan, 2000). 2. P. Knaplund, Gladstone and Britain’s Imperial Policy (London, Cassell, 1927); F. W. Hirst, Gladstone as Financier and Economist (London, Benn, 1931); J. L. Hammond, Glad- stone and the Irish Nation (London, Longmans, Green & Co., 1938). 3. R. T. Shannon, Gladstone and the Bulgarian Agitation (London, Thomas Nelson, 1963). 4. An interesting insight into this and other aspects of Gladstonian scholarship is provided by D. Bebbington, ‘Introduction’, in Gladstone Centenary Essays, eds D. Bebbington and R. Swift (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2000), pp. 1–9. 5. J. R. Vincent, The Formation of the Liberal Party (Constable, London, 1966); M. Cowl- ing, Disraeli, Gladstone and Revolution: The Passing of the Second Reform Act (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1967). 6. A. B. Cooke and J. R. Vincent, The Governing Passion: Cabinet Government and Party Politics in Britain, 1885–1886 (Brighton, Harvester, 1974). 7. The whole range of personal influences is highlighted by Bebbington, Centenary Essays, p. 6. 8. Examples included T. A. Jenkins, Gladstone, Whiggery and the Liberal Party, 1874–1886 (Oxford, Clarendon, 1988); J. Parry, Democracy and Religion: Gladstone and the Liberal Party, 1867–1875 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1986). Introduction 197 Peelite ideas into the Liberal Party has been seen as a major cause in its eventual break-up, at least as important as the split caused by his Home Rule policy.1 Gladstone’s views on particular questions have also been studied in recent times, in particular how his policy towards Ireland developed2 and his attitude to foreign relations.3 The evolution of his religious ideas has also merited attention.4 This is only a small example of some of the works on Gladstone and his policies, each viewing them from different perspectives and taking different sides in debate. But all of these many items share one thing in common, as do all of the many other writers who have studied Gladstone’s career since his death (or even in his later lifetime): all of them were aware of what would come next in Gladstone’s life. It would have been a very far-sighted individual who could predict in the 1830s that Gladstone would be the leader to propose Irish Home Rule, or even the disestablishment of the Church of Ireland in the 1860s. The intention, therefore, of the present volumes is to publish extracts from books, pamphlets and articles on Gladstone that appeared at a time when the writers of them did not know what the future would hold. (The few excep- tions to this rule are those works that have been published to show what effect later events had on people who were contemporaries of the ‘Grand Old Man’ but were looking back on his career as it receded further into the past.) With so much material available, the decision whether or not to include something in the present work has not been an easy one. Several factors have contributed to it, although neither literary quality nor the name or status of the publisher has made a difference. They should be rare or have other qualities outweighing this consideration to justify their inclusion. It has been intended to find works representative of particular viewpoints on certain issues; some are strongly on Gladstone’s side and others are equally strongly opposed to him. But even these restrictions have not been sufficient to reduce books and articles to a number small enough for them all to be republished here. Hence, the decision to include an individual item comes down to a consideration of the qualities of that particular work.

1. G. R. Searle, The Liberal Party: Triumph and Disintegration, 1886–1929 (Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1992). A contrast is offered by D. A. Hamer, Liberal Politics in the Age of Glad- stone and Rosebery: A Study in Landownership and Policy (Oxford, Clarendon, 1972). 2. A good general survey is D. G. Boyce, Nineteenth-Century Ireland: The Search for Sta- bility (Dublin, Gill and Macmillan, 1990). 3. A. P. Saab, Reluctant Icon: Gladstone, Bulgaria and the Working Classes, 1856–1878 (London, Harvard University Press, 1989); R. Harrison, Gladstone’s Imperialism in Egypt (Greenwood, Westport, Ct., 1995). 4. P. J. Butler, Gladstone, Church, State and Tractarianism: A Study in his Religious Ideas and Attitudes, 1809–1859 (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1982). 198 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) The present volumes have therefore brought together a body of material on Gladstone, most of which was first published over one hundred years ago. There would have been no difficulty in finding more works to include if it had been necessary, as Gladstone attracted so much attention during and immediately after his lifetime. The items selected for publication in these volumes will give a broad picture of a character who filled the Victorian political stage for longer than any other individual. Some of them are realistic assessments of a situation, others are inaccurate, sometimes drastically so. Most were written by authors prepared to come forward publicly, but some were produced anony- mously or under a pseudonym. Most were written in the United Kingdom, by Britons, although several foreign or expatriate authors have also been included. Michael Partridge BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Texts

A Templar [William Kent], The Gladstone Government (London, privately printed, 1869). An Englishman, The Question of the Day: Turk or Christian? An Answer to Mr Glad- stone’s Pamphlet: With a True Narrative of the Bulgarian Horrors (London, Diprose, Bateman & Co., [c.1876]). An Eyewitness, The Anti-Climax in Midlothian: A Review of Mr Gladstone’s Cam- paign in 1884 (Edinburgh and London, William Blackwood & Sons, 1884). [Anon.], The Gladstone Gas Company Prospectus: A Relic of the Midlothian Cam- paign, 1886 (Edinburgh, private printing, 1886). —, Why Did Gladstone Fall from Power? How may he Regain it? An Appeal to the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone on the Eastern Question and the Disorganization of the Liberal Party, 2nd edn (London, London Co-Operative Printing, [c.1886]). Arnold, Frederick, [‘F. A.’], ‘William Ewart Gladstone: A Study of his Character’, London Society, XV: LXXXVI (1869), pp. 97–111. Badenoch, G. R., A Word of Warning against Mr Gladstone, Addressed to the People of Scotland, and in Particular to the Electors of Mid-Lothian (London, T. W. Gib- son, [c.1879]). Brinsley-Richards, James, [pseud. Reginald Grenville Murray], ‘Mr Gladstone’s Oxford Days’, Tem p l e Ba r, CXVIII (1883), pp. 29–47. —, ‘Mr Gladstone’s Early Politics’, Tem p l e Ba r, CXVIII (1883), pp. 210–23. Bunsen, Theodor von, ‘A German View of Gladstone’, The Nineteenth Century, 22 (1887), pp. 418–34. F. A. – see Arnold, Frederick Filleul, P. V. M., Mr Gladstone’s Home Rule Bill: ‘The Great Betrayal’: A Forecast of Evil to the British Empire (Weston-Super-Mare, Lawrence and Lawrence, 1893). Forster, Joseph, The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M. P., A Few Lessons from a Noble Life: A Lecture (London, J. Heywood, 1883). Gladstone, William Ewart, Gladstone to his Wife, ed. A. T. Bassett (London, Meth- uen, 1936).

199 200 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I)

—, The Prime Ministers’ Papers Series: W. E. Gladstone, ed. J. Brooke and M. Soren- son (4 vols, London, HMSO, 1971–1984). —, Gleanings of Past Years (7 vols, London, John Murray, 1879). —, Midlothian Speeches, 1879, ed. M. R. D. Foot (Leicester, Leicester University Press, 1979). —, Later Gleanings (London, John Murray, 1897). —, The Gladstone Diaries: With Cabinet Papers and Prime Ministerial Correspond- ence, ed. M. R. D. Foot and H. C. G. Matthew (14 vols, Oxford, Clarendon, 1969–1994). Hapgood, Norman, ‘Mr Gladstone’, Contemporary Review (1898), pp. 34–53. Harper, Edward, Mr Gladstone Answered: The Inconsistencies, Absurdities, and Con- tradictions in Mr Gladstone’s Public Career: Being a Letter to him, in Reply to his ‘Chapter of Autobiography’ (London, W. Wallbrook, [c.1868]). Harrison, Frederic, The Crisis in Egypt: A Letter to Mr Gladstone (London, Reeves and Turner, 1882). Hutton, Richard Holt, ‘Mr. Gladstone’, Contemporary Review (1894), pp. 617–34. Kent, William – see A Templar. Lucy, Henry, A Diary of the Home Rule Parliament, 1892–1895 (London, Cassell, 1896). —, A Diary of the Unionist Parliament, 1895–1900 (Bristol and London, J. W. Arrowsmith, and Simkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent & Co., 1901). MacColl, Malcolm, and Phillimore, Walter, ‘Mr. Gladstone’, Fortnightly Review (1898), pp. 1008–28. Maurice, Frederick, Thoughts on the Duty of a Protestant in the Present Oxford Elec- tion (London, J. W. Parker, 1847). Justin McCarthy, ‘William Ewart Gladstone’, The Forum (1898), pp. 513–33. John McGilchrist, The Life of William Ewart Gladstone (London, Cassell, 1868). Murray, Reginald Grenville – see Brinsley-Richards, James O’Connor, Thomas, Gladstone’s House of Commons (London, Ward & Downey, 1885). Phelan, James, Mr Gladstone, the Liberal Statesman: An Address (San Francisco, privately printed, 1881). Reid, Stuart (ed.), Memoirs of Sir Wemyss Reid, 1842–1885 (London, Cassell, 1905). Reinach, Joseph, ‘Mr Gladstone and the Irish Bill: A French View’, The Nineteenth Century, 19 (1886), pp. 930–36. Rideing, William, ‘Gladstone’s Closing Years’, The Critic (1903), pp. 466–70. Bibliography 201

Russell, George, Prime Ministers and Some Others (London, T. Fisher Unwin, 1918). Smith, Goldwin, My Memory of Gladstone (London, T. Fisher Unwin, 1904). Stead, William, ‘Mr Gladstone at eighty-seven’, Temple Magazine, 5:1 (1897), pp. 321–32. Webb, Thomas, The Irish Question: A Reply to Mr Gladstone (London and Dublin, P. S. King and Hodges, Figgis & Co., 1886). Wilson, Robert, ‘The Nation’s Loss’, Contemporary Review (1894), pp. 466–470.

Secondary Texts

Anderson, Olive, ‘Gladstone’s Abolition of Compulsory Church Rates: A Minor Political Myth and its Historiographical Career’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 25:2 (1974), pp. 185–98. Barker, Michael, Gladstone and Radicalism: the Reconstruction of Liberal Policy in Britain 1885–1894 (Hassocks, Harvester Press, 1975). Beales, Derek, ‘Gladstone and his First Ministry’, The Historical Journal, 26:4 (1983), pp. 987–98. Bebbington, David, William Ewart Gladstone: Faith and Politics in Victorian Brit- ain (Grand Rapids, Mich., William B. Eerdmans, 1993). —, The mind of Gladstone: Religion, Homer and Politics (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2004). —, and Swift, Robert (eds), Gladstone: Centenary Essays (Liverpool, Liverpool Uni- versity Press, 2000). Bentley, Michael, Politics Without Democracy, 1815–1914: Perception and Preoccu- pation in British Government (London, Fontana, 1984). Biagini, Eugenio, Liberty, Retrenchment and Reform: Popular Politics in the Age of Gladstone, 1860–1880 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1992). —, Gladstone (Basingstoke, Macmillan, 2000). Boyce, D. C., Nineteenth-Century Ireland: The Search for Stability (Dublin, Gill and Macmillan, 1990). Butler, Perry, Gladstone: Church, State and Tractarianism: A Study of his Religious Ideas and Attitudes, 1809–1859 (Oxford and New York, Clarendon, 1982). Campbell, Kate, ‘W.E. Gladstone, W. T. Stead and a New Journalism: Cultural Politics in the 1880s’, Victorian Periodicals Review, 36:1 (2003), pp. 20–40. Checkland, Sydney, The Gladstones: A Family Biography, 1764–1851 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1971). Cooke, Alistair, and Vincent, John, The Governing Passion: Cabinet Government and Party Politics in Britain, 1885–86 (Brighton, Harvester Press, 1974). 202 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I)

Cowling, Maurice, 1867: Disraeli, Gladstone and Revolution: The Passing of the Sec- ond Reform Bill (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1967). Crosby, Travis, The Two Mr Gladstones: A Study in Psychology and History (New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1997). Ellens, J. P., Religious Routes to Gladstonian Liberalism: The Church Rate Conflict in England and Wales, 1832–1868 (University Park, Pennsylvania, Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994). Erb, P. C., ‘Politics and Theological Liberalism: William Gladstone and Mrs. Humphry Ward’, Journal of Religious History, 25: 2 (2001), pp. 158–72. Feuchtwanger, Edgar J., Gladstone, 2nd edn (Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1989). Francis, Peter (ed.), The Gladstone Umbrella: Papers Delivered at the Gladstone Cen- tenary Conference, 1998 (Hawarden, Monad Press, 2001). Gardiner, J. P., ‘Gladstone, Gossip and the Post-War Generation’, Historical Research, 74:186 (2001), pp. 409–24. Goodlad, G. D., ‘The Liberal Party and Gladstone’s Land Purchase Bill of 1886’, Historical Journal, 32: 3 (1989), pp. 627–41. Gunter, C., and Maloney, J., ‘Did Gladstone Make a Difference? Rhetoric and Reality in mid-Victorian Finance’, Accounting, Business and Financial History, 9 (1999), pp. 325–47. Hamer, David, ‘Gladstone: The Making of a Political Myth’, Victorian Studies, 22:1 (1979), pp. 29–50. Harrison, R., Gladstone’s Imperialism in Egypt: Techniques of Domination (Westport, Ct., Greenwood, 1995). Hopkins, Anthony, ‘The Victorians and Egypt: A Reconsideration of the Occupa- tion of Egypt, 1882’, Journal of African History, 27 (1986), pp. 363–91. Howe, Anthony, Free Trade and Liberal England (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1997). Jagger, P. J., Gladstone: The Making of a Christian Politician. The Personal and Reli- gious Life of William Ewart Gladstone (Addison Park, Pa., Pickwick Publications, 1991). — (ed.), Gladstone (London, Hambledon, 1998). — (ed.), Gladstone, Politics and Religion: A Collection of Founder’s Day Lectures at St Deiniol’s Library, Hawarden, 1967–83 (London, Macmillan, 1985). Jenkins, Roy, Gladstone (Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1995). Jenkins, T. A., Gladstone, Whiggery and the Liberal Party, 1874–1886 (Oxford, Clarendon, 1988). —, Parliament, Party and Politics in Victorian Britain (Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1996). —, The Liberal Ascendancy (Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1994). Bibliography 203

Kelly, R., and Cantrell, J. (eds), Modern British Statesmen, 1867–1945 (Manches- ter, Manchester University Press, 1997). Kinzer, Bruce (ed.), The Gladstonian Turn of Mind (Toronto, Toronto University Press, 1985). Lathbury, D. C., Mr Gladstone (London, Moulray, 1907). Loughlin, James, Gladstone, Home Rule and the Ulster Question, 1882–1893 (Dub- lin, Gill and Macmillan, 1986). Lubenow, Walter, Parliamentary Politics and the Home Rule Crisis, 1886 (Oxford, Clarendon, 1988). Lynch, Michael, ‘Was Gladstone a Tractarian? W. E. Gladstone and the Oxford Movement, 1833–45’, Journal of Religious History, 8 (1975), pp. 364–89. Machin, G. I. T., Politics and the Churches in Great Britain, 1832 to 1868 (Oxford, Clarendon, 1977). Marlow, Joyce, Mr And Mrs Gladstone: An Intimate Biography (London, Weiden- feld and Nicolson, 1977). Matthew, Colin, Gladstone, 1809–1898 (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1999). Meisel, Joseph, Public Speech and the Culture of Public Life in the Age of Gladstone (New York, Columbia University Press, 2001). —, ‘The Importance of Being Serious: The Unexplored Connection between Gladstone and Humour’, History, 84:274 (1999), pp. 278–300. Morley, John,The Life of William Ewart Gladstone, (3 vols, London, Macmillan, 1904). Parry, Jonathan, Democracy and Religion: Gladstone and the Liberal Party, 1867– 1875 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1986). —, The Rise and Fall of Liberal Government in Victorian Britain (New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1993). Parsons, F. D., ‘Ignis fatuus vs pons asinorum: William Gladstone and Propor- tional Representation, 1867–1885’, Parliamentary History, 21:3 (2002), pp. 374–85. Partridge, Michael, Gladstone (London and New York, Routledge, 2003). Ramm, Agatha, William Ewart Gladstone (Cardiff, G. P. C. Books, 1989). —, ‘Gladstone’s Religion’, Historical Journal, 28:2 (1985), pp. 327–40. Robinson, Ronald, Gallagher, John, and Denny, Alice, Africa and the Victorians, 2nd edn (London, Macmillan, 1981). Saab, A. P., Reluctant Icon: Gladstone, Bulgaria and the Working Classes, 1856–1878 (London, Harvard University Press, 1989). Schreuder, Deryck, ‘Gladstone and Italian Unification: The Making of a Liberal?’, English Historical Review, 85:336 (1970), pp. 475–501. 204 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I)

Searle, G. R., The Liberal Party: Triumph and Disintegration, 1886–1929 (Basing- stoke, Macmillan, 1992). Shannon, Richard, Gladstone, vol. 1, 1809–1865 (London, Hamish Hamilton, 1982); vol. 2, Heroic Minister, 1865–1898 (London, Allen Lane, 1999). Steele, David, Palmerston and Liberalism, 1855–1865 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1991). Swartz, Martin, The Politics of British Foreign Policy in the Age of Disraeli and Glad- stone (Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1985). Vincent, John, The Formation of the Liberal Party, 1857–1868, 2nd edn (Hassocks, Harvester Press, 1976). Warren, A., ‘Gladstone, Land and Social Reconstruction in Ireland, 1881–1887’, Parliamentary History, 2 (1983), pp. 153–73.

NOTES

Benjamin Disraeli (Part II)

[Anon.], ‘Lord Beaconsfield. I. – Why we follow him. II. – Why we disbelieve in him.’ p. 56, l. 45: David Urquhart: David Urquhart (1805–77), was a diplomatist and parliamentarian who became MP for Stafford in 1847. In 1848 he pressed for an investigation in to Palmerston’s tenure of the Foreign Office and published speeches under the title Debates on Motion for Papers with a View to the Impeachment of … Palmerston. He criticized British involvement in the Crimean War as a violation of the rights of the Ottoman Empire to govern its own internal affairs and formed ‘foreign affairs committees’ to press for an investigation of the government’s conduct. Urquhart subsequently established the Free Press (afterwards The Diplomatic Review) to publicize his campaign. Urquhart’s open Turcophilia and Russophobia was maintained in a legion of energetic and lucid publications between the 1830s and the 1860s; his knowledge of eastern European politics was acknowledged by Disraeli.

Frederick Arthur Hyndman, The National or Factional Party: Which Shall Win? p. 79, l. 1: Nihil Forti Difficile: ‘Forti Nihil Difficile’ [All is easy to the brave] was Disraeli’s motto. p. 83, l. 10: Globe: In its review of Disraeli’s Vindication of the English Constitu- tion in a Letter to a Noble and Learned Lord on 25 December 1835, The Globe and Traveller accused Disraeli of political opportunism in allying himself first to O’Connell and then to Lyndhurst and charged him with soliciting Daniel O’Connell for political support. Disraeli refuted the charge in separate letters to The Globe and The Times, dated 26 and 28 December 1835.

405 406 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) Charles Dunlop, Beaconsfield Brilliants: Being Choice Selections from the Speeches and Works of the Late Benjamin Disraeli, Earl of Beaconsfield p. 117, l. 21: R Smith: Robert John Smith (1796–1868) succeeded his father as 2nd Baron Carrington in 1838. He was the Whig MP for Wycombe between 1831 and 1838. p. 117, l. 38: Erskine Perry: Thomas Erskine Perry (1806–82) was the second son of James Perry, editor of the Morning Chronicle. He was closely associated with the parliamentary reform movement in 1831–2 but failed in his attempts to enter Parliament. He devoted himself to a legal career, becoming judge of the supreme court of Bombay; Erskine Perry was knighted in 1841.

James Bryce, ‘Lord Beaconsfield’, Century Magazine p. 133, col. 2, ll. 59–60: Ellenborough, Cairns: Edward Law (1790–1871), 1st Earl of Ellenborough, served as Lord Privy Seal (1828–9) and President of the Board of Control (1828–30, 1834–5) in the administrations of Wellington and Peel. He became Governor-General of India in 1841 but was recalled three years later following extensive disagreements with the directors of the East India Company. Though he served Peel as First Lord of the Admiralty in 1846, he subsequently transferred his political allegiance to Derby and resumed office as President of the Board of Control in 1858. He was forced to resign this position after the publication (without prior consultation with cabinet or crown) of a despatch censuring Lord Canning’s actions, after the fall of Lucknow, in confis- cating Oudh. Hugh McCalmont (1819–85), 1st Earl Cairns, entered Parliament as MP for Belfast in 1852 and became a Queen’s Counsel four years later. Lord Derby appointed him solicitor-general in his second ministry and attorney-general in his third, with a promise of the Lord Chancellorship. Cairns was elevated as Baron Cairns of Garmoyle, County Antrim in 1867 and served Disraeli as Lord Chancellor in both his administrations (1868, 1874–80).

Lord Randolph Churchill, ‘Elijah’s Mantle; April 19th, 1883’ p. 176, l. 35: Alabama claims: in the American Civil War, the Confederacy’s prize vessel was the British-built Alabama. It was sunk in international waters in June 1864 by the Union vessel Kearsage. After the war, Amer- ica pursued damages against Britain for the damages inflicted by the Alabama. In 1871, after Swiss arbitration in the case, damages were awarded against Britain and accepted by Gladstone’s first ministry (to popular hostility). Notes 407 p. 177, ll. 34–35: Milner Gibson: Thomas Milner-Gibson (1806–84), became Conservative MP for Ipswich in 1837 but resigned and transferred to the opposition in 1839. He was a close associate of Cobden’s and a keen advocate of free trade, being returned as MP for Manchester in 1841; he lost the seat sixteen years later in reaction against his opposition to the Crimean War. Gibson served in various offices under Russell and Palmerston; notably, as president of the Board of Trade (1859–66). p. 181, l. 27: Wilfrid Lawson: Wilfrid Lawson (1829–1906), entered Parlia- ment (with his uncle, Sir James Graham) as the MP for Carlisle in 1859. He succeeded his father as 2nd Baronet in 1867. Considered a radical Liberal and an opponent of Palmerston, Lawson’s watchwords were ‘peace, retrenchment and reform’. He was chiefly known for his association with the cause of temperance reform and (between 1871 and 1874) annually proposed a permissive bill, providing for drink shops to be suppressed in any locality where a two-thirds majority of inhabitants were in favour. p. 181, l. 31: Jesse Collings: Jesse Collings (1831–1920), was a supporter of free and non-sectarian elementary education and land reform. He served as mayor of Birmingham in 1878 and was returned to Parliament as the Liberal MP for Ipswich in 1880. He was closely associated with the municipal politics of Joseph Chamberlain at Birmingham and the agricultural claims pursued by Joseph Arch’s National Agricultural Labourers’ Union. In 1882, Collings secured the Allotments Extension Act and three years later pioneed the slogan ‘three acres and a cow’ as the cry of the land reform campaign.

William Ewart Gladstone (Part I)

John McGilchrist, The Life of William Ewart Gladstone p. 215, l. 13: The name Gladstone, or Gladstanes: This account of Gladstone’s family origins seems to be accurate, see J. Morley, The Life of William Ewart Gladstone (3 vols, London, Macmillan,1903), vol. 1, pp. 7–10. p. 220, l. 15: Mr Brougham: Henry Peter Brougham, 1st Baron Brougham & Vaux (1778–1868), lawyer, co-founder of the Edinburgh Review, Whig Lord Chancellor 1830–4. p. 220, l. 28: Robertson Gladstone: Robertson Gladstone (1805–75) went into the family business. He was also active in local politics in Liverpool, was a radical, and, in his later years, rather eccentric. 408 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) p. 221, ll. 24–5: William Roscoe (1753–1831): Whig MP for Liverpool, 1806– 7. p. 221, l. 26: George Canning: George Canning (1770–1827) was President of the Board of Control (1816–21), Foreign Secretary (1807–9, 1822–7) and Prime Minister (April – August 1827). He was a Liberal Tory, and MP for Liverpool from 1812 to 1822. p. 221, l. 31: Creevey: Thomas Creevey (1768–1838) stood for election in Liv- erpool in 1812 as a Whig candidate, but was defeated. He was later MP for Appleby (1820–6) and Daunton (1831–2). p. 222, l. 1: General Gascoyne: Isaac Gascoyne (1770–1841). MP for Liverpool from 1802 to 1830. p. 222, l. 13: Marlborough family: Spencer-Churchill family, Dukes of Marl- borough. Their seat at Blenheim Palace is near Woodstock, Oxfordshire. John Gladstone was MP for Lancaster (1818–20), Wood- stock (1820–6) and Berwick (1826–7). p. 222, l. 17: his first wife: John Gladstone married Jane Hall in 1792. She died childless in 1798. p. 222, l. 19: Ann Robertson: Anne Robertson married John Gladstone in 1800 and died in 1835. p. 222, l. 26: Sir Thomas: Thomas, John Gladstone’s oldest son (1804–89). He was a Conservative MP, but did not have a successful political career. p. 222, 1. 27: One daughter: The surviving daughter was Helen (1814–80). p. 222, l. 27: John Neilson: He was born in 1807, served in the Royal Navy until 1842, and was later an MP. He died in 1863. p. 222, ll. 29–30: Sir Robert Peel: Sir Robert Peel (1788–1850), 2nd Baronet. Chief Secretary for Ireland (1812–21), Home Secretary (1822–7, 1828–30) and Prime Minister (1834–5, 1841–1846). Generally regarded as founder of the nineteenth-century Conservative Party, due to his acceptance of the Parliamentary Reform Act of 1832 as ‘final set- tlement’ of the question. His second ministry saw noteworthy reforms on economic and social questions, but the party was shattered by his decision to repeal the Corn Laws, abolishing import duties on grain. Many of Peel’s party, led by Lord Derby, Lord George Bentinck and Benjamin Disraeli, voted against this. p. 223, l. 9: Mr Cardwell: Edward Cardwell (1813–86). Entered Parliament in 1842. Like Gladstone, he was a Peelite who became a Liberal. He was Chief Secretary for Ireland (1859–61), Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster (1861–4) and Colonial Secretary (1864–6). He is best known for his army reforms carried out while he was Secretary for War in Gladstone’s first ministry (1868–74). p. 223, l. 18: Rev Mr Rawson: William Rawson was the headmaster of Glad- stone’s first school at Bootle. Notes 409 p. 223, l. 19: Venerable Archdeacon Jones: He was the first clergyman at St Tho- mas’s, Seaforth, a church which John Gladstone had built between 1814 and 1815. He later became Archdeacon of Liverpool. p. 225, ll. 3–4: more than one of his Eton and Christchurch contemporaries and friends: Actually, his only companion was his brother, John. p. 225, l. 6: Mr Sidney Herbert and Lord Lincoln: Sidney Herbert, Lord Herbert of Lea (1810–61), was twice Secretary at War (1845–6, 1852–55) and later Secretary for War (1859–61). He and Gladstone knew each other at Oxford, but only became friends later in life. Henry Pelham Fiennes Pelham-Clinton (1811–64), Lord Lincoln, afterwards 5th Duke of Newcastle. He and Gladstone were close friends. Lord Lincoln was Sec- retary for War in the Aberdeen coalition ministry (1852–5) and Colonial Secretary under Palmerston (1859–64). p. 225, l. 8: father of the latter: Henry Pelham-Clinton, 4th Duke of Newcastle. Unlike his son, the 4th Duke was an arch-Tory opponent of reform. p. 225, l. 22: the ballot: In 1872, Gladstone’s government passed the Ballot Act, introducing the secret ballot and abolishing the public nomination of MPs. p. 225, l. 23: apologetic address: Gladstone spoke on 12 and 19 March 1834 on this matter. p. 227, l. 23: Lord Althorp: John Charles Spencer (1782–1845), 3rd Earl Spen- cer. He was Whig Chancellor of the Exchequer and Leader of the House of Commons from 1830 to 1834, but retired from politics when he became Earl Spencer. p. 227, l. 30: Duke of Wellington: Arthur Wellesley, 1st Duke of Wellington (1769–1852). He had been Prime Minister from 1828 to 1830, but felt Peel would be a better Prime Minister in 1834. He served as Foreign Secretary in this ministry and as Minister without Portfolio in Peel’s 1841–6 ministry. In addition, he was Commander-in-Chief of the Army (1827–8, and from 1842 until his death). p. 228, l. 4: ‘Journal’ of Mr Raikes: T. Raikes, A Portion of the Journal Kept by Thomas Raikes Esq. from 1831 to 1847, Comprising Reminiscences of Social and Political Life in London and Paris during that Period (4 vols, 1856–7). p. 228, l. 7: Colonel [now General] Peel: Jonathan Peel, Sir Robert’s younger brother (1799–1879). General Peel stayed loyal to the ‘Protectionist’ Conservative Party and resigned from his brother’s government in 1846. He served as Secretary for War (1858–1859, 1866–1867), but resigned in March 1867 in opposition to the Conservative government’s Reform Bill. p. 228, l. 10: Granville: Granville Leveson Gower, 1st Earl Granville (d. 1846). He was British ambassador in Paris at this time. 410 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) p. 229, l. 33: Serjeant Wilde: Thomas Wilde (1782–1855) was Serjeant at Law and Whig MP for Newark (1831–2, 1835–41). p. 229, l. 17: O’Connell’s tail: Irish nationalist followers of Daniel O’Connell (1775–1847) in Parliament. p. 229, l. 28: temporalities of the Irish Church: Lord John Russell proposed an appropriation of surplus revenues of the Church of Ireland. p. 229, l. 29: Lord John Russell: Lord John, 1st Earl Russell (1792–1878), son of the 6th Duke of Bedford. Russell was Whig Home Secretary and Leader of the House of Commons (1835–41) and Prime Minister (1846–52). He was intermittently part of Aberdeen’s coalition government, but did not join Palmerston in February 1855. He did join him in 1859, however, becoming Foreign Secretary. He became leader of the Liberal Party and Prime Minister on Palmerston’s death in October 1865, but retired from active politics on the fall of his government in 1866. p. 230, l. 27: Canadian troubles: There were ‘disturbances’ both in predominantly English-speaking Upper Canada and predominantly French- speaking Lower Canada in 1837. p. 230, l. 31: Papineau Louis-Joseph Papineau (1786–1871) was a French- Canadian nationalist. He led the revolt against the British government in Lower Canada in 1837. p. 231, l. 27: Mr George Thompson: George Thompson (1804–78) was a campaigner against slavery. p. 232, l. 6: revised pamphlet form: Speech delivered in the House of Commons on the Motion of Sir George Strickland, for the Abolition of the Negro Appren- ticeship, Friday, March 30, 1838 (London, 1838). p. 232, l. 12: Mr Buxton was chairman: Thomas Fowell Buxton (1786–1845) was MP for Weymouth (1818–37) and a veteran anti-slavery campaigner. He had called for a select committee on the apprenticeship system in 1836. Gladstone was a member of the committee. p. 233, l. 25: Sir George: Sir George Strickland. p. 234, ll. 13–14: he voted for the abolition of slavery: He did not vote for the abolition of slavery. p. 234, l. 14: first words he ever uttered: According to Morley, they were spoken on a Newark petition on 30 April 1833. p. 234, l. 17: Lord Howick: Henry George Grey, 3rd Earl Grey (1802–94). At this time he was Under-Secretary at the Colonial Office. Later he was Secretary at War (1835–9) and Colonial Secretary in Russell’s government (1846–52). p. 235, l. 10: Jews to political enfranchisement: By 1847 he had changed his mind and voted in favour of the admission of Jews to parliament. Notes 411 p. 235, l. 14: Lord Morpeth: George Howard (1802–64), later 7th Earl of Car- lisle. In 1839 he was Chief Secretary for Ireland. p. 237, ll. 19–20: Mr Gladstone’s life-long friend, Lord Lyttelton: George, 4th Lord Lyttelton. He was a classical scholar, and he and Gladstone worked together on Latin translations. Lyttelton and Mary Glynne had twelve children. She died in 1857. After years of suffering from depres- sion, he committed suicide in 1876. The two families were very close. p. 237, l. 25: Macaulay: Thomas Babington Macaulay (1800–59). Historian and Whig politician. His review was published in the Edinburgh Review in April 1839. p. 237, l. 27–38: State in its Relations with the Church: London, 1838. Two more editions were published in 1839 and a fourth ‘revised and enlarged’ edition in 1841.

James Brinsley-Richards, ‘Mr Gladstone’s Oxford Days’ p. 241, l. 2: Carlyle: Thomas Carlyle (1795–1881), historian. p. 241, l. 15: Dean of Christ Church: Henry George Liddell who matriculated at Christ Church in 1829 and became Dean in 1855. He was a classical scholar and a friend of Gladstone. p. 241, l. 24: Gladstone noted ‘no’ in the margin – he did not have rooms in the ‘Old Library’. p. 241, l. 14: Mr Tennyson: Alfred, Lord Tennyson (1809–92), Poet Laureate. p. 241, ll. 26–7: John Newman (the cardinal): John Henry Newman (1801–90) was educated at Trinity College, Oxford and later taught at Oxford. He was a leading member of the Oxford Movement, and converted to Roman Catholicism in 1845. He was created a Cardinal in 1879. p. 242, l. 31: Apologia: Apologia pro vita sua, published 1864–5. p. 243, l. 2: Dr Turner: Dr J. M. Turner of Wilmslow, Cheshire. Gladstone noted that he spent only three months with Turner, not two years. p. 243, l. 4: Arthur Hallam and Gerald Wellesley: Arthur Henry Hallam (1811– 33) was Gladstone’s closest friend at Eton. At Cambridge he became a very close friend of Tennyson, who dedicated his In Memoriam to him. Gerald Valerian Wellesley (1809–82) was a nephew of the Duke of Wel- lington. He was Dean of Windsor for many years and advised Gladstone on ecclesiastical patronage. p. 243, l. 7: Sir Francis Doyle: Sir Francis Hastings Doyle (1810–88). At Eton and Christchurch with Gladstone. A close friend, he was also best man at Gladstone’s wedding. Thereafter relations cooled. Doyle became a lawyer, but was Professor of Poetry at Oxford from 1867 to 1877. p. 243, l. 11: Remains: privately published by Hallam’s father. The mark in the margin is a sign of Gladstone’s agreement with this statement. 412 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) p. 243, l. 12: George Selwyn: George Selwyn studied at St John’s College, Cam- bridge (1827–33). He was Bishop of New Zealand (1846–67) and then Bishop of Lichfield until his death in 1878. p. 243, l. 13: Eton Miscellany: A school newspaper jointly edited by Gladstone and George Selwyn. p. 243, l. 15: eldest brother William: William Selwyn studied at St John’s Col- lege, Cambridge (1824–9). He had a distinguished academic career and died in 1875. p. 243, l. 18: William Jelf: b. 1811, d. 1875. William Jelf had an academic career. p. 243, ll. 19–20: Frederick Rogers (Lord Blachford): He was Permanent Under- Secretary of State at the Colonial Office from 1859 to 1871. p. 243, l. 21: C. J. Canning: b. 1812, d. 1862, son of George Canning. He was a Peelite politician and held junior office in Peel’s 1841–6 government. Most famously he was Governor-General of India (and later Viceroy) during the ‘mutiny’ and its aftermath (1855–62). p. 243, l. 22: Honourable J. Bruce: James Bruce, 8th Earl of Elgin and 12th Earl of Kincardine (1811–63). Educated at Eton and Christchurch and a friend of Gladstone. Governor of Jamaica, Governor-General of British North America and Viceroy of India. He was felt to be a loyal servant of the Empire, though with some reservations about British policy. p. 243, l. 25: Earl of Lincoln: see above, p. 409 p. 243, l. 26: Robert Phillimore: Robert Joseph Phillimore (1810–85), friend of Gladstone. Entered the legal profession but became an MP, after several attempts, in 1853. Generally on Gladstone’s side. p. 243, ll. 27–8: Charles Wordsworth: A nephew of William, he was later War- den of Trinity College, Glenalmond, and Bishop of St Andrews. p. 244, l. 6: Gladstone did not agree with this account of his mathematical knowledge. p. 244, l. 11: at once: Gladstone wrote ‘no’ in the margin at this point. He was nominated to a studentship, but not ‘at once’. p 244, l. 12: Gladstone thought it was only £50, though the question mark suggests he was not sure. p 244, l. 30: Dean Samuel Smith: He was Dean of Christ Church between 1824 and 1831. p 245: Gladstone noted ‘This page is fabulous’, and it does seem to be fictitious. p 245, ll. 7–8: Gladstone’s friend could not have visited the family at Fasque in 1829. John Gladstone did not buy the estate until 1833. p. 245, l. 24: Mary: Gladstone did not have a sister Mary. His sisters were Anne, who died in 1829, and Helen. Notes 413 p. 247, ll. 34–5: Mr Martin Tupper: Martin Farquhar Tupper (1810–89), writer and poet. p. 247, ll. 39–40: Marquis of Abercorn: James Hamilton. He was Lord Lieuten- ant of Ireland (1866–8,1874–6) and created Duke of Abercorn in 1885. p. 247, l. 41: Lord Douglas: William Hamilton Douglas, 11th Duke of Hamil- ton (1811–63). p. 247, l. 42: Lord Ramsay: James Andrew Brown Ramsay (1812–60), 10th Earl and 1st Marquis of Dalhousie. Dalhousie was Vice-President of the Board of Trade (1843–5) and succeeded Gladstone as President in 1845. Between 1848 and 1856 he was Governor-General of India. p. 247, l. 43: Robert Scott: classical scholar. p. 247, l. 43: Cornewall Lewis: Sir George Cornewall Lewis (1806–63). Whig MP. Succeeded Gladstone as Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1855 and held that post until 1858. He was Home Secretary from 1859 to 1861 and Secretary for War from 1861 until his death. p. 248, ll. 12–13: Archibald Tait and Henry Manning: Archibald Campbell Tait (1811–82) was Bishop of London from 1856 to 1868 and Archbishop of Canterbury from 1868 until his death in 1882. Henry Edward Man- ning (1805–92) studied at Oxford, became an Anglican priest and Archdeacon of Chichester. He converted to Catholicism in 1851 and became Archbishop of Westminster in 1865 and a Cardinal in 1875. Gladstone’s note suggests he did not think either Tait or Manning attended Biscoe’s lectures. p. 248, ll. 14–15: Sidney Herbert: see above, p. 409. p. 248, l. 17: Gladstone appeared to doubt Manning was ever a Whig and he thought the points about him being a disappointed young man and a very restless member of the Church of England were worth noting. p. 248, l. 31: Keble: John Keble (1792–1866), educated at Oxford, Fellow of Oriel College and Professor of Poetry (1831–41). He was one of the authors of Tracts for our Times and a leading member of the Oxford Movement. p. 248, l. 32: In 1829 before Gladstone: Gladstone wrote here ‘I went in 1828’. p. 248, l. 33: Catholic emancipation: In 1829 the Penal Laws which prevented Catholics from holding official positions were repealed by Wellington’s government. Peel had previously opposed Catholic emancipation but had changed his views. He was MP for Oxford University from 1818 until 1829. p. 248, l. 38: Mr Gathorne Hardy: Gathorne Hardy (1814–1906), educated at Oxford. He became a Conservative MP in 1856. He was Home Secre- tary (1867–8), Secretary for War (1874–8) and Secretary for India (1878–80). Between 1885 and 1892 he was Lord President of the 414 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) Council. He was created Viscount Cranbrook in 1878 and Earl in 1892. p. 248, ll. 38–9: Sir Robert Inglis: Robert Harry Inglis (1786–1855). Elected for Dundalk (1824–6), Ripon (1828) and Oxford. An opponent of Catholic relief, Parliamentary reform, the Maynooth Grant and income tax, but a supporter of factory reforms and the campaign against the slave trade. p. 248, l. 43: Dr Lloyd: Charles Lloyd (1784–1829). Bishop of Oxford (Febru- ary 1827 – May 1829). p. 249, ll. 4–5: Canon Oakeley: Frederick Oakeley. p. 249, l. 13: The father of ‘Tom Brown’: A reference to Tom Brown’s Schooldays. Thomas Hughes studied at Oxford in the 1840s. p. 249, l. 17: Dr Marsham, Master of Merton: Dr Robert Marsham was Master of Merton from 1826 until his death in 1880 at the age of ninety-four. p. 250, l. 23: Gladstone was elected to the Union: The mark suggests Gladstone disagreed with this statement. p. 250, ll. 28–9: Richard Monckton Milnes: b. 1809, d. 1889. A Cambridge ‘Apostle’, he became MP for Pontefract in 1837 and remained in this position until elevated to the House of Lords in 1863. He is remem- bered as a speaker, philanthropist and traveller, who ascended in a balloon and dived in a diving bell. p. 251, ll. 15–16: has to this day a Northern burr: The mark ‘v’ suggests Glad- stone felt that this was true. p. 251, ll. 20–1: Milnes Gaskell: James Milnes Gaskell, MP for Wenlock (1832–68), Junior Lord of the Treasury (1841–6). A lifelong friend of Gladstone. p. 252, l. 2: Lord John Russell: see above, p. 410. p. 252, l. 2: Croker: John Wilson Croker (1780–1857), Tory politician. p. 252, l. 28: Clumber during the Long Vacation: Gladstone said this was not true. Clumber Park was the Duke of Newcastle’s country house. p. 252, l. 29: three years: one year later, according to Gladstone. p. 252, l. 30: pocket borough: Gladstone commented ‘far from a pocket borough’. It was indeed not strictly a pocket borough. There were contested elections, but the Duke of Newcastle had a great deal of influence as the major landowner in the borough. p. 252, l. 40: Marquis of Waterford: John Henry de la Poer Beresford (1814– 66). p. 253, l. 4: Mohawks: an eighteenth-century aristocratic gang. p. 253, l. 25: the aeger list: sick list. p. 254, ll. 17–18: The mark in the margin indicates Gladstone agreed. Notes 415 p. 254, l. 26: Lord Grey: Charles, 2nd Earl Grey (1764–1845), Whig leader, Prime Minister between 1830 and 1834. His government passed the ‘Great Reform Act’ of 1832. p. 254, l. 27: Brougham: see above, p. 407. p. 254, l. 30: Robert Lowe: Robert Lowe (1811–92), MP for London Univer- sity, Viscount Sherbrooke. In 1852 and 1855 he held office in the Aberdeen and Palmerston ministries, but in 1866 he led the Liberal opponents to Russell’s Reform Bill (the Adullamites). After this he served in Gladstone’s first ministry as Chancellor of the Exchequer (1868–73) and Home Secretary (1873–4). Ennobled in 1880. p. 254, l. 41: Brookes’s: Brookes’s Club was the informal headquarters of the Whig party. p. 255, l. 4: Townshend: Charles Townshend, 2nd Viscount (1674–1738). Wal- pole’s brother-in-law and sometime political colleague. p. 255, l. 4: Walpole: Sir Robert Walpole (1676–1745), generally regarded as Britain’s first Prime Minister. p. 255, l. 7: Macaulay: see above, p. 411. p. 255, l. 18: Pulteney: William, Earl of Bath (1684–1764) He was an opponent of Walpole. p. 255, l. 47: Tractarian movement: also known as Oxford Movement. The Tractarian Movement’s name derives from Tracts for the Times, written by Newman, Keble and Hurrell Froude and published in 1833. The aim was to reform the Church of England on ‘high’ church lines. p. 256, l. 5: Burton: Edward Burton, Regius Professor of Divinity. p. 256, ll. 6–7: Gladstone drew a line by this text and wrote ‘no’ in the margin. p. 256, l. 8: Rowland Hill and Chalmers: Rowland Hill (1744–1833), evangelical preacher. Thomas Chalmers (1780–1847), Presbyterian minister, and one of the founders of the Free Church of Scotland. p. 256, l. 9: Dr Gaisford: Thomas Gaisford, Dean of Christ Church (1831– 55). p. 256, l. 19: Thirty-Nine Articles: articles of faith of the Church of England, which all Oxford scholars had to swear to accept. p. 256, ll. 32–3: Prince Talleyrand: Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Perigord (1754–1838), French statesman. p. 256, ll. 34–8: double line by Gladstone. p. 257, l. 3: Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester: He donated books and money to the University. Died in 1447. p. 257, l. 17: Dr Whewell: William Whewell (1794–1866), Master of Trinity College, Cambridge (1841–66). p. 258, l. 4: Mr R. D. Hampden: Renn Dickson Hampden, Professor of Divin- ity at Oxford (1836–48) and Bishop of Hereford (1848–66). 416 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) p. 258, l. 7: Henry Denison: Gladstone wrote ‘no’ in the margin at this point. The Denison who was Bishop of Salisbury was named Edward and he was not a contemporary of Gladstone at Christ Church. Edward Deni- son was born in 1801 and died in 1854. p. 258, ll. 27–8: Ireland Scholarship: Dean Ireland Scholarship for classical composition. Gladstone entered for it in 1830 and 1831. p. 259, l. 8: marginal note by Gladstone: ‘no’. p. 259, l. 14: J. F. Maurice: see (John) Frederick Denison Maurice, Thoughts on the Duty of a Protestant, pp. 279–91 in this volume. p. 259, l. 28: tenax propositi: ‘firm of purpose’.

James Brinsley-Richards, ‘Mr Gladstone’s Early Politics’ p. 263, ll. 3–4: Mr Charles Wordsworth: see above, p. 412. p. 263, ll. 9–10: The Ireland Scholarship: see above, p. 416. p. 264, ll. 5–6: the Liverpool election: Gladstone’s father had acted as agent for the Tories in this campaign. p. 264, l. 9: Ewart: anti-Tory campaigner in the 1830 election; son of John Gladstone’s old friend and business associate William Ewart. The election ended friendly relations between the two families. p. 264, l. 10: Denison: (John) Evelyn Denison, Viscount Ossington (1800– 73). Educated at Christ Church. Held various seats in Parliament intermittently from 1823, but continuously from 1841 to his retirement in 1872. Unanimously elected as Speaker in 1857, 1859, 1866, and 1868. p. 264, ll. 18–19: the Debating Society: Gladstone was voted into the Debating Society, the Oxford Union, in October 1829 and made his first speech to it – in favour of the Treason and Sedition Acts of 1795 – in February 1830. p. 264, l. 20: Selwyn: George Selwyn, see above, p. 412. p. 264, l. 21: Gaskell: James Milnes Gaskell, see above, p. 414. p. 264, ll. 32–33: Brancker of Wadham: Thomas Brancker (c.1813–71) Fellow of Wadham College (1835–50). p. 264, l. 37: Scott: Robert Scott, see above, p. 413. p. 264, l. 37: Allies: Thomas William Allies of Wadham College. p. 264, l. 38: Herbert of Balliol: Henry Herbert, clergyman. p. 264, l. 38: Grove: Sir William Robert Grove, judge. p. 264, l. 39: Short: Thomas Vowler Short. p. 265, ll. 5–6: Thompson wrote ‘Rule Britannia’: James Thomson (1700–48). p. 265, l. 9: Butler: probably Thomas Butler of Wadham College. p. 265, l. 10: Kennedy: probably a reference to John Kennedy (c.1807–45) who was later in the diplomatic service. Notes 417 p. 265, l. 35: Saunders: Augustus Page Saunders (c.1809–78), Dean of Peter- borough from 1853. p. 266, l. 2: the Standard: a Tory daily paper founded in 1827. p. 266, l. 7: Canning: George Canning, see above, p. 408. p. 267, ll. 17–18: the Affirmation Bill: Gladstone attempted on 26 April 1883 to persuade the Commons to accept the principle of affirmation, rather than swearing an oath, for MPs. The bill was defeated by three votes. A Religious Disabilities Removal Act was finally passed on 4 February 1891. p. 267, l. 33: Sir G. Chetwynd: Sir George Chetwynd, Whig MP. p. 267, l. 33: Sir G. Phillips: Sir George Phillips (1789–1883), Whig MP (1820–52). p. 268, l. 3: Mr Attwood: Thomas Attwood (1783–1836), a Birmingham banker and founder of the Birmingham Political Union, which agitated for reform. p. 268, l. 8: Sir E. Knatchbull: Sir Edward Knatchbull (1781–1849), Ultra- Tory MP (1819–30, 1832–45). p. 268, l. 10: the Duke of Wellington: see above, p. 409. p. 268, l. 23: the French and Belgian revolutions: In 1830 the French ejected the last Bourbon king (Charles X) and the Belgians asserted their independ- ence from Holland. p. 268, ll. 24–25: the Ballot, Universal Suffrage and a National Guard: The secret ballot was introduced in 1872, and household suffrage in 1867. The ‘National Guard’ referred to here is the Rifle Volunteer Force, formed as a result of the 1859 ‘invasion scare’. p. 268, l. 40: Mr Schnadhorst: Francis Schnadhorst, Liberal party agent and ‘reputed arch-wire-puller’ (see R. Shannon, Gladstone Heroic Minister (London, Allen Lane, 1999), p. 435). p. 269, l. 2: Queen Adelaide: Adelaide of Saxe-Coburg-Meiningen, married to King William IV. p. 269, ll. 5–6: ‘The Young Duke’ by the author of ‘Vivian Grey’: Benjamin Disraeli. p. 269, ll. 20–4: line by Gladstone. p. 270, l. 15: Lord Grey: see above, p. 415. p. 270, l. 16: Lord John Russell: see above, p. 410. p. 270, l. 18: Brougham: see above, p. 407. p. 270, l. 20: O’Connell: Daniel O’Connell (1775–1847) Irish MP, campaigner for Catholic emancipation and repeal of the Union. p. 270, ll. 20–1: the ‘Edinburgh Review’: Whig quarterly journal. p. 270, l. 22: Sydney Smith: Whig clergyman and noted wit (1771–1845). p. 270, l. 23: Jeffrey: Francis, Lord Jeffrey (1773–1850), Whig MP 1831–4, editor of the Edinburgh Review (1803–29), judge. 418 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) p. 271, l. 42: the Clintons: Pelham-Clintons, Dukes of Newcastle. Nottingham Castle, which belonged to the Pelham-Clintons had been destroyed in the riots. p. 271, l. 47: The tick is a sign of approval by Gladstone. p. 271, ll. 47–50: line by Gladstone. p. 271, l. 57: the Earl of Lincoln: see above, p. 409. p. 272, l. 8: Lord Howick: see above, p. 410 p. 272, ll. 9–10: Mr John Gladstone: see above, p. 408 p. 272, ll. 17–21: lines by Gladstone. p. 272, l. 34: Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton: see above, p. 410. p. 273, l. 4: Sir Charles Wetherell: b. 1770, d. 1846. Tory MP (1812–18, 1820– 32). ‘Violent’ opponent of reform. p. 273, l. 19: tick by Gladstone. p. 273, ll. 19–21: double line by Gladstone. p. 273, l. 31: Irish Church Bill: a reference to the Irish Church Disestablish- ment Act (1870). p. 273, l. 31: Lord Wolverton – who was Mr Glynn: George Carr Glyn (b.1797), 1st Baron Wolverton (from 1869), Liberal MP (1847–68) and leading shareholder of the London & North Western Railway. p. 274, l. 3: Sir Robert Peel: see above, p. 408. p. 274, l. 6: ‘Greville Memoirs’: C. C. F. Greville, The Greville Memoirs: A Jour- nal of the Reigns of Kings George IV and King William IV (3 vols, London, 1874); A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria (to 1860) (5 vols, London, 1880). p. 274, l. 10: tick by Gladstone. p. 274, l. 10: Melbourne: William Lamb (1779–1848). Viscount Melbourne, Whig MP (1806–29), Home Secretary (1830–4); and Prime Minister (1834, 1835–41). p. 274, l. 12: Duchess of Kent: Victoria of Saxe-Saalfeld-Coburg (1786–1861), Queen Victoria’s mother. p. 274, l. 33: tick by Gladstone. p. 274, ll. 36–8: double line by Gladstone. p. 275, l. 6: Lord Aberdeen’s Ministry of Peelites: The Aberdeen coalition ministry; a combination of Whigs and Peelites, lasting from December 1852 to January 1855. p. 275, l. 10: Sir James Graham: James Robert George Graham (1792–1861). Whig First Lord of the Admiralty (1830–4), Home Secretary in Peel’s government (1841–6), First Lord of the Admiralty in the Aberdeen coalition (1852–5). p. 275, l. 11: Sidney Herbert: see above, p. 409. p. 275, l. 25: tick by Gladstone. Notes 419 p. 275, l. 33: Duke of Newcastle: Henry Pelham-Clinton, 5th Duke of Newcas- tle, see above, p. 409. p. 275, l. 41: Lady Susan Douglas: The marriage ended in an acrimonious divorce in 1850. p. 275, ll. 41–2: Duke of Hamilton: 10th Duke of Hamilton.

Frederick Maurice, Thoughts on the Duty of a Protestant p. 279, l. 5: Mr Round: James Thomas Round (1798–1860). Tory (and evangelical) candidate for Oxford University in 1847. p. 281, l. 8: Dissenting Chapels Bill: On 6 June, 1844 Gladstone spoke in favour of this bill, which gave property rights to Unitarian chapels. p. 281, ll. 9–10: increased and fixed endowment to Maynooth: Gladstone voted for this increased grant to St Patrick’s Seminary, Maynooth, having previously resigned from the Cabinet, because he had been opposed to it. p. 282, l. 18: Sir R. Inglis: see above, p. 414. p. 284, l. 13: Dr Murray and Dr McHale: Daniel Murray, Roman Catholic archbishop of Dublin (d. 1852), and John McHale (1791–1881), Roman Catholic archbishop of Tuam. p. 284, l. 21: Mr Ward: William George Ward (1812–82), theologian and phi- losopher. Ward was a Tractarian who converted to Catholicism and was deprived of his MA by Oxford Convocation in 1845 for his religious views.

Edward Harper, Mr Gladstone Answered p. 297, l. 7, ‘Chapter of Autobiography’: published by Gladstone (London, November 1868). p. 297, l. 25: ill-omened mandate touching the Irish Church: a reference to Glad- stone’s tabling of three Commons resolutions in April 1868, calling for disestablishment of the Church of Ireland. p. 297, l. 27: Mr Lowe: see above, p. 415. p. 299, l. 21: Mr Canning: see above, p. 408. p. 300, l. 15: The Star: a London evening paper, founded 1856. A strongly Lib- eral publication. p. 300, l. 16: John Bright: b. 1811, d. 1889. MP, son of a Rochdale textile man- ufacturer. A prominent member of the Anti-Corn-Law League in the 1840s. He was well known for supporting the northern states in the American Civil War in opposition to Gladstone, but joined his ministry as President of the Board of Trade in 1868. He resigned in December 1870, but rejoined Gladstone in the 1880 Cabinet. A staunch radical. p. 300, l. 41: Calcraft: John Calcraft (1726–72). A parliamentarian with a reputation for changing sides. 420 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) p. 301, ll. 9–10: took more than thirty years to bring it about: Gladstone published The State in its Relations with the Church in December 1838. p.301, ll. 23–24: Earl Russell: see above, p. 410. p.301, l. 43: Sir Robert Peel: see above, p. 408. p.301, ll. 43–4: Maynooth Endowment Bill: see above, p. 419. p.302, ll. 4–5: Earl Russell rushed some months ago into print: see Corrected Report of the Speech of the Earl Russell on the Irish Church, on the 24th of June, 1867 (London, 1867). p.302, l. 6: Chichester Fortescue: MP (1823–98), Under-Secretary for the Colo- nies (1857–8, 1859–65), promoted to Chief Secretary for Ireland in 1868. He succeeded John Bright in 1870, but lost his seat in the 1874 General Election, and was created Viscount Carlingford as a result. p. 302, ll. 23–4: Payment of Romish priests as chaplains in the army, navy, and prisons: These measures were introduced. p. 303, l. 24: Bedlam: the Bethlehem Royal Hospital (for the Insane). p. 303, ll. 41–2: Fleeing direct for St Stephen’s, making Greenwich your port of call: By the 1867 Reform Act, Gladstone’s South Lancashire constituency was divided into two parts. He decided to stand for one of these, and the Greenwich constituency. p. 304, l. 22: Mr Miall and Mr Dillwyn and Mr Maguire: Edward Miall (1809– 81), MP for Rochdale (1852–7) and Bradford (1869–74). Radical Lib- eral and Nonconformist. Lewis Llewellyn Dillwyn, MP for Swansea. John Francis Maguire, Liberal MP for Cork, who raised the question of the Irish Church in 1868. All three men campaigned for church disestablishment. p. 304, ll. 28–9: brawny arm of Fenianism: the Fenian Brotherhood, founded in the United States in 1858, calling for the establishment of an Irish republic. In the spring of 1867 some 1,200 men gathered at Chester, to where a battalion of guards was sent. On 13 December two people were killed in an explosion outside Clerkenwell gaol, aimed at the release of two Fenian prisoners held there. p. 304, ll. 34–5: vox clamantis in deserto: ‘The voice of one crying in the wilderness’. p. 305, ll. 24–5: Dr Pusey: Edward Bouverie Pusey (1800–82). One of the ‘Association of the Friends of the Church’ (The Oxford Movement), which published Tracts for the Times, and Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. In 1843 he was dismissed for ‘heresy’. He became a Roman Catholic. p. 305, l. 2: Mr Keble: see above, p. 416. p. 306, l. 45: Regium Donum: government grant, lit. ‘royal gift’. p. 308, l. 45: Alderman Salomons: Gladstone’s colleague as the other Liberal MP for Greenwich. Notes 421 p. 308, l. 4: auto da fe: a burning at the stake.

F. A., ‘William Ewart Gladstone: A Study of Character’ p. 313, l. 6: Moore’s Alciphron: Thomas Moore, Alciphron, (J. MacRone, Lon- don, 1839). p. 314, col. 2, l. 23: Sir Robert Peel: see above, p. 408. p. 314, col. 2, l. 40: Wilberforce: William Wilberforce (1759–1833), independent MP. Evangelical and campaigner against the slave trade, friend of William Pitt, the Younger. p. 315, col. 1, l. 22: Tadpoles and Tapers: Two characters in Disraeli’s novel Coningsby (published in 1844), the personification of party hacks. p. 315, col. 1, ll. 58–9: Sir James Graham: see above, p. 418. p. 315, col. 2, ll. 35–6: Demosthenes: Demosthenes (c. 384–c.322 BC). Athe- nian orator and statesman. p. 316, col. 1, l. 2: Macaulay: see above, p. 411. p. 316, col. 1, l. 2: Sheil: Richard Lalor Sheil (1791–1851), MP (1830–51). p 316, col. 1, l. 28: Mr Bernal Osborne: R. Bernal Osborne (1808–82). p. 316, col. 2, l. 7: Mr Canning: see above, p. 408. p. 316, col. 2, ll. 15–16: Lord Lincoln, afterwards Duke of Newcastle: see above, p. 409. p. 316, col. 2, ll. 24–5: Selwyn: George Selwyn, see above, p. 412. p. 316, col. 2, ll. 33, 38–9: Hurrell Froude: Richard Hurrell Froude (1803–36). An early and short-lived member of the Oxford Movement. p. 317, col. 2, l. 8: Burke: Edmund Burke (1729–97). A Tory political figure, his views on the American and French revolutions were looked on as a guide for the Tories of the earlier nineteenth century. In particular, his Reflections on the Revolution in France, published in 1790, urged caution and, as the reign of terror in Paris proved, he was right in his warnings of the horrors to come in France. Gladstone was an admirer of Burke for many years. p. 317, col. 2, ll. 34–5: Mr Bright: see above, p. 419. p. 317, col. 2, l. 49: question of the Maynooth Grant: see above, p. 419. p. 317, col. 2, l. 60, p. 318, col. 1, l. 1: the present Lord Derby: Edward George Geoffrey Smith Stanley, 14th Earl of Derby (1799–1869). Served as Chief Secretary for Ireland and Secretary of State for War and the Colo- nies in Grey’s and Melbourne’s Whig ministries. Left the Whigs in 1834, and was Secretary for War and the Colonies again in Peel’s ministry from 1841 to 1845. Split with Peel over the question of Corn Law repeal, and became leader of the Protectionist Conservative Party. He was three times Prime Minister (1852, 1858–9 and 1866–8). 422 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) p. 318, col.1, l. 3: ‘Chapter of Autobiography’: published by Gladstone (Lon- don, November 1868). p. 318, col. 1, l. 13: The Lord of Clumber: 4th Duke of Newcastle, see above, p. 409. p. 318, col. 2, ll. 40–1: the great Pacifico debate: a Commons debate on 25 June 1850. Foreign Secretary Palmerston defended his action in sending a British squadron to Greek waters in order to seize Greek ships. This was in response to action taken against a British subject, Don David Pacifico (1784–1854). Gladstone strongly attacked Palmerston. p. 318, col. 2, l. 51: Ecclesiastical Titles Bill: Ecclesiastical Titles (Assumption) Bill (1851). Passed in response to the ‘papal aggression’ of that year. Pope Pius IX issued a bull dividing England up into Catholic dioceses. It intended to prevent the establishment of a Roman Catholic church hierarchy, but was ignored by the Catholics. No one was ever prose- cuted under it, and it was repealed in 1871. p. 319, col. 1, l. 24: the Earl of Aberdeen: George Hamilton Gordon, 4th Earl of Aberdeen (1784–1860). Foreign Secretary in the Wellington (1828– 30) and Peel (1841–6) ministries. Became leader of the Peelites on Peel’s death and, in 1852, Prime Minister of a coalition between surviving Peelites and the Whigs. Resigned in 1855, largely because of criticism of his handling of the war with Russia. p. 319, col. 1, l. 33: fracas at the Carlton Club: On 20 December 1850, the night of the Conservative government’s resignation, Gladstone was in the newspaper room at the Club. Some inebriated Conservatives threat- ened to ‘pitch him’ over the road to the Reform Club, and Gladstone had to beat a hasty retreat, thinking he was going to actually be attacked. p. 319, col. 1, ll. 58–9: Lord Palmerston: Henry John Temple, 3rd Viscount Palmerston (1784–1865) served for many years as a junior minister in Lord Liverpool’s Tory government, but resigned when Wellington took office in May 1828. Palmerston was Foreign Secretary in Grey’s ministry (November 1830 – 1841), and again in Russell’s ministry (1846– 1851). He was Home Secretary in the Aberdeen coalition ministry and then Prime Minister on two occasions (1855–8, 1859–65). Gladstone served with him in the second of these ministries, but the two men never found each other particularly easy to get along with. p. 319, col. 2, l. 20: China question: Anglo-Chinese relations were not especially good at this time. In 1840 a war had broken out over the import of opium into China. p. 319, col. 2, l. 23: the lorcha ‘Arrow’: The crew of this ship were accused of piracy by the Chinese government and arrested. They were later released but the British government did not accept any apologies and Notes 423 bombarded the forts at the mouth of the Canton river. The radical Cobden tabled motions condemning this action, and Gladstone and Disraeli, in agreement for once, joined with enough support to defeat Palmerston and force his resignation. p. 320, col. 1, ll. 12–13, ‘flesh and blood’ doctrine: presumably a reference to Gladstone’s speech of 11 May 1864, when he announced his view that every man, unless they were ‘unfit or dangerous’ should have the right to vote. p. 320, col. 1, ll. 16–18: speech on the second reading of Lord Russell’s single-bar- relled Reform Bill: 12 April 1866. p. 320, col. 2, l. 45: Sir Cornewall Lewis, see above, p. 413. p. 321, col. 1, l. 19: neither the elder nor the younger Pitt: reference to William Pitt, Earl of Chatham (1708–78), and his son, also named William (1759–1806). Both were Prime Ministers in their day. p. 321, col. 2, l. 25: Mr Horsman: Edward Horsman (1807–76). Chief Secre- tary for Ireland (1855–7), ‘Adullamite’ opponent of the second Reform Bill. p. 321, col. 2, l. 34: the ‘Saturday Review’: conservative weekly paper. p. 322, col. 1., l. 27: Mr Kendall: Nicholas Kendall (1800–78). Conservative MP for Cornwall East (1852–68). p. 322, col. 1, l. 33: the ‘Quarterly Review’: a Tory quarterly journal. p. 322, col. 1, l. 41: in formâ pauperis: ‘as a poor man’, in legal terminology: ‘not liable to costs’. p. 323, col. 1, l. 13: the S. P. G.: Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. p. 323, col. 1, ll. 13–14: At Burslem on the great Wedgwood occasion: On 26 October 1863 Gladstone laid the foundation stone of the Wedgwood Memorial Institute in Burslem, Staffs. p. 323, col. 1, l. 57: Lord Lyttelton: see above, p. 411. p. 323, col. 1, l. 58: ‘Translations’: Translations by Lord Lyttelton and the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone (1861). p. 323, col. 1, l. 10: Toplady: Augustus Montague Toplady (1740–78). p. 323, col. 1, l. 17: Manzoni: A. F. T. A. Manzoni, author of I Promessi Sposi and, according to Gladstone, ‘a man of rather strong transalpine princi- ples, but of fervent piety and charity’ (quoted in H. C. G. Matthew, ‘Gladstone and Disraeli’ in P. J. Jagger (ed.), Gladstone (Hambledon Press, London, 1998), p. 51). p. 323, col. 2, note, l. 2: H. R. H. the late Duke of Sussex: Augustus, sixth son of George III (1773–1843). He had a substantial collection of theological works. p. 323, col. 2, l. 49: the ‘Guardian’ newspaper: founded as the Manchester Guardian in 1821, and from 1855 issued daily. An independent/Liberal paper. 424 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) p. 323, col. 2, l. 54: ‘Ecce Homo’: written by J. R. Seeley, published anony- mously in 1865, Ecce Homo was a very controversial book because of its treatment of Jesus Christ as a historical figure. Gladstone defended it. p. 323, col. 2, l. 54; p. 108, col. 1, l. 1: Mr Gladstone’s own book on ‘Ecce Homo’: Gladstone’s various articles on Ecce Homo were published in book form in 1868. p. 324, col. 1, ll. 3–4: Mr Lecky’s ‘History of Rationalism’: W. E. H. Lecky, His- tory of the Rise and Influence of the Spirit of Rationalism in Europe (2 vols, London, 1865). p. 324, col. 1, ll. 11–12: the Oxford movement: a movement led by Oxford- based theologians to reform the Church of England. They were sus- pected of Catholicism by many other churchmen. Indeed, several members of the Oxford Movement did later become Roman Catholics. Gladstone was one supporter of the movement who did not. p. 324, col. 2, ll. 56–7: Dr Wordsworth, the Warden of Glenalmond: Charles Wordsworth, see above, p. 000. p. 325, col. 1, ll. 1–2: Bunsen ... ‘Church of the Future’: C. C. J. von Bunsen, The Constitution of the Church of the Future a Practical Explanation of the Correspondence with the Right Hon. William Gladstone on the German Church, Episcopacy, and Jerusalem (Longmans, London, 1847). p. 325, col. 1, ll. 24–5: Signor Farini’s ‘Roman State from 1815 to 1851’: Luigi Carlo Farini published his four-volume Lo Stato Romano in 1850, and in the following year Gladstone translated it. Farini was a strong supporter of the Risorgimento, aiming for the unification of Italy. p. 325, col. 2, ll. 1–3: ‘Letters to Lord Aberdeen on the state of the Neapolitan Prisons’: letters written by Gladstone on his return to Britain, published in 1851. p. 325, col. 2, l. 5: Lord Normanby: Constantine Henry Phipps, first Marquis (1797–1863), Lord Privy Seal in Melbourne’s Cabinet, then Lord Lieu- tenant of Ireland (1835–9). He was British ambassador in Paris (1846– 52) and minister in Florence (1854–8). p. 325, col. 2, ll. 20–1: Homer and the Homeric Age: These three volumes were published in 1868. p. 325, col. 2, l. 41: ‘Oxford University Essays’: Oxford Essays (1857). p. 325, col. 2, ll. 44–45: curiosa felicitas: ‘strange happiness’. p. 326, col. 1, l. 47: periodus oratorica: lit. ‘section of a speech’. p. 327, col. 2, l. 18: lumen siccum: lit. ‘light of dry wood’.

A Templar, The Gladstone Government p. 331, l. 3: Sir Robert Peel: see above, p. 408. p. 332, ll. 5–6: Mr Macaulay: see above, p. 411. Notes 425 p. 332, l. 17: Lord John Russell: see above, p. 410. p. 333, l. 26: Earl of Ripon: Frederick John Robinson (1782–1859), created Viscount Goderich in 1827 and Earl of Ripon in 1833. After a brief period as Prime Minister (1827–8) he then served in Grey’s Cabinet (1830–4), before joining Peel’s Conservatives. He was President of the Board of Trade from 1841 to May 1843, when he became President of the Board of Control. p. 334, l. 10: Autobiographic Confidences: Gladstone’s A Chapter of Autobiogra- phy (1868). p. 335, l. 3: Maynooth grant: see above, p. 419. p. 335, l. 21: politico-religious treatise about Church and State: The Church in its Relations with the State (1838). p. 336, l. 21: the present Earl of Derby, see above, p. 421. p. 337, ll. 22–3: dogmatic peer: the 4th Duke of Newcastle, see above, p. 409. p. 338, l. 4: Sir Robert Harry Inglis: see above, p. 414. p. 338, l. 18: University Reform: Gladstone originally opposed reform of the University of Oxford, but then took a leading role in the reform in the early 1850s. p. 338, l. 19: removal of Jewish disabilities: After opposing the admission of Jews to Parliament earlier in his career, Gladstone voted in favour of it in 1847. p. 340, l. 18: Mr Roebuck’s proposal for a Committee of Inquiry: John Arthur Roebuck (1801–79). MP (1832–7, 1841–7, 1849–69 and 1874–9). Roebuck called for an inquiry into the mismanagement of the war in the Crimea. Gladstone and his fellow Peelites, Graham and Herbert, who had joined Palmerston, left his Cabinet when Palmerston agreed to the inquiry. p. 341, l. 2: independent support: It was very ‘intermittent’. p. 341, l. 8: Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton: b. 1803, d. 1873. Novelist and Con- servative politician. He was Colonial Secretary (1858–9) and was created first Baron Lytton in 1866. p. 342, ll. 4–5: Homeric studies: Studies in Homer and the Homeric Age (1868). p. 342, l. 14: Pope: Alexander Pope (1688–1744). p. 344, l. 24: Ferdinand, King of Naples: Ferdinand IV, King of the Two Sicilies (‘Bomba’). Gladstone declared his regime to be ‘the negation of God erected into a system of Government’. p. 346, ll. 24–5: General Garibaldi: Giuseppe Garibaldi. Italian Republican Nationalist. In 1860 his expeditionary force (the ‘Red Shirts’) overthrew the Sicilian government and crossed the Straits of Messina to mainland Italy. Garibaldi surrendered power to the Piedmontese monarchy and retired. 426 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) p. 347, ll. 17–18: Lord Derby’s masculine and harmonius translation of the ‘Iliad’: Edward, Earl of Derby, The Iliad of Homer, rendered into English Blank Verse (2 vols, John Murray, London, 1864). p. 348, ll. 6–7: Sir Walter Scott: Gladstone gave a lecture on Scott (1771–1832) at Hawarden on 3 February 1868. p. 348, l. 25: ‘Ecce Homo’: see above, p. 424. p. 351, ll. 16–17: Mr Milner Gibson: Thomas Milner Gibson (1806–84) was President of the Board of Trade in Palmerston’s 1859–65 ministry, and thus involved in the reduction of paper duty. p. 351, l. 19: Mr Cobden: Richard Cobden (1804–65). Great exponent of free trade. Cobden was a radical MP and one of the leaders of the Anti- Corn-Law League. In 1860 he negotiated a Commercial Treaty with France. p. 352, l. 2: Lord John Russell was created Earl Russell in 1861. p. 354, l. 16: The Tribune of the People: probably a reference to John Bright, see above, p. 419. p. 354, l. 18: ‘cheval de bataille’: lit. ‘war horse’, probably a reference to Robert Lowe, see above, p. 415. p. 355, l. 5: South-West Lancashire: Gladstone failed to get elected for the new South-West Lancashire constituency in 1868 (he had been MP for South Lancashire 1865–8). p. 355, l. 11: rather more than three years: Gladstone lost his Oxford University seat in 1865. p. 355, l. 16: Greenwich: Gladstone represented Greenwich from 1869 to 1880. p. 360, ll. 3–5: Mr Gladstone’s candidature for the presidency of a Scotch university was being declined: Gladstone lost an election for chancellorship of Edinburgh University in 1868. p. 361, l. 23: Member for Birmingham: Joseph Chamberlain (1836–1914). Reforming Lord Mayor of Birmingham (1873–6), Chamberlain entered Parliament as a Radical MP (1876–1914). Served with Glad- stone as President of the Board of Trade (1880–5) and of the Local Government Board (1886), but became a Liberal imperialist in the 1890s. p. 362, l. 23–p. 363, l. 4: Edinburgh Review: April 1839, see above, p. 417. p. 363, l. 14: Appropriation Clause: Tithes and Church (Ireland) Bill. p. 363, ll. 25–6: Château en Espagne: lit. ‘castle in Spain’, i.e. a daydream. p. 364, l. 24: Sir John Coleridge: b. 1820, d. 1894, lawyer and Liberal MP, Solicitor-General (1868–71), Attorney-General (1871–3). p. 364, ll. 13–14: Sir Roundell Palmer: b. 1812, d. 1895, lawyer and Liberal MP, Solicitor-General (1861), Attorney-General (1863–6), Lord Chan- Notes 427 cellor (1872–4,1880–5). Created Lord Selbourne (1872) and later Earl of Selbourne (1882). p. 366, ll. 9–10: Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, see above, p. 422. p. 366, l. 18: Mr Dillwyn’s motion in regard to the Irish Church: L.L. Dillwyn had introduced a motion for disestablishment of the Church of Ireland in 1865. It was defeated. p. 367, l. 1: Irish Chief Justice Whiteside: James Whiteside (1804–76), Conserv- ative MP. p. 368, ll. 3–6: save only in one deplorable instance: a reference to the Ecclesiasti- cal Titles (Assumption) Act, which was repealed in 1871. p. 369, l. 13: Circumlocution Office: a reference to Dickens’s Little Dorrit. p. 373, l. 9: Chevalier Bunsen: Baron Christian Carl Josias von Bunsen, at that time Prussian minister in London. p. 373, l. 18: Archbishop Manning, see above, p. 413. p. 374, l. 12: Sir George Cornewall Lewis, see above, p. 413. p. 374, l. 20: Lord Lytton, see above, p. 425. p. 375, ll. 11–12: Quot homines, tot sententiae: ‘There are as many opinions as there are people’, a phrase coined by the Roman comic dramatist Pub- lius Terentius Afer (c. 190–159 BC). p. 376, ll. 21–22: Tea Room Compacts … Adullamite Caves: The tea room com- pact or revolt was the agreement of forty-five Liberals to vote against Gladstone’s proposed amendment to the 1867 Reform Bill. The ‘Adul- lamite cave’ were dissident Liberals opposed to the 1866 Liberal Bill – they retired into the ‘cave of Adullam’. p. 376, l. 25: member for Kilmarnock: Edward Pleydell Bouverie, Liberal MP for Kilmarnock (1844–74). p. 377, l. 26: the Spectator: a Sunday paper, founded in 1828, of Liberal/radical politics. p. 382, l. 3: Digito monstrari: ‘pointing the finger’. p. 382, l. 19: Pope: Pius IX. p. 383, l. 20: author of the Apologia: J. H. Newman. p. 384, l. 14: Canards: false reports, hoaxes. p. 384, l. 16: gobe-mouches: lit. ‘fly-swallowers’, i.e. people who stand gaping. p. 385, l. 10: Pourquoi vient il ici?: ‘Why is he coming here?’ p. 386, l. 2: His Highness the Lord Protector: Oliver Cromwell (1599–1658). p. 386, l. 8: wasp of Twickenham: Alexander Pope. p. 387, l. 16: Archdeacon Trench: Richard Chevenix Trench became Anglican archbishop of Dublin in 1863. He retired in 1884 and died in 1886. p. 387, l. 20: Lord Carlisle: see Lord Morpeth, above, p. 411. p. 388, l. 11: vivida vis animi: ‘the living force of the mind’. p. 393, l. 25: Rev Sydney Smith: see above, p. 417. p. 394, l. 26: Professor Longfellow: Henry Wadsworth Longfellow (1807–82). 428 Lives of Victorian Political Figures I: Disraeli (Part II) & Gladstone (Part I) p. 396, l. 5: Patres Conscripti: lit. ‘Conscript Fathers’, the title of Roman senators. p. 402, l. 9: Poet Laureate: Alfred, Lord Tennyson, see above, p. 411.