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Disraeli and Gladstone: Opposing Forces by Robert Blake
Disraeli and Gladstone: Opposing Forces By Robert Blake Disraeli and Gladstone were both politicians of extraordinary ability - but their personalities clashed and they heartily loathed each other. Robert Blake, the British constitutional historian, compares their political careers, and charts their stormy relationship. Mutual dislike In the general election of 1 April 1880, the Conservative party under Benjamin Disraeli was crushingly defeated by the Liberals (known as Whigs) - under William Gladstone. Lord Granville, a moderate Whig, wrote to Queen Victoria who would, he knew, be bitterly disappointed by the decision of the electorate: 'Lord Beaconsfield [Disraeli] and Mr Gladstone are men of extraordinary ability; they dislike each other more than is usual among public men. Of no other politician Lord Beaconsfield would have said in public that his conduct was worse than those who had committed the Bulgarian atrocities. He has the power of saying in two words that which drives a person of Mr Gladstone's peculiar temperament into a state of great excitement.' There is no doubt that the two statesmen hated each other. There is no doubt that the two statesmen hated each other. Disraeli referred to his rival in a letter to Lord Derby as '...that unprincipled maniac Gladstone - extraordinary mixture of envy, vindictiveness, hypocrisy and superstition'. And Gladstone more moderately said of his old enemy, 'the Tory party had principles by which it would and did stand for bad and for good. All this Dizzy destroyed'. When Lord Granville wrote to Queen Victoria, Disraeli, born in 1804, had one more year to live; Gladstone, who was born in 1810, had another eighteen. -
Teacher's Guide
Winston Churchill Jeopardy Teacher Guide The following is a hard copy of the Jeopardy game you can download off our website. After most of the questions, you will find additional information. Please use this information as a starting point for discussion amongst your students. This is a great post- visit activity in order to see what your students learned while at the Museum. Most importantly, have fun with it! Museum Exhibits (Church, Wall, and Exhibit) $100 Q: From 1965 to 1967, this church was deconstructed into 7000 stones, shipped to Fulton, and rebuilt as a memorial to Winston Churchill’s visit. A: What is the Church of St. Mary the Virgin, Aldermanbury - Please see additional information on the Church of St. Mary by going to our website and clicking on School Programs. $200 Q: In ‘The Gathering Storm’ exhibit, Churchill referred to this political leader as “…a maniac of ferocious genius of the most virulent hatred that has ever corroded the human breast…” A: Who is Adolf Hitler? $300 Q: In ‘The Sinews of Peace’ exhibit, what world leader influenced Churchill’s visit to Westminster College? A: Who is Harry S. Truman? $400 Q: These two items made regular appearances on Churchill’s desk. A: What are the cigar and whiskey? $500 Q: Churchill’s granddaughter, Edwina Sandys, created this sculpture as a representation and symbol of the end of the Cold War. It stands next to the Churchill Museum. A: What is “Breakthrough”? - This sculpture is made of eight sections of the Berlin Wall. Please see additional information on the Berlin Wall by going to our website and clicking on School Programs. -
The Life of Winston Churchill
© Yousuf Karsh, 1941 Ottawa The Life of Winston Churchill: Soldier Correspondent Statesman Orator Author Inspirational Leader © The Churchill Centre 2007 Produced for educational use only. Not intended for commercial purposes. The Churchill Centre is the international focus for study of Winston Churchill, his life and times. Our members, aged from ten to over ninety, work together to preserve Winston Churchill's memory and legacy. Our aim is that future generations never forget his contribu- tions to the political philosophy, culture and literature of the Great Democracies and his contributions to statesmanship. To join or contact The Churchill Centre visit www.winstonchurchill.org Birth 1874 Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill’s ancestors were both Brit- ish and American. Winston’s father was the British Lord Randolph Churchill, the youngest son of John, the 7th Duke of Marlborough. Lord Randolph’s ancestor John Churchill made history by winning many successful military campaigns in Europe for Queen Anne almost 200 years earlier. His mother was the American Jennie Jerome. The Jeromes fought for the inde- pendence of the American colonies in George Washington’s ar- mies. Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill was born on Novem- ber 30, 1874, at the Duke of Marlborough’s large palace, Blen- Winston. as a baby. heim. Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill’s family tree John Churchill 1650-1722 1st Duke of Marlborough !" Charles 1706-1758 3rd Duke of Marlborough !" George 1739-1817 David Wilcox 4th Duke of Marlborough !" John Churchill George 1766-1840 -
Winston Churchill
Winston Churchill Prime Minister, Journalist (1874–1965) As prime minister, Sir Winston Churchill rallied the British people during WWII, and led his country from the brink of defeat to victory. Synopsis Winston Churchill's life was a trajectory of events leading to his stand against Adolph Hitler's threat to control Europe. After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, Churchill helped lead a successful Allied strategy with President Franklin D. Roosevelt and General Secretary Joseph Stalin during WWII to defeat the Axis powers and craft post- war peace. After the breakdown of the alliance, he alerted the West to the expansionist threat of Soviet Communism. Early Life Winston Leonard Spencer-Churchill was born to an aristocratic family on November 30, 1874. As his life unfolded, he displayed the traits of his father, Lord Randolph Churchill, a British statesman from an established English family, and his mother, Jeannie Jerome, an independent-minded New York socialite. As a young child, Churchill grew up in Dublin, Ireland, where his father was employed by his grandfather, the 7th Duke of Marlborough, John Spencer-Churchill. When he entered formal school, Churchill proved to be an independent and rebellious student. He did poorly at his first two schools and in April, 1888, he was sent to Harrow School, a boarding school near London. Within weeks of his enrollment, he joined the Harrow Rifle Corps, which put him on a path to a military career. At first it didn't seem the military was a good choice for Churchill. It took him three tries to pass the exam for the British Royal Military College. -
An Art of Translation: Churchill's Uses of Eighteenth-Century British History
An Art of Translation: Churchill’s Uses of Eighteenth-Century British History Charles-Edouard Levillain To cite this version: Charles-Edouard Levillain. An Art of Translation: Churchill’s Uses of Eighteenth-Century British His- tory. XVII-XVIII Revue de la Société d’études anglo-américaines des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles , Société d’études anglo-américaines des dix-septième et dix-huitième siècles, Lille, 2020, 10.4000/1718.3779. hal-03251134 HAL Id: hal-03251134 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-03251134 Submitted on 6 Jun 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. XVII-XVIII Revue de la Société d’études anglo-américaines des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles 76 | 2019 Crimes et criminels An Art of Translation: Churchill’s Uses of Eighteenth-Century British History Charles-Édouard Levillain Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/1718/3779 DOI: 10.4000/1718.3779 ISSN: 2117-590X Publisher Société d'études anglo-américaines des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles Electronic reference Charles-Édouard Levillain, « An Art of Translation: Churchill’s Uses of Eighteenth-Century British History », XVII-XVIII [Online], 76 | 2019, Online since 31 December 2019, connection on 07 January 2020. -
Neville Chamberlain
Neville Chamberlain Arthur Neville Chamberlain was born in Birmingham, England, on March 18, 1869. Neville Chamberlain was Prime Minister of Great Britain in September 1939 at the start of World War II. In May 1940, after the disastrous Norwegian campaign, Chamberlain resigned and Winston Churchill became prime minister. Why did Chamberlain resign as prime minister? Members of the House of Commons saw him as an uninspiring war leader. He was blamed for loss of Norway to the Germans. Chamberlin realised that a National Government of all political parties was mandatory. In May 1940 members of the Labour Party and Liberal Party refused to serve in his proposed National Government. Chamberlain resigned realisng that a National Government would not be possible as long as he was leader. He was replaced by Winston Churchill. His business acumen raised him in the eyes of his father, who told a friend that of his two sons, "Neville is really the clever one" and but for his disinterest in politics, "I would back him to be Prime Minister". Chamberlain's business interests did not completely fill his time, and he indulged his love of natural history and other pursuits. He spent many Sundays working in the gardens and greenhouses at Highbury. He enjoyed long walks in the countryside, and developed a passion for hunting and fishing. Early days (May 1937 – March 1938) Chamberlain sought to conciliate Germany, and make it a partner in a stable Europe.[133] He believed Germany could be satisfied by the restoration of some of her colonies and during the Rhineland crisis of March 1936, had stated that "if we were in sight of an all-round settlement the British Government ought to consider the question [of restoration of colonies]".[134] The following month, however, he wrote his sisters, "I don't believe myself that we could purchase peace and a lasting settlement by handing over Tanganyika to the Germans, but if I did I would not hesitate for a moment to do so." 1 Chamberlain (center, hat and umbrella in hands) leaves for home after the Berchtesgaden meeting, 16 September 1938. -
The Demise of the One Nation Tradition
This is a repository copy of The demise of the One Nation tradition. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/85295/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Hayton, R (2014) The demise of the One Nation tradition. Global Discourse / Global Discourse: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Current Affairs and Applied Contemporary Thought, 5 (1). 92 - 95. ISSN 2326-9995 https://doi.org/10.1080/23269995.2014.946811 Reuse Unless indicated otherwise, fulltext items are protected by copyright with all rights reserved. The copyright exception in section 29 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 allows the making of a single copy solely for the purpose of non-commercial research or private study within the limits of fair dealing. The publisher or other rights-holder may allow further reproduction and re-use of this version - refer to the White Rose Research Online record for this item. Where records identify the publisher as the copyright holder, users can verify any specific terms of use on the publisher’s website. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Accepted article published in Global Discourse: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Current Affairs and Applied Contemporary Thought, vol. 5(1), pp. 92-95 [2015], for official version please visit: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23269995.2014.946811 The demise of the One Nation tradition Richard Hayton T D P M G T -willed, the craven- O N C G D 5 (1): 6991. -
No Longer an Alien, the English Jew: the Nineteenth-Century Jewish
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Dissertations Theses and Dissertations 1997 No Longer an Alien, the English Jew: The Nineteenth-Century Jewish Reader and Literary Representations of the Jew in the Works of Benjamin Disraeli, Matthew Arnold, and George Eliot Mary A. Linderman Loyola University Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss Part of the English Language and Literature Commons Recommended Citation Linderman, Mary A., "No Longer an Alien, the English Jew: The Nineteenth-Century Jewish Reader and Literary Representations of the Jew in the Works of Benjamin Disraeli, Matthew Arnold, and George Eliot" (1997). Dissertations. 3684. https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss/3684 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Copyright © 1997 Mary A. Linderman LOYOLA UNIVERSITY CHICAGO "NO LONGER AN ALIEN, THE ENGLISH JEW": THE NINETEENTH-CENTURY JEWISH READER AND LITERARY REPRESENTATIONS OF THE JEW IN THE WORKS OF BENJAMIN DISRAELI, MATTHEW ARNOLD, AND GEORGE ELIOT VOLUME I (CHAPTERS I-VI) A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH BY MARY A. LINDERMAN CHICAGO, ILLINOIS JANUARY 1997 Copyright by Mary A. Linderman, 1997 All rights reserved. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to acknowledge the invaluable services of Dr. Micael Clarke as my dissertation director, and Dr. -
And More Restrictive-But Not Always Populist: Explaining Variation in the British Conservative Party's Stance on Immigration and Asylum Bale, T
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Queen Mary Research Online More and More Restrictive-But Not Always Populist: Explaining Variation in the British Conservative Party's Stance on Immigration and Asylum Bale, T For additional information about this publication click this link. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/jspui/handle/123456789/4159 Information about this research object was correct at the time of download; we occasionally make corrections to records, please therefore check the published record when citing. For more information contact [email protected] More and more restrictive – but not always populist: explaining variation in the British Conservative Party's stance on immigration and asylum Centre-right parties are commonly inclined toward appeals and policies on immigration that are both restrictive in nature and populist in tone – in part because this is what they believe in, in part because it affords them an electoral advantage over their rivals on the centre-left. One would expect, however, that the extent to which they focus on immigration and asylum will vary according to public opinion, according to who leads them, and according to whether they are in government or in opposition. This would appear to be the case for the British Conservative Party, but the relationship is not an entirely consistent one. Moreover, while the Party has, for half a century, pursued ever more restrictive policies, the extent to which it has couched its approach in populist rhetoric varies considerably over time – and not always in line with the severity of its stance on immigration. -
This Essay Explains Benjamin Disraeli Parliamentary Response to The
Conservatism and British imperialism in India: finding the local roots of empire in Britain and India by Matthew Stubbings A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfillment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2015 © Matthew Stubbings 2015 Author’s Declaration I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public ii Abstract This thesis explores the importance of political conservatism in shaping the ideological and political foundations of British imperialism in India between 1857 and 1914. From the Indian Revolt to the rise of Indian nationalism, it examines how British and Indian conservatives attempted to define a conceptual and institutional framework of empire which politically opposed liberal imperialism to the First World War. It relies upon a biographical analysis to examine how intellectual configurations defined distinct political positions on Indian empire. This study reveals the extent that local conservative inclination and action, through political actors such as Lord Ellenborough, Benjamin Disraeli, Lord Mayo, Lord Lytton, the Kathiawar States, Roper Lethbridge, and M.M. Bhownaggree, shaped public and partisan discourse on empire. It argues that British and Indian conservatives evoked shared principles centered in locality, prescription, and imagination to challenge, mollify, and supplant the universal and centralizing ambitions of liberal imperialists and nationalists with the employment of pre-modern ideas and institutions. It is argued that this response to liberalism conditioned their shared contribution and collaboration towards an imperial framework predicated principally upon respecting and supporting local autonomy and traditional authority in a hierarchical and divided India. -
The Anschluss Movement and British Policy
THE ANSCHLUSS MOVEMENT AND BRITISH POLICY: MAY 1937 - MARCH 1938 by Elizabeth A. Tarte, A.B. A 'l11esis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Marquette University, in Part ial Fulfillment of the Re quirements f or the Degree of Master of Arts Milwaukee, Wisconsin May, 1967 i1 PREFACE For many centuri.es Austria. bad been closely eom'lect E!d \'lieh the German states. 111 language and eulture. Austri.a and Germany had always looked to each other. AS late as the t~tentieth century. Austria .st111 clung to her traditional leadership in Germany . In the perlod following the First World War, Austria continued to lo(!)k to Germany for leadership. Aus tria, beset by numerous economic and social problems. made many pleas for uni on with her German neighbor. From 1919 to 1933 all ;novas on the part of Austria and Germany for union, -v.71\ether political oreeon01;n1c. were th"larted by the signatories of the pea.ce treaties. Wl ,th the entrance of Adolf Hitler onto the European political stage, the movement fQr the Anschluss .. - the union of Germany and Austria .- t ook on a different light. Austrians no longer sought \.Ulion with a Germany v.ilich was dominated by Hitler. The net"l National $Gclalist Gertna,n Reich aimed at: the early acq'U1Si ,tiQn of Austria. The latter "(vas i mportant to the lteich fGr its agricultural and Batural reSources and would i mprove its geopolitical and military position in Europe. In 1934 the National Soci aU.sts assaSSinated Dr .. U.:. £tlto1bot''t Pollfuas, the Aust~i ..\n Cbaneellot'l in ,an 8.'ttcmp't to tillkltl c:ronet:Ql or his: eountry. -
Gladstonian Liberalism: a Catalyst for Social Representation and Democratic Reform in Victorian Britain
Pittsburg State University Pittsburg State University Digital Commons Electronic Thesis Collection Spring 5-12-2018 GLADSTONIAN LIBERALISM: A CATALYST FOR SOCIAL REPRESENTATION AND DEMOCRATIC REFORM IN VICTORIAN BRITAIN Jason Belcher Pittsburg State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.pittstate.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, and the Political History Commons Recommended Citation Belcher, Jason, "GLADSTONIAN LIBERALISM: A CATALYST FOR SOCIAL REPRESENTATION AND DEMOCRATIC REFORM IN VICTORIAN BRITAIN" (2018). Electronic Thesis Collection. 244. https://digitalcommons.pittstate.edu/etd/244 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Pittsburg State University Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Thesis Collection by an authorized administrator of Pittsburg State University Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. GLADSTONIAN LIBERALISM: A CATALYST FOR SOCIAL REPRESENTATION AND DEMOCRATIC REFORM IN VICTORIAN BRITAIN A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate School in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of History Jason Samuel Belcher Pittsburg State University Pittsburg, Kansas March 2018 i GLADSTONIAN LIBERALISM: A CATALYST FOR SOCIAL REPRESENTATION AND DEMOCRATIC REFORM IN VICTORIAN BRITAIN Jason Samuel Belcher APPROVED: Thesis Advisor _______________________________________________ Dr. Michael Thompson, The department of History, Philosophy and Social Sciences