On the British African Colonization Society. to Which Are Added

ON THE BRITISH AFRICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.

TO WHICH ARE ADDED, SOME PARTICULARS RESPECTING THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY; AND A LETTER FROM JEREMIAH HUBBARD, ADDRESSED TO A FRIEND IN ENGLAND, ON THE SAME SUBJECT.

PRINTED FOR DR. HODGKIN.

1834.

LONDON.

PRINTED BY RICHARD WATTS, Crown Court, Temple Bar.

ON THE BRITISH AFRICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.

The amelioration of Africa has so long been advocated in this country, not only as an act of simple benevolence, but of justice, in redress of the injuries we have inflicted upon her in the promotion of the Slave-trade, that it may be regarded as eminently British. The Americans have followed our example, in taking up this subject; and the success of their attempt forms so striking a contrast with that of ours, that it becomes our bounden duty to profit by their example, and either unite in their labours, or adopt a similar method for ourselves. The former course has already been taken by those who have subscribed to the American Colonization Society; but the latter has been considered by some as more congenial with the independent feelings of Englishmen. It ought to be some stimulus to our liberality and exertion, that unless timely efforts be made on our part, this country, notwithstanding the human life, and time, and treasure, which she has expended in the undertaking, will be completely eclipsed by her daughter. Moreover, it is not only for the interest of our national credit, as successful philanthropists, but of our national prosperity, as manufacturers and merchants, to promote the establishment of new markets, which may receive our commodities when the older markets shall close against them. It is true, that the Americans have set an example beyond all praise, in placing their colony wholly independent, and leaving it to establish unrestricted commerce with every nation indiscriminately. British merchants already have begun to avail themselves of the new market with which America has provided them. It is therefore

This effect, colonization, on the American system, is peculiarly calculated to produce. Although it is not a rival, but an ally of the American colony, which the British Society is proposing to found, it ought to be remarked, that the present is a time in which it is peculiarly important for this country to turn its attention to the colonization of Africa, and more especially of its Western coast. Hitherto, the European settlements on this coast have been few, and, for the most part, unimportant; and the British, whose cruisers have long frequented the coast, for the purpose of suppressing the slave- trade, have possessed a greater influence over the Natives than any other civilized power. Whether this influence be worth possessing or not, I will not say; but it is obvious that it must give way before the more powerful and beneficial influence of America, exerted by means of her Colonization Society. Every year brings under its control fresh accessions of territory, which the Natives are anxious to place under its jurisdiction, in order to receive, in return, European arts, and government of American mould. It is not to induce our country to undermine, or compete with this influence which America is obtaining, but to lead her to participate in it, as the reward of her exertions for the good of Africa, that the British Colonization Society is established. The increase and encouragement of British colonies in Africa is no new idea: it has been powerfully advocated, both politically and philanthropically, by James M'Queen, a gentleman intimately acquainted with Africa, her sons, and B 2 4 her commercial advantages. He says, of colonization: “There is but one opinion amongst all those who are, or who have had an opportunity of being, acquainted with Africa, her population, and present institutions; namely, that colonization, fixed and stable, can only render her any permanent benefit.” We have spoken of the powerful influence of colonization, in repressing the slave-trade on the coast; but the author from whom I have quoted, points out the effect which it would produce in arresting a no less serious evil—the internal slave-trade. On this subject he observes: “Europe will have done but little for the Blacks, if the abolition of the Atlantic slave-trade, which is trifling when compared with the slavery of the interior, is not followed up by some wise and grand plan, tending to the civilization of the continent. Colonization, permanent and powerful, is this wise and grand plan.” The same intelligent author forcibly urges the dangers of delay, and points to the rivals who may bear away the prize. Let him speak for himself. “There is, perhaps, no part of the globe where new commercial establishments could be set down more easily, or where they could be more effectually protected, than in Africa. It is at present a noble, and at present an undisputed, but not long to remain an undisputed field.” Again: “Every obstacle will vanish before judicious and patient exertions. The glory of our Creator, the good of mankind, the prosperity of our own country, the interest of the present, and the welfare of future generations, glory, honour, interest, call us; and, united, point out the path to gain the important end. Let but the noble Union ensign wave over and

The following citation, from a speech printed in one of the Colonization Society's Reports, will shew the correctness of J. M'Queen's remarks, respecting the probability of the efforts of this country being anticipated by those of a successful rival:—

“Those who will be our settlers in Africa are returning to their fathers' homes; and believe me, sir, the puny and sickly colonies, which the jealousy of any nation under the sun may establish in Africa, will never be able to compete with, or to stand before, the healthy and vigorous population, which will be transplanted from our shores! The White Man must become tired of filling the vacancy which death makes among his fellows; and the deed of colonizing Africa will fall, where Heaven has appointed it to fall, on the Free Coloured People of America. Talk not, then, of any European nations holding the mouths of the rivers emptying round the great Cape of Western Africa; give us but the possession of a communication with their head-waters, by means of a settlement on the Rio Grande, and the elastic pressure of our Coloured Population will ultimately exclude all other people. This advantage, sir, consisting in the physical constitution of our emigrants, is one which will enable us to carry into effect any operation in Africa which the society may deem fit to commence.”— From the Speech of M. Latrobe, 11 th Report, 1828, p. 11.

Let us first remark the general characteristics of the design; and next, the plan by which it is proposed to accomplish it. Taking the American system as that to which it is designed closely to adhere, the proposed colony or colonies on the coast of Africa will not, like most colonies established by civilized powers, seek to remove the original possessors of the soil, to 5 make way for an exotic race. It will convey to the coast of Africa those who are of African descent, who may blend with, instruct, and ameliorate their brethren: and, in doing so, it will avoid two other evils which have attended colonies of Whites in tropical regions. It will avoid the immense risk of human life, which has attended the employment of Whites; and, at the same time, it will not fail to give to the Coloured Population, whether Natives, or introduced as settlers, an opportunity of exercising their energy, and exhibiting their talents, the want of which has proved a serious bar to the prosperity of Black settlements. It is proposed to solicit the assistance of our American colonizing friends, in obtaining such Free-Coloured persons from America as may possess, in conjunction with a desire to emigrate, piety, talents, and information, calculated to make them useful in the formation of the settlement; in which, it is hoped, they will be joined and assisted by a few individuals from Liberia, as well as

The following is an outline of the mode in which the society expects to carry this design into execution. The Natives in the neighbourhood of Cape Mount, who were formerly active slave- dealers, have already, through the influence of the colony of Liberia, begun to feel the wish as well as the necessity of abandoning that traffic; and have offered to surrender a territory at that point, lying at the mouth of the river which empties itself into the sea immediately to the north of the Cape. The only return which they ask, is a participation in the privileges of the colony, and the introduction of schools and Christianity. It is this important spot—which may be said to form the southern extremity of that part of the coast which is likely to come under British influence, through Sierra Leone and its dependent settlements, and which is consequently on the northern extremity of the Liberian territory—on which it is proposed, at Elliott Cresson's suggestion, that the first attempt of the British Colonization Society should be made. He has no doubt that the local government of the colony, as well as the managers of the American Colonization Society, may be induced, at his instance, to transfer the ceded territory to the British Society, for the purpose in question. The advantages of this spot—which Elliott Cresson, from the minute information which he has been at the pains of collecting, has fully pointed out—are strongly confirmed by the testimony of several of our countrymen who have visited it, and more especially by naval officers who have been employed in cruising along the coast, and are consequently able to form a comparative judgment between it and other spots which have been thought of. It is estimated that the sum of 2000 l. will enable the Association to meet the expenses of founding its settlement at Cape Mount, provided it receive the assistance of Governor Mechlin, and of the American Colonization Society. That of the latter will be required for the selection of the first settlers, and the superintendence of their transmission to the coast; and that of the former, in affording practical information as to the mode in which the settlers should proceed on their arrival, so as to reduce, as much as possible, the hardships and hazards which, to a greater or less extent, 6 must always attend every enterprise like the one now proposed. Although these great and important advantages, in aid of the formation of the settlement, are looked to from the American Society, yet it is not designed that the British Society should become virtually a Branch of the American, but that it shall invite and receive settlers and accessions of various kinds from other quarters, whether Associations or individuals, subject to such restrictions

The plan, of which the above is a sketch, originated with Elliott Cresson; but has been cordially approved and promoted by many distinguished, enlightened, and benevolent Englishmen, some of whose names are attached to the short Prospectus which the society has published. The Duke of Sussex, who has honoured it with his patronage, and who presided at the first Meetings which were held for the purpose of instituting the Association, has given his careful attention to the subject, in detail. Lord Bexley has done the same; and has given the society most efficient support, both in funds and exertion, being one of the most active members of the Committee. Several other Noblemen and eminent persons have allowed the sanction of their names as Vice-Presidents. Colonel T. P. Thompson, and Captains Arabin and Rosenberg, naval-officers who have been upon the coast, have contributed their valuable services, as Committee-men; and important advantage has been, and must continue to be, derived from their local knowledge. Several individuals personally acquainted with those States and colonies in which a large Coloured population, whether bond or free, have exhibited the character of the Race whose comfort and amelioration we are studious to promote, have favoured us with their countenance and assistance; and some merchants, already embarked in the African trade, appear to take a lively and favourable interest in the undertaking.

With all these advantages already in possession, and with many pleasing prospects for the future, we are nevertheless a small and feeble Association, compared with the magnitude, the difficulty, and importance of the work which we have attempted.

Scarcely a quarter of the sum of 2000 l. for the commencement of the colony has yet been raised; and when that shall have been completed, further sums will be necessary for various public works in the colony, and to make an annual addition to the number of settlers. Each of these, if we avail ourselves of the most economical, and at the same time by far the most efficient recruits with which America can supply us, through the co-operation of her Colonization Society, will cost the association about ten guineas. The association is well aware that the present is not a favourable time for the collection of large subscriptions; but they trust that there are so many motives to co-operate with the justice, humanity, and patriotic policy which combine for the formation of the undertaking, that there is no occasion to despair of success. It appears to me, that there is something peculiarly attractive and animating in the idea of co-operating in the formation of a new State, whose destiny, though concealed from our knowledge, may nevertheless please our imagination with the prospect of its future greatness, prosperity, and importance. The commencement of a work like this cannot be an every-day occurrence, even in the middle of the 19th century, when every year is almost as fruitful in great and important events as whole centuries formerly were. May we not, at least,

Although the British Colonization Society rejoices in the prospect of its connexion with the American Society, from which it hopes to receive the most important assistance, yet it must not be represented as merely the handmaid of that society. It hopes to perform a part more exclusively British, when it turns its attention to our own colonies, and opens a field of promising and laudable enterprise to some of their emancipated slaves.

No time was lost in writing to Governor Mechlin, to request that he would take the necessary steps to secure the territory here described: but an unavoidable delay has been occasioned by the illness of the governor, who had been obliged to leave Liberia before the letter arrived. Information has been received from America, that the Colonization Society views the progress of the British Association with perfect cordiality; and that R. S. Finley, who was going out to Africa, would undertake the arrangement, procure the erection of native houses for the reception of the settlers, and proceed to London to deliver the title-deeds and report progress. He is an excellent individual, on whose skill, judgment, and promptitude, great reliance may be placed.

The favourable report respecting the eligibility of Cape Mount has been confirmed by additional satisfactory testimony. Thus Elliott Cresson writes:—“I was much gratified to meet, in New York, with a young African, a Medical Student, who has frequently been at Cape Mount; and who tells me, that the spot proposed is, on the whole, superior to any, and preferable in all respects to the opposite side of the river, or Liberia itself.”—In Elliott Cresson's Letter to Captain Rosenberg, of which an extract is subjoined, will be found a similar statement, from several American Gentlemen who had visited the coast.

“After Cape Verd, the most proper situations seemed to be Cape Monte and Cape Mesurado. These districts have been described by Des Marchais, Villault, Philips, Atkins, Bosman, and Smith, as pleasant, salubrious, and fertile. Cape Monte is represented as the paradise of Guinea, watered with rivulets and springs, spreading in vast meadows and plains, interrupted by groves perpetually green, the leaves of which resemble laurel. Rice, millet, and maize, are produced in greater abundance than in any other part of Guinea; and orange, lemon, almond, and palm trees are the spontaneous productions of the soil.”

The following statement is made by a gentleman who resided some years on the coast of Africa. As he is well acquainted with Africa and its productions, 8 and is a person of correct observation and great general knowledge, much importance may be attached to his opinion.

“Though only a limited opportunity of examining the country around Cape Mount was furnished to me while residing on the Western Coast of Africa, yet I saw sufficient to warrant me in concluding that it is a district well calculated for a settlement, and that it would prove materially advantageous, if colonized. The country, for some distance towards the east, merits the name by which it has been designated years ago; viz. that of Highland. It is considerably diversified in scenery, forming a variety of hill and dale; while, at the same time, proofs of fertility are exhibited. Its streams of water, of various extent in length and breadth, are well calculated to enhance its value as a settlement appropriated for the cultivation of African productions; most of which might be raised with very little expense, and become profitable to those individuals who might be disposed to invest capital. The stores of Africa are still greatly hidden to the British merchant; and, if properly inquired into, would, no doubt, well repay the risk which might attend the speculation. The climate of Cape Mount is decidedly superior to that of some of the settlements on the coast, more especially Sierra Leone; and were those of the Liberated Negroes, who were brought from Cape Mount and its vicinity, removed to their native spot, under the protection of the British Government, it would do away with every chance of a return to slavery, and place them in a situation which would give full encouragement to their best endeavours.

“ Thomas Wilford, late Surgeon to the Colony of Sierra Leone. ”

The American colonists have already taken measures to meet the wishes and promote the improvement of the Natives at that point; as will be seen in the following extract from the Liberia Herald—Monrovia, May 20th, 1833.

It may be reasonably hoped, that the labours of Adam Anderson may advantageously prepare the Natives for the reception of our colonists; and render the new settlement, which it is intended to name after the Duke of Sussex, equally successful with those of Millsburg, Grand Bassa, and Cape Palmas.

The Committee has felt a difficulty in seeking to obtain the attention and support of the British public until they have received direct and official information from Liberia; but, in the mean time, they have addressed several letters to persons in or near Sierra Leone, soliciting information as well as co-operation. They have the assurance, that several extremely eligible colonists are ready to emigrate from the United States; and have increasing reason to hope that they may have others from our own West-India islands.

The following Petition from a Mandingoe, taken as a slave to one of our Islands, and who obtained his freedom by his own exertions and industry, proves that there are those in our own colonies who might, with advantage to themselves and others, avail themselves of such a colony as that proposed to be settled at Cape Mount. Though, in the case of Jonas Bath and his companions, it is deeply to be regretted that Christianity has 9 not been so placed before them, in its true and attractive colours, as to induce them to embrace it and relinquish Mahomedanism; yet I cannot doubt that a different course of procedure towards them would produce this desirable and important effect.

“ Trinidad. “TO His Most Excellent Majesty William the Fourth, King of Great Britain and Ireland, &c. &c. &c.

“The humble Petition of Jonas Mahomed Bath, Sultan of Yullyallhad, Almamb Chief of the Free Negroes of the Mahometan Religion in the Island of Trinidad, on behalf of himself and others.

“May it please your Most Sacred Majesty—

“We embrace the opportunity afforded by the departure of our friend, and your dutiful subject, James M'Queen, for Europe, to send you these lines; invoking the One and only True God of

“We, the followers of Mahomet the Prophet of God, place all confidence in your Majesty: for being made prisoners of war in Africa, by Caffres (Infidels), we were sold as slaves, in this island, where we are now free: but we cannot forget our country—death alone can make us do so. For two years past we have petitioned your Governor, Grant, without success, to send us to Senegal, or Gambia; from which we can easily reach our country. When slaves, we did not spend our money in liquor, as other slaves did, and always will do: we know its value: we hid it, and honestly and honourably bought our freedom. If your Majesty doubt what I say about myself and the free Mandingoes here, pray ask General Hislop, Colonel Cassidy, late First West-India Regiment, and Captain Holmes, for my character, and that of my nation. I was bought by your Majesty's father, the good King George the Third. He would not sell me; but gave me freedom, on my first having paid five hundred dollars for another slave as my substitute; which slave was lately emancipated by the Governor, though my money has not been returned to me. Thus, by my own exertions, I became free. All my countrymen have done so. All slaves here might have been free, if they had followed our example.

“We know your Majesty is all powerful, under God. We know your goodness toward us is as certain as we must die. We know you can send us in your ships to our country: but permit us to say, according to the law of Mahomet, which we revere, a person that owes money, and cannot pay it, is a slave. We owe money here. We want to sell our plantations of cocoa and coffee; and our slaves, and our houses in town; but there are no purchasers to be found here. We therefore beg your Majesty to buy them for a fair price, so that we may pay our debts, which we cannot do otherwise. We owe for the maintenance of our slaves, who have the same clothes and the same table as ourselves: notwithstanding all this, they will not work, for they say they are free. So we are now become their slaves, and they our masters.

“We write this letter. If any words displease your Majesty, forgive us. We know after God, is you.

“For the Mandingoe and Fallah Nations, by their Chief and Almamb,

“ Port of Spain, 25 Jan. 1833. “JONAS MAHOMED BATH.

“Witness to the signature of my father, Jonas Mahomed Bath, “J. S. BATH.”

In this interval, the tragical termination of the enterprising labours of Lander has added another melancholy proof of the extreme danger, not to say hopelessness, of any attempts of Europeans to penetrate to the interior of Africa. It was long since observed, by that accomplished and

The following extract from a Letter written by Elliott Cresson to the Secretary of the British African Colonization Society deserves particular attention: first, as respects the importance and eligibility of Cape Mount as the site of a new settlement: secondly, on account of the gratifying intelligence which it conveys of the operations of the American Colonization Society: and thirdly, because of the lamentable picture which it gives of the mode in which this country is deceived, and defeated in her efforts to check the Slave Trade in Cuba, by a nefarious system which prevails there, and which cannot be suffered to continue without a serious compromise of our national honour.

“MY DEAR ROSENBERG, “ Philadelphia, 2 mo. 20. 1834.

“Capt. Voorhees, of the corvette John Adams, who left Monrovia within sixty-days, and at the close of the most sickly season (following a severe drought, which in some places produced famine) almost ever known, has communicated officially to the Navy department a very favourable statement of the present condition and prospects of the colony—prospects which will be rapidly realized; when, instead of a single light, she shall become but a link in the great chain of posts now called for, both by the entreaties of the natives and the claims of humanity. On the latter point, in conversation recently with several gentlemen at Baltimore who have been on the coast, they gave the strongest reason to believe that your proposed colony at Cape Mount will exercise a most salutary influence, in withdrawing the natives from their present intercourse with Pedro Blanco, who now carries on at the Gallinas a traffic in slaves to a fearful amount. ‘Give them,’ say they, ‘the means of supplying themselves with merchandize at fair prices at Sussex Settlement, and their feelings of disgust for a traffic which they now only submit to because the sole means of supplying their wants, would very soon dry up his influence and his commerce: while, by the other mode, no impression can be made, so long as the hiatus in the slave population of Cuba, created by Cholera, renders one arrival out of four lucrative business. Still, it will be well for your Government to keep a very sharp look-

“I am very busy in trying to plant a new scion at Bassa Cove, about seventy miles southward of Monrovia, on principles strictly in accordance with the views of the Peace and Temperance Societies; and making it so far an ‘Abolition’ measure, as to select all our colonists from those slaves who have their freedom offered on those terms. Of such we now have a large body, left by will, and who, by the laws of Virginia, will lose the benefit thus offered to them, unless the benevolent intention of the testator is effected within a year ......

“Let me, however, return for a moment to the deeds of the American Colonial Society, so far as to advert to its instrumentality in obtaining from Congress the denunciation of the Slave-trade as piracy; and to ask if yours cannot signalize its infancy, by breaking up the fallacious system whereby the slaves ostensibly ‘liberated’ in Cuba are either consigned to actual slavery, or ‘ used up ’ within the period of apprenticeship. In the former case, the Doctor of the estate has only to swear, before the end of their term, that they are dead; and although the fraud is perfectly understood, they rise again into perpetual bondage, without exciting any sympathy. Indeed, most of the parties are well pleased, and enjoy the ‘benefits’ of the slave-trade as fully as if uninterrupted. If, therefore, your Government wish to render their benevolent provisions operative, they must send them elsewhere than to Cuba; and perhaps this point might, at the present crisis, be pressed 11 upon the Spanish Court successfully. In connexion with this idea, could you secure capital enough to use these poor captives as agricultural apprentices in Africa, on rice, sugar, and cotton estates, its combined results upon slave labour, the extension of your commerce, and diffusion of manufactures, cannot be estimated. Go a step further; and instead of the rise in the value of slaves in our sugar-growing States, consequent upon the passage of your late West-India Bill, you would, by creating a free- labour rival in Africa, strike the surest blow at the root of our slave system ......

“Should you deem Colonists from the United States as most calculated to advance your views, we shall all be happy to proffer our best services. We could just now furnish about a hundred, from Savannah—persons who bear high reputation for moral and intellectual fitness—Free-Coloured People of various pursuits, who, though very anxious to migrate, are detained by the pecuniary situation of the American Colonization Society. They are mostly members of the Church, and adherents to the Temperance cause.—Apropos! this reminds me of the stale charge of rum selling

* On reference to some early numbers of the “Liberia Herald,” I find that temperance and Temperance Societies were advocated in its columns long before the charge above alluded to was brought forward by its enemies; who, if they would take the trouble to investigate the reports of those who have visited the colony, and would compare it with other African colonies, would be under the necessity of admitting that the moral character of the American colonists is far superior to that of any others on the Western coast of that continent. The continued care of the Board of Managers in this respect may be seen from the following extracts.— T. H.

“ Resolved, That the Colonial Agent be instructed to discourage, by all means in his power, the supply, through the factories or otherwise, of the Natives with firearms, powder, and shot:

“ Resolved, That the Colonial Agent be empowered to make a donation to any colonist, or Association of colonists, not exceeding five hundred acres of land, on condition that the same be appropriated to the culture of sugar, cotton, or coffee.”

An Extract from the Resolutions passed for the Accommodation of Emigrants, by the Board of Managers of the American Colonization Society, on the 20 th Feb. 1834.—17 th Annual Report of the American Colonization Society, 1834.

As the friends of the American Colonization Society in this country, and more especially those who have aided its operations by their subscriptions, may not be aware of the present state of that

The society, besides having to meet the pressing applications of the greatly-increased number of applicants for emigration, has been subjected to unforeseen and unavoidable expense, in consequence of a famine; which, though principally affecting the Cape-de-Verde Islands, was also felt on the opposite coast of Africa, and rendered it necessary for the Colonial Governor to supply provisions to new emigrants for a longer period, and at a much more expensive rate than in ordinary times. This difficulty occurred at a time when the press of emigrants was unusually great. Under these difficulties, the assistance of British subscribers has been peculiarly well timed; and it may be hoped, that the satisfaction of the contributors, when they learn these facts, will not be less than the gratitude of the managers by whom the remittance has been duly acknowledged.

Active and vigorous measures have been taken to retrieve the finances of the society; and a strict inquiry has been made, which appears likely to lead to the introduction of several salutary alterations in the executives of the society on both sides of the Atlantic.

Although the friends of the Colonization Society are convinced that Liberia, and other similar colonies which may be established on the coast of Africa, offer the best opportunities for advancement and prosperity to the Negro Race, and perhaps to Persons of Colour also, and therefore feel it their duty to hold out every encouragement to new settlers, they are well aware that such colonies, in their formation and progress, must have to contend with difficulties in common with other similar enterprises: they do not conceal this fact, but they strive, to the utmost of their limited means, to reduce the difficulties, and multiply the facilities to be met with. Though they appeal to the histories of all similar colonies, to prove that, on the whole, their undertaking may be regarded as amongst the most successful, they do not exhibit it under any Eutopian colouring. This their enemies have endeavoured to represent them as doing; in order to form a contrast with the picture 13 which they would draw, when they put together the instances of difficulty, failure, or fault; which they collect with so much avidity, that they are not sufficiently careful to ascertain the truth of the statements which they receive and publish. If there are faults of commission and omission—and such there doubtless are—in the colony of Liberia, let not the struggling founders and supporters of that colony be regarded as the patrons of those faults. They lament and deplore, nay, they even ingenuously confess them; whilst, with unwearied patience and perseverance, they endeavour to counteract and remove them. The colony of Sierra Leone was founded from motives of the purest philanthropy; and many of those who have been concerned in the direction of its affairs have been actuated by the same principle. Yet, as those who are at all acquainted with the history and past and present state of that colony must be well aware, it has met with more difficulties, it has produced greater and more numerous crimes, and attained comparatively less success than the American colony. Are the founders and real friends of Sierra Leone to be blamed for this? I think they should rather be pitied, and encouraged to persevere, profiting by past experience; and England might yet retain her place as the first and foremost friend of Africa. As an Englishman, I can have no pleasure in drawing a contrast unfavourable to this country between Sierra Leone and Liberia; but as the prominent opposers of the Colonization Society are those who are known as the patrons of Sierra Leone, or as their friends and associates, I cannot suppose them ignorant of the difficulties inseparable from African colonization, or justifiable in the application which they have made of them * in their attacks on Liberia . Although I am acutely sensible of the * I would ask any unprejudiced person to compare the sums expended on Liberia, and the results which they have produced, with those spent on Sierra Leone and their results; and to examine the ratio between the number of inhabitants, and the number of new settlers known to have been

On the British African colonization society. To which are added, some particulars respecting the American colonization society; and a letter from Jeremiah Hubbard, addressed to a friend in England, on the same subject. http://www.loc.gov/resource/rbaapc.13200 introduced into the two colonies. Let him contrast our official expenses with those of the Liberians; and inquire, if our Government may not have been betrayed into some serious misapplication of its grants. Let him mark the greater success of the American colonists in cultivating the friendship of the natives, in suppressing the slave-trade in their vicinity, and in disposing of the Liberated Africans introduced amongst them; and if he can bring any influence to bear on our colonial affairs, I would entreat him, for the interest and credit of our country, to employ it for the purpose of effecting a change in these respects. In an especial manner, I would solicit my fellow members of the Society of Friends in this country to take a fair view of the subject. Far be it from me to impute to them any criminal intention in the course which I believe them to have very generally adopted, under the sanction of names which were entitled to respect. They are not aware of the good which they have obstructed, and the mischief which they have promoted, by their repugnance to examine the claims and merits of the Colonization Society, and by the countenance and support which, individually and collectively, both by exertion and funds, they have given to its enemies. I cannot imagine that they approve of all which those enemies have said and done; but I am at a loss to conceive how some can rest satisfied with the salvo of a private disavowal, when their public sanction has been conspicuous. I cannot comprehend how some, who have signalized themselves as the disinterested and zealous patrons of Sierra Leone, and who profess to wish well to Liberia, the offspring of the successful imitation of their example, can desire to crush the society which gave it birth, and which nurses its infancy. I would beg them to contrast the words and actions of the Anti-colonization party, both English and American, with those of our truly good and worthy predecessor, John Woolman. Can we, as Englishmen, expect the slave-holding Americans to follow our example, as exhibited in the case of the West Indies, whilst we support and encourage those who seem studious to exasperate and endanger them? It is notorious, that there exists in many of the Americans a glaring inconsistency with respect to liberty for themselves and slavery for others, and also a grievous prejudice against the Coloured victims of their oppression. This American prejudice, against which I have ever protested, though I am accused of the contrary, is of long growth, fostered and strengthened by a variety of causes, of which few, if any, who have not visited America, can properly judge. The Colonization Society goes into the entrenched camp of this prejudice, quietly draws off its adherents, and releases its victims. The opposite party, confounding determined Slaveholders and Colonizationists, set themselves in open hostility against both; who are almost compelled to take up a defensive position, in which some, who are really no friends to slavery, have gone too far in palliating it. It is not in this mode only that the Anti-colonization party have injured the cause of freedom. They have obstructed the tide of liberality and benevolence; and there can be no doubt, that, but for their injurious influence, many who are now slaves would have obtained their freedom, and, at their own desire, have been settled in Africa. This is particularly the case with 500 Persons of Colour whom the poor Friends in North Carolina hold in trust, lest they should be returned to bondage. These Negroes, in their present situation, are a source of expense and anxiety to their

It is greatly to be regretted that these enemies should have sheltered themselves under the name, to them inappropriate, of the Anti-Slavery Society, and thus have rendered its present prominent character that of Anti-Colonization Society. In saying this, I am aware that a few exceptions must be made in favour of some of those who are attached to the Society in question, and perhaps as respects one or two of the publications emanating from its head-quarters. The only one of this class which I can at present call to mind, is intitled “Letters on American Slavery, by John Rankin;” and which might, I have no doubt, be read with much better effect than any other publication of the Boston Anti-Slavery Society, yet without the irritation which they are generally calculated to excite. The author of these Letters is evidently not unfriendly to the colonization of Africa by voluntary Coloured emigrants from America; since he says of the Liberated People of Colour, “They will scatter over this Union—many of them will emigrate to Hayti and Africa. Prepare them for citizenship, and give them the privileges of free men, and they will have no inducements to do us harm; but persist in oppressing them, and ruin will eventually burst upon our nation.”

Although I would refer those who are willing to investigate the merits of the Colonization Society to its own official publications, to the interesting history of the colony by W. Innes, and to the Inquiry respecting its merits, and the charges brought against it, published some months since by myself, 15 it will not be amiss briefly to state here the grounds on which it is entitled to the active support of * the friends of humanity :— * I am aware that I have been replied to, both anonymously and otherwise; but I feel assured that no rejoinder is necessary. All I ask is, that those who may happen to have read these Replies will take

1. It offers a very promising opportunity of advantage to those who are oppressed, and placed under the most disadvantageous circumstances.

2. It promises to facilitate and expedite the civilization of a large continent, the vast resources of which are now to a great degree dormant.

3. It promises great advantages to those of the African Race who may choose to remain in America; since they must eventually participate in the benefit of the education given to Persons of Colour destined for emigration, and in the kindly feeling which the habit of consulting the advancement and prosperity of Liberia, and of the colonists there, cannot fail to produce; as well as in the important influence which the elevated character of the prosperous African settler must inevitably exert on that baneful prejudice which colonizationists and anti-colonizationists agree in admitting, although they so widely differ as to the means which they take to remove it. The Colonization Society is the true Anti-Slavery Society. It would, if duly supported, enable all those whose consciences are awake to the immorality of possessing slaves, to part with them, in spite of the laws which at present stand in their way: and in doing this, it would deprive the hardened slave-holder of the support and sanction which the example of his more conscientious neighbour seems at present to give to his crime; and it would introduce into the Slave States a vast number of free labourers, entitled to vote, whose influence would constitutionally counteract that of the slave-holders, and advocate the cause of the slave with a force more consistent with Christianity, if not more powerful than all the tumults which the nominal anti-slavery party intentionally or unintentionally excite. The hundreds of emancipated slaves, whose liberty the Colonization Society has obtained—the example of Maryland, which I shall presently quote—and the door set open for the discussion of the subject of slavery in the different Slave States, through the influence of the Colonization Society, are indisputable evidence of the truth of this assertion: but for its final and lasting confirmation, I appeal to the genius of the American Colonization Society itself, when its mature age shall realize the promises of its youth—when it shall have outlived the enemies who now seek to blacken and disfigure it—and when, having conveyed thousands of worthy and successful objects of its benevolent care across the ocean, it shall, as it were, have washed off the calumnious aspersions of its foes in the Atlantic wave, and appear to an admiring world

“Qualis aut Nireus fuit, aut aquosâ raptus ab Idâ”

When we consider the importance of our East-Indian trade, it must, if I am not greatly mistaken, be economical as well as benevolent policy, by acts of kindness and timely succour afforded to the Western-African Colonies in their infancy, to secure their lasting friendship; lest, when risen to wealth and power, they should avail themselves of the facilities afforded by their position to cut up our Indian commerce, in a way which no naval force could effectually prevent.

I shall now lay before my readers some extracts and particulars which have been collected since the printing of the publications before alluded to.

The following, it is hoped, will serve to counteract the opinion which has been extensively propagated, that the plan of colonization emanated from the friends of slavery and the enemies of the Coloured Race.

“I would remark, that no plan can be entirely approved, that is not based upon Christian principles. And I conceive, that, according to those principles, we all should admit the following two positions: —As the African Race were forcibly torn from their native country, and involved in a state of captivity and bondage in America, if they or any of them wish to return to Africa, it would be unjust to detain them in what, in this point of view, may be regarded as a land of exile. And secondly, as, by birth, America is their native land, if they are disposed to regard it as such, and wish to remain there, it would be unjust to force them to emigrate to any other region whatever. But I am not in favour of any exclusive system; but, in so intricate and difficult a subject as slavery is in America, the Christian

“Some years before the formation of the American Colonization Society—I do not recollect how many—a Female Minister in the Society of Friends, long since deceased, came into Virginia, where I then lived; one principal object of the visit being to promote the formation of a Colonization system. I was with her in an interview with the then Chancellor in Williamsburgh, with Bishop Medison, and with one of our members of Congress. . . . . When the Society was formed, some years after, the motives of some of its members were called in question. But many of the members, of which it was then and is now composed, have been men whose reputation in society has placed them above even the suspicion of intending to perpetuate slavery. I think, in almost all cases, sweeping censures are both uncharitable and unjust; and in the case before us, I am very sure that many of the members of the American Colonization Society have become members on principles of genuine humanity.”

Extract from a Letter of Elisha Bates to Dr. Hodgkin, 27. 1.1834.

The next quotation which I shall offer is to the same effect; but before I give it, I will just remark, that, as far as I have been able to learn, the bitterest enemies of the Colonization Society have not been able to adduce a single instance of an individual conveyed from America to Liberia against his will, and that many Free Blacks are desirous of going there, notwithstanding the utmost efforts of the Anti-Colonization Society to prevent them.

“In 1815, if I mistake not, the Rev. Samuel J. Mills returned from New Orleans, through the Southern Atlantic States, with his far-reached eye of benevolence fixed on this subject. After consultation with a few friends, and much prayer to God, his 17 mind became settled; and, as I have always understood, by the joint labours of himself and the Rev. Dr. Finley, as primary instruments, the Colonization Society was established. It is needless and unseasonable here to discuss the principles or the history of that society. To say that it cannot prove an adequate and immediate remedy for slavery, is, in my opinion, only to say there is no such remedy. It has set in motion a train of causes, that have already produced, and that promise, by the blessing of God, still more extensively to produce, important results in behalf of the African race.

“It is my earnest hope, that, in their efforts, as societies or individuals, to promote the welfare of this race, good men, live where they may in our own country, will act with a comprehensive view of all the great interests involved; and will especially avoid such collisions of influence as will frustrate all the good purposes at which they aim.

“ Theological Seminary, Andover, July 27 th, 1833.”

One amongst numerous proofs that the Managers of the Colonization Society sincerely desire to promote the well-being of the Coloured Race, may be seen in the fact, that they sent a Commission to gain information and prepare the way from the first settlers. I shall extract the following paragraphs from a report which a member of that Commission presented to the Society, on his return:—

“After having reflected, deliberately, on the proper place, time, and manner of commencing the long- contemplated movement—and the propriety of doing something had scarcely been disputed at all— he (Dr. Finley) resolved to test the popularity, and in some degree the practicability, of his own plan, by introducing the subject to public notice at Washington. He arrived at that city about the 1st of December 1816, and began to make arrangements for a meeting of the citizens. Many ridiculed, and some opposed him: but meekly contenting himself with the observation, ‘I know this scheme is from God,’ he persevered, and prevailed. The society was organized on the 1st of January 1817.

“Raise the character of one Man of Colour, and a favour is done to the race. Educate a few Paul Cuffees, establish a few Sierras Leone, and they will acquire a reputation which will baffle prejudice and attract respect.

“If settlements should be made in Africa, it will be nearly indispensable to make a selection among the Free People of Colour. Perhaps those only should be encouraged, in the first instance, who will learn to read, write, and manage figures; who understand agriculture or some mechanic art; who are temperate in habits, and will cheerfully devote themselves to active and useful industry.”

“It was a general and a just impression, that having enjoyed the services of the People of Colour, and having been accessory to their settlement in this country, it was neither humane nor right to remove them, or assist them to remove, to the land whence their fathers came, or to any other, unless they consented to such a change, and there was a fair prospect that it would contribute to their wealth, reputation, and happiness.” [It was this impression which induced the founders to send the author and his companion to the coast of Africa, as a preparatory step.]

“The elevation of the character of the Free People of Colour who are now in the country is another inducement to their colonization in Africa. They have not here a fair opportunity to shew themselves men: their minds are, in some degree, shackled, from childhood. They have not the same motives

“While the African Institution will maintain a dignified position, and the British and Foreign Bible Society will extend its benign influence through the earth, let the American Colonization Society not fail to enrol her name among the first humane institutions of this country, and prove herself a noble benefactress of African People.”— From an “Address to the American Society for Colonizing the Free People of Colour. 1818.” C 18 I adduce the next quotations to shew that the best and firmest friends of the Colonization Society are not the merely theoretical, but the practical friends to the abolition of Slavery. I believe that the single family of the Breckinridges have emancipated more slaves than all the members of the Anti- Colonization Society put together.

Kentucky. —“Since the year 1793, there has been a large party there hostile to slavery. In 1798, my father, the late Hon. John Breckinridge, drew up the existing Constitution of State; and perhaps by his influence, and that of the famous George Nicholas, slavery was prevented from being abolished in that year. It is at once an indication of the kind change working in that state, and a signal instance of the retributive goodness of God, that I should have been called, as much perhaps as any other man, to pull down the slavery built up there by the influence of a parent, at once the most revered, and, in all things else, among the wisest of mankind. And not I alone; for five-sevenths of a very large slave property, left to our family by my father, are already free, or in a process of becoming so; while my brothers, the Rev. John Breckinridge of Philadelphia, the Rev. William L. Breckinridge of Kentucky, and the late J. Cabell Breckinridge, well known as a leading citizen of that State, and an active servant of God, have been not less ardent and more able friends of the Black Race than myself.”— Extract from a Letter from the Rev. R. J. Breckinridge to Elliott Cresson, Esq., dated Baltimore, Feb. 4, 1834.

“In conversation, the other day, with a Young Gentleman, on the probability of effecting their freedom (that is, of 110 slaves left free by Dr. Hawes, but who must relapse into slavery unless removed from the State within the year), we asked him if he felt confident it would be accomplished. He replied, that rather than they should go again into bondage, he would effect their rescue himself: “My fortune for their freedom!”—This Young Gentleman is a Colonizationist.—Has the Negro found * any such friends among the Abolitionists ?”— From the Philadelphia Christian Gazette.

I need not stop to enumerate individual instances, although there are many of these who deserve to be held in honourable remembrance. The Slave-holding State of Maryland is, perhaps, politically speaking, the most important convert which the Colonization Society has made. The Government of that State has not only sanctioned, but powerfully supported, a Branch Colonization Society; from the Resolutions of which I make the following extract. The care which it evinces for the suppression of intemperance must be particularly satisfactory to all but those who wish to represent the Colonization Society as the patron of intemperance:—

“Whereas it is the desire of the Maryland State Colonization Society to hasten, as far as they can, the arrival of the period when slavery shall cease to exist in Maryland; and whereas the Society believe that this can be best done by advocating and assisting the cause of colonization, which is considered as the safest, the truest, and the most efficient auxiliary of freedom, under existing circumstances:

“And whereas the Society believe that it is proper to use every means in their power to raise Maryland to the rank of a Free State of this Union, not only on account of the immediate benefit to herself, but for the sake of the illustration which she would then furnish of the effect of colonization in removing slavery:

“ Be it Resolved, as follows:—

“That the Maryland State Society look forward to the extirpation of slavery in Maryland, by proper and gradual efforts, addressed to the understanding and experience of the people of the State, as the primary object of their labours.

“Whereas it is desired that the settlement about to be made by this Society should, as far as practicable, become a moral and temperate community;—and as 19 this is to be effected, in a great degree, by the character of the emigrants who leave America for a new home in Africa; and whereas the sad experience of this country has shewn the demoralizing effects of the use of ardent spirits;—

“ Be it Resolved,

The next quotations, which contain some of the most recent information which has been received respecting the Colony of Liberia, must be very gratifying to those who, like myself, believe that the Colony of Liberia contains the most morally-disposed settlements on the Western Coast of Africa.

“The schooner has received a new coat of paint, and, with the new sails, makes a beautiful appearance. The expense of these repairs amounted to nearly 300 dollars. To this I have added a cargo of nearly 1400 dollars, and sent down the coast. The season is very unfavourable; but, notwithstanding this, I have sent no ardent spirits, which is considered indispensable to successful trade at any season. I shall await her return with deep interest.”— Extract from a Letter from the Rev. J. J. Pinney, Temporary Colonial Agent to the Rev. R. R. Gurley; Liberia, March 7, 1834.

“One circumstance, connected with this prompt and mutually agreeable negociation, is worthy of particular notice. It was the unwavering opinion of those best acquainted with the Native character, that no negociation could possibly be effected with them, without a supply of rum, to be used on the occasion, and also to form part of the price of their land. When Dr. Hall informed them that we did not use it ourselves, and could not think of furnishing them with an article calculated to injure them, they immediately consented to dispense with it, on condition that they should receive fifty dollars in specie, to supply the deficiency. This was much less than could have been expected; consequently, their offer was promptly and joyfully met by the Agent.

“Other kings have manifested not only a willingness, but an anxiety, to receive Americans to settle among them. There also exists, among many of the tribes, an anxiety to have their children educated. In a word, there is a great and effectual door opening in this interesting and extensive country, to preach the everlasting Gospel.”— Extract from a Letter from the Rev. John Hersey, of Baltimore, to the Editors of the Christian Advocate, New York.

“We learn, from the ‘Lutheran Observer,’ that a Public Meeting, to promote the interest of this Society, was held a few days since, at Baltimore. The Rev. Dr. Bond presided, and several interesting addresses were delivered; after which, a collection was taken up. What gave peculiar interest to the Meeting, was the presence of two African Princes, who had arrived in this country about two weeks previously. They are lads of twelve and fifteen years of age; one, the son of Weah Bolio, king of Grahway; the other, the son of Parflair, king of Cavally. They were brought to this country at the request of their parents, by the Agents of the Maryland Colonization Society, with a view to be

“The territory owned by the Maryland Colonization Society, on the Western coast of Africa, comprising 400 square miles, was purchased from the fathers of these young Princes; and one of the terms stipulated in the treaty was, that the Society should bring these youths to this country, and give them a thorough education; and also, as soon as possible, establish a Free School in each of the three large towns of their respective dominions.”

The new settlement of ‘Edina,’ so named in commemoration of the liberality of some citizens of Edinburgh who contributed to its formation, has already made considerable progress. Another, to be named ‘Pennsylvan,’ is about to be formed by the young men of Pennsylvania; and a Member of the Society of Friends, an exemplary and able individual, has thought it right to quit a public post in which he was highly appreciated, in order to go, with his wife, to superintend a manual labour school in the new colony, which is founded on purely peace and temperance principles. C 2 20 It is particularly pleasing to me to bring forward the following quotation; since it contains the opinion of a man, than whom no one is better, if so well, qualified to judge of the means calculated to benefit Africa.

“Every aid should be afforded by your Missionary Societies to your new and interesting Settlement. By an efficient Ministry, and due attention to the Schools of Liberia, the foundation of a future empire may be laid in that settlement, that may in a short time do much to evangelize the surrounding country to a great extent. When the government of that country has gained the confidence of the nations beyond it, multitudes of those nations will put themselves under its protection; and among such people you will find employment for a large body of Missionaries.

“My views on this subject cannot be more happily expressed than they have been by one of your own countrymen, the late Rev. Samuel J. Mills, in the following extract:—‘If, by pursuing the object now in view, a few of the Free Blacks of good character could be settled in any part of the African coast, they might be the means of introducing civilization and religion among the barbarous nations already there. Their settlement might increase gradually; and some might, in a suitable time, go out from that settlement, and form others, and prove the occasion of great good.’

“The Memoirs of that interesting man did not come into my hands till a few days ago, and till I had written my own sentiments upon this subject. Mentioning to a friend, that I was very anxious to see

“There is so exact a correspondence between his views as to the best mode of evangelizing and civilizing Africa and my own, that the one seemed to me as if it was a copy of the other. From the first notice I had of your settlement of Liberia, I contemplated it under the same aspects as those under which Mr. Mills appeared to have viewed it, when he was sacrificing his health and life for its establishment. And I cannot help feeling surprised, that Mr. Mills, with his opportunities, should have arrived so soon at the just conclusions to which he had come on this subject.

“The whole of Mr. Mills's Memoirs convinces me, that, from your intercourse with the native tribes of America, or some other cause, you have much more enlarged views on this subject than are, generally speaking, to be found in England. But, however far you may have got before my countrymen on this point, you will not be displeased to find that the fruit of fourteen years' experience, which I have had in Africa, goes to confirm all the views of your own enlightened and lamented countryman.

“So far as our plans for the future improvement of Africa are concerned, I regard this settlement as full of promise to this unhappy continent. Half-a-dozen such Colonies, conducted on Christian principles, might be the means, under the Divine Blessing, of regenerating this degraded quarter of the globe. Every prospective measure for the improvement of Africa must have in it the seminal principles of good government; and no better plan can be devised for laying the foundations of Christian governments, than that which this new settlement presents. Properly conducted, your new colony may become an extensive empire, which may be the means of shedding the blessings of civilization and peace over a vast portion of this divided and distracted continent. From some hints I have seen in some English Papers, I perceive that you will have some difficulties to encounter in the prosecution of your present plan. It is the fate of every good plan for the melioration of the human race, to be opposed particularly at its commencement; and the virulence of the opposition is generally in proportion to the excellence of the plan proposed. But we have this to encourage us, in our endeavours to persevere in the pursuit of a good object, that it must in the end triumph. I cannot for a moment suppose that ever America will force the poor People of Colour to go to Liberia. Such a mode of proceeding would neither accord with the liberties or good sense of your countrymen. And if every slave-proprietor in the United States offer to make his slaves free, and the slaves are willing to accept their freedom on the condition that they will exchange America for Liberia, I can see nothing in such an arrangement to excite or nourish a spirit of hostility against your new settlement.”— Extract from a Letter from the Rev. John Philip, D. D. Superintendant of the

The preceding Extracts will serve to give some idea of the present state of the Colonization Society —of the unforeseen and trying difficulties with 21 which it has had to contend—of the renewed stimulus which these difficulties have given to its friends—and of the renewed hopes which may reasonably be drawn, not only from the union of purpose which animates the members of the Colonization Society, but from the promptitude with which, in spite of every difficulty, they have set about remedying defects and removing deficiencies, whether discovered by their own observation and experience, or pointed out by their enemies.

In conclusion, I would take occasion to remark, that the last Report of the Society, and the last Numbers both of the African Reporter and of the American Missionary Herald, contain much interesting and important matter; and that I cannot too strongly recommend the perusal of them to the friends of Colonization generally, as well as to those who take an interest in the American and British African Colonization Societies in particular. Let me earnestly entreat those who may yet have to form their opinion respecting the American Colonization Society, or who may have been biassed by the misrepresentations of its enemies, not to be satisfied with mutilated and ex-parte representations, but to take a view of the facts and bearings of the case as they really stand; and I feel increasingly persuaded, that if they will do so, they will come to that conviction which long and conscientious attention to the subject serves only to strengthen in my own mind; That the principles which led to the formation of the Society, and which have since actuated its leading members—the course which it has pursued, as well as the general result which it has obtained, and is obtaining— fully justify that persuasion which animated and consoled the founder of the Society, and supported him against the ridicule and opposition which he met with;—he felt assured that the work was of God, and would prosper.

To those who may have already enlisted themselves amongst the friends and supporters of the American Colonization Society, I would observe, that though at times it seems to try one's patience, as it were to a hair's breadth, to find so great and excellent a cause opposed with the asperity and unfairness which are incessantly and actively at work against it, under the garb of religious professions, there is nevertheless abundant encouragement, as well as bright example, in the Christian forbearance and meekness with which this opposition has uniformly been sustained by the Colonization Society collectively, and, with but comparatively few exceptions, by its members individually.

It is indeed discouraging, to see some of those, whom we once numbered amongst our friends, and whose characters we have contemplated with respect, standing aloof from us in the hour of trial and

THOMAS HODGKIN. 22 A Letter from Jeremiah Hubbard, a Minister amongst the Society of Friends in North Carolina, * addressed to a Friend in England .

* I am inclined to print this Letter, as another proof that the Colonization Society is strongly advocated by those who are not only not slave-holders, but, on the contrary, the firm friends to the abolition of Slavery. Jeremiah Hubbard has for many years been the prominent advocate of the slave, and is an active member of his yearly meeting, which has not shrunk from urging its remonstrances on the subject of slavery with the Legislature of the State, in spite of the penal enactments prohibiting such a step. I do not consider myself committed as uniting with every expression of the author, more especially with reference to the probable removal of all the Coloured Population from the United States; but I do not consider that this at all affects the merits of the case: I fully unite with him in thinking that the greater the number which can be assisted to emigrate, the better will it be for themselves and for the Whites. I would also take this opportunity of remarking the inconsistency of the Anti-Colonization party in denouncing the Colonization Society as injurious to the Coloured Population by reducing their numbers, and at the same time furnishing the proof that the number of its emigrants does not nearly equal that of the annual increase of the Coloured People. Again, they denounce the Society for not causing the abrogation of the unjust laws now operating against the Blacks, as if it were really in their power to do so; and at the same time they exult in the weakness of the Society, which they studiously represent as dying, and even actually defunct.

Guilford County, North Carolina, 3 d Month 4 th, 1834.

Dear Friend —I am induced to write to thee on the subject of colonizing the People of Colour in the United States, in Africa, from an apprehension that I have had for several years past, (and from recent information I have been confirmed that I was not mistaken,) that there are some friends

On the British African colonization society. To which are added, some particulars respecting the American colonization society; and a letter from Jeremiah Hubbard, addressed to a friend in England, on the same subject. http://www.loc.gov/resource/rbaapc.13200 in England much opposed to the plan of the Colonization Society; and although I do not know, from any direct or definite information, what is the ground of their objection, I have supposed that they think it would be more consistent with Christian principles to emancipate them in the Southern States, and let them remain here, as they have done in the Northern States. I apprehend that friends in England are not fully apprised of some important circumstances relative to the subject, which places the Southern States in a very different situation from the Northern. In the first place, there never were so many People of Colour in the Northern States as there are in the Southern; and another circumstance that diminished them there, and increased them greatly here, was, while the Northern States were legislating on the subject of gradual emancipation, avaricious masters sent them by thousands to the Southern markets, before the emancipating laws were actually passed; which left a small proportion in those States, in comparison with the Whites; not many more, perhaps, than they were willing to have for labourers, waiting-men, waiting-women, &c. And, notwithstanding they have freed their slaves, for which they are entitled to applause, yet they never dreamed, as the saying is, of raising them to equal citizenship and privileges with the White People. No, my friend; they can no more reconcile to themselves the idea of sitting down by the side of a Coloured African, in any legislative or judiciary department, than the high-spirited Southern slave-holder: and not only so, they never intend to admit them to these privileges, while the State Governments and the United States' Government continue in existence. Notwithstanding this, there are some highly professing philanthropists that are mightily opposed to colonization in Africa; and some of these have used their endeavours to prejudice the people of England against the Colonization Society; and have perhaps succeeded in some degree; mainly, I apprehend, by misrepresenting the views and operations or effects of the society on the subject of slavery in the Slave States. They 23 appear to me to have been actuated, in some degree at least, by a spirit of envy or revenge at the growing approbation of the society both in the North and the South; or, it may be, for the want of capacity fully to understand and comprehend the vastly capacious and benevolent enterprise in all its bearings and effects, in the past, present, and future times, not only on the community at large of the United States, both of the Whites and People of Colour, but upon the civilization and happiness of the millions on the continent of Africa. They have also succeeded in influencing many of the People of Colour in the Northern States to be much opposed to emigrating to Africa, and to the Colonization Society; which is an evident mark of their degradation, effected by their long continuance in that inferior sphere of action to which their condition and striking difference of features and colour have subjected them, under the prejudices of the Whites. The White People are content that they have emancipated them from slavery, and are trying to give some of them some education; although, as I have said before, they never intend to admit them to an equality with themselves: no, not even a Newton, a Cæsar, or a Demosthenes, if they were descended of the sable African or Negro race, would be thus equalized. Although I apprehend that the English people are not so deeply prejudiced against the African race as the people of the United

* Our situation is so very different from that of the Americans, that it is almost impossible to say what we should do, were we similarly circumstanced. The following fact, however, deserves some attention. A female English friend, a minister of the Society, was induced, by her benevolence, to ransom an African boy. She spared neither pains nor expense in educating and setting him up; yet she eventually colonized him in Sierra Leone, as the best course which she could take.— T. H.

But the Colony of Liberia has exceeded in its progress, both in civil and political character, in numbers aud territory, what its most sanguine friends could have rationally expected. It contains † about three thousand colonists , and territory of about two hundred miles along the coast, about thirty miles wide; between four and five hundred recaptured slaves, restored to their country at the expense of the United States' Government; about one thousand manumitted slaves, that have gone with their own consent, and with the will and consent of their owners, since the colony was founded; — † These numbers do not appear to be quite correct. In a Second Letter from Jeremiah Hubbard, he says that he had been misinformed, and desires this inaccuracy to be explained. It is stated in the last Report of the Society, that, up to the year 1833 inclusive, the number of Emigrants was 2769. 24 and, from information that I now have before me, there are not less than ten thousand willing to go to Liberia, and their masters willing to give them up, if the colony was large enough to receive them, and the society had sufficient funds for transporting and settling them in Africa. And probably there is twice that number now anxious to go. Nearly a thousand emigrated to Liberia last year, among which was a considerable number of manumitted slaves, from Baltimore, from Norfolk, from South Carolina, from Kentucky, and from Mississippi, and other places. Two tribes of the Natives

Here may we not ask the opposers of the Colonization Society for a parallel in the page of History, of such successful progress of a colony, in so short a time, say ten or twelve years, under such a combination of apparently insurmountable difficulties? Or can they devise a more propitious plan for the total abolition of the slave-trade, the civilization of Africa, and the extinction of slavery in the United States, than for the people and Government to turn their energies, with their surplus revenue and their other abundant resources, for the support and growth of the Colony of Liberia? I am also of opinion that the wealthy friends of humanity in England could not better apply a portion of that immense wealth that a bountiful Providence has been pleased to try them with, than to aid with it the Colonization Society; especially at the present time, when there are so many desirous to emigrate, and cannot, for want of funds. As Great Britain had as large a share in the sin of bringing those people to America as we or any other nation have had, or larger perhaps, her noble sons of liberty and Christian philanthropy ought to be willing to do their part in restoring them to their own country, or the land of their fathers, with the blessings of civilization and the enlightening influences of Christianity; although Wilberforce and several other good men have expressed a different opinion, that is, with respect to the people of England aiding by donations the Colonization Society in America. In making these remarks, I have no partial views to the Society of Friends here or in England, nor to the People of Colour under our care, but the general good of both the Whites and the People of Colour here and elsewhere.

I will now state more definitely the situation of the Southern States from the Northern, with respect to the general emancipation of the People of Colour, to remain with the Whites. The number of Blacks exceed the Whites, in about one half of each of the Southern States;—say, from one hundred miles to one hundred and fifty from the shores of the Atlantic, from the State of Maryland to Florida, a distance of more than one thousand miles along the sea-coast, there is a great majority of Blacks. In some States, two to one of Whites, that is, in the eastern parts of them; and in the eastern parts of South Carolina, some counties in North Carolina, and some in Virginia, four to one: but in the western parts of these States there is a majority of Whites, though a great many Blacks. Now, my friend, as to the general emancipation of such a number of these poor degraded creatures—say, more than two millions—always to remain here with the White People. 25 Even if the Government

But I need not dwell much upon the subject of universal emancipation, in stating the best, or worst, or most probable results of such a measure; because the Southern people have no more idea of the general emancipation of slaves, without colonizing them, than the Northern people have of admitting the few among them to equal rights and privileges. Not even the friends of humanity here think that a general emancipation, to remain here, would better their condition; and if they did, I believe there is none of the Slave States' laws that admits of emancipation without sending them out of the State. And the ultra slave-holders are as much opposed to the Colonization Society as the Northern manumissionists are; and have for several years past been viewing its growing popularity, and the Northern policy in Congress, with great jealousy; which keeps them upon the ground of nullification and the verge of rebellion, though they have other pretexts for it, such as the tariff, &c. But it is evident that slavery, or rather the general anticipation of its being abolished, is the primary cause of their discontent. Although this is the prevailing disposition of the governing men in most of the Slave States, yet there are many men of fine talents and good character, of various religious denominations, that greatly deplore the evil of slavery, and would be glad to put their slaves in a better situation; and some have concluded it would better their condition to send them to Liberia; and others would do so willingly, but cannot, for want of means: while others, no doubt from natural sympathy for their slaves, still dread the dangers and consequences of so adventurous an emigration; and perhaps some slaves are not willing to go. But I have not heard

The primary object of the latter appears to be that of producing such a revolution in public sentiment as to cause the national legislation to be brought to bear directly on the slave-holders, and compel them to emancipate their slaves. And in order to effect this, they have formed themselves into a society that they call the New-England Anti-slavery Society; where they write and print a great many things against the evils of slavery and against slave-holders and the Colonization Society, in a style and manner that savours more of the spirit of those that would ask for fire to come down from heaven to consume their enemies, than of those that would feed them if they were hungry, and, if they were thirsty, give them drink. Their principal entrenchment appears to * be in Boston ; from thence they issue their periodicals, which, I suppose, they circulate pretty generally through the Free States: but whenever one of the pamphlets, called the Liberator, edited by W. L. Garrison, chances to alight in any of the Slave States, it is counted incendiary, and immediately proscribed. Their orators travel and lecture only in the Free States: there they propagate their doctrines or opinions of immediate and universal emancipation, coercion, &c., with much zeal and fluency, and no doubt with sincerity on the part of many of them;—but mark, my friend, they are too discreet, or too timid, to travel, and attempt to propagate these views, and harangue in the Slave States. The general course of their efforts, of late, puts me in mind of what Young says about working the ocean into a tempest, “to waft a feather, or to drown a fly.” And as to their brilliant illustrations of the evils and injustice of slavery, there is no more need of it in the Southern States generally, than there is to light a candle to look at the sun. Even the slave-holders generally acknowledge and deplore the evil, though many of them are not willing to emancipate

On the British African colonization society. To which are added, some particulars respecting the American colonization society; and a letter from Jeremiah Hubbard, addressed to a friend in England, on the same subject. http://www.loc.gov/resource/rbaapc.13200 or colonize their slaves yet. The plan of the Northern Anti-slaveites, instead of softening, appears to be hardening the slave-holders. The only good that they are doing, as it appears to me, is to the Colonization Society: by opposing it so inveterately, it has gained strength and energy: it is like a well- constructed arch, that gains strength by pressure;—the indifferent have been awakened to action, and its warmest friends have renewed their efforts. In the course of last year, more able advocates appeared in its behalf, in the public prints, than ever have in the same length of time since the colony was founded; and more than twice the number of emigrants have gone to Liberia than ever went in any preceding year; notwithstanding the eloquent opposition of Garrison and his colleagues, both in America and England. I would give thee a little specimen of his style and manner of writing. In his opinion of the Colonization Society, he says, “The superstructure of the Colonization Society rests upon the following pillars:” * Boston is a thousand miles from the main body and heart of slavery! 27 1. Persecution; 2. Falsehood; 3. Cowardice; 4. Infidelity. If I do not prove the Colonization Society to be a creature without heart, without brains, eyeless, unnatural, hypocritical, relentless, unjust, then nothing is capable of demonstration!!! ” His language to slave-holders, or of slave-holders, is: “They are hypocrites, man-stealers: and such as hold offices in the United States,” he says, “are guilty of corrupt perjury, and, unless they repent, will have their part in the lake that burns with fire and brimstone. This kind of language is not at all calculated to make good impressions on the minds of slave-holders, even on those of whom it may be true; and it is utterly false as respects many who hold slaves: they would be very glad to have it in their power to put their slaves in a better situation, but are hindered by the laws of the States from emancipating them: they are not able to send them to Liberia; and, while the laws of some of the Free States prohibit their coming, the people in all of them are opposed to it. “ If thine enemy hunger, feed him; and if he thirst, give him drink: for in so doing thou shalt heap coals of fire upon his head. Be not overcome of evil, but overcome evil with good:” Romans xii. 20, 21. This ought to be the motto of every friend to the cause of the abolition of slavery: if this mild and gentle policy fail to make effectual impressions on the minds of hardened slave-holders, in vain may we expect to conquer them by satire and vituperation, or threats of coercion. That this is not the general policy of the Colonization Society, I need not say; but it has much more the appearance of the plan of the anti-slaveites of New England. I know not of but one principle that they profess or practise that is an exception to the above Apostolic rule, and that is, self-defence in their colony: but this is no more than the common policy of all republics and civilized nations in the world, and probably as much attached to the immediate manumissionist as the colonizationist; but it is evidently contrary to the spirit of the Gospel.

A Colonizationist says: “The American Colonization Society was formed, very properly, at the central city of the Republic. If it had been formed in the heart of the Slave-holding States, it might have

On the British African colonization society. To which are added, some particulars respecting the American colonization society; and a letter from Jeremiah Hubbard, addressed to a friend in England, on the same subject. http://www.loc.gov/resource/rbaapc.13200 been regarded with just suspicion, as a device to perpetuate slavery. If it had originated in the Free States, it would have been certainly considered and reprobated with indignation, as a scheme for forcing a general emancipation upon the South. In either event, jealousies would have been created and cherished, equally painful to the Whites, and injurious to the Blacks. There was one spot where it was possible to make a great national effort so neutral, that suspicion would be disarmed; so public, that all the acts of the society must necessarily be scrutinized by the eyes of the nation looking to that focal point.” And that which ought to preclude “all possibility of honest complaint against the motives which actuated those concerned in the general management of the society—there was scarcely a profession or denomination in the land that did not participate in its early movement. There were Episcopalians, Quakers, Presbyterians, Catholics, Baptists, Congregationalists, Methodists; Slave-holders, non-Slave-holders; Civil men, and Religious men; Northern men, and Southern men; men of great and humble abilities.” “Their reasons for action in some form were numerous and urgent;—the safety of the Whites, the ignorance and degradation of the Free Blacks, the comfort of the slaves, the unity of the States, the peace of the country, the prospects and happiness of the African race generally, the horrors of the slave-trade, and the uncancelled debt due from the Christian community of the world to long and greatly-injured Africa.” All these were stimulating motives. They declared their primary object in their constitution was to colonize Free People of Colour of this country in Africa. 28 They knew, if they succeeded in that, all the other objects would follow in its train; their object in colonizing the Free People of Colour not being that of perpetuating slavery, as the anti-slaveites construe it, but because they are not likely ever to be put upon an equal footing here with the White People; and because here, in the Slave States, they are a continual obstruction to emancipation: this the society brought to view, in their preamble or apology for the plan;—that is: “The number of Free Coloured People in some States being so great, as to cause them to repeal or prevent laws of emancipation.” And, although the society lays no claim to slaves, nor holds up to view any means or measures to compel masters to emancipate them, yet the society is as willing to send those that their masters immediately emancipate, as those that are free-born. Of the three thousand colonists, more than half, I suppose, are emancipated slaves: this appears to be the first great and good work that is likely to be effected by the efforts and operations of the Colonization Society; to wit, the abolition of slavery in the United States. And although this might not have been the prospect of the society as being the first, yet it is now in accordance with their most ardent wishes. Let the opposers of the Colonization Society say what they will against its operations, as being a check to the spirit of emancipation, an obstruction to the abolition of slavery in America;—facts are against them; and it is evident to a demonstration, to all that know the general disposition and situation of the Slave States before the society was organized, and since, that just in proportion to the knowledge of the views of this society has been the increase of a disposition to investigate slavery, and the awakening of a spirit of emancipation.

The plan and operations of the Colonization Society are calculated to keep the United States in union, by its regard to the Federal Constitution, and the laws of the States.

Fourteen States have already united with the plan; viz. New Hampshire, Vermont, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Georgia, Tennessee, Kentucky, Ohio, and Indiana: five of the above are Slave States, nine Free States; and nearly all the ecclesiastical bodies in the United States have fully expressed their opinion, that the society merits the consideration and favour of the whole Christian community, and recommends it to their patronage. The society, by aiming at a united action of all the States, avoids sectional jealousies; and while it preserves fraternal feelings throughout the union, it prevents a separate action of any portion of the States from an abrupt and violent mode of 29 operation, which would be difficult and dangerous, and might quickly extinguish every hope of relieving the slave population. Hence it may be seen, that the opposers of the American Colonization Society have a tremendous force of public opinion against them; and that the immediate manumissionists of the North, and the hardened and determined slave-holders of the South, are its only inveterate enemies; and these together form, it is believed, but a very small part of the great community of the United States.

I apprehend that some friends in England think that it would be better to colonize the People of Colour in some territory upon this continent than in Africa; supposing probably, as some of us once did, that a tropical climate would be too great a change: but the present state of the colony shews that the Coloured People now enjoy their health as well there as they did here: of this I am informed by private letters from the colonists, and from several respectable captains of vessels who have visited the colony, and from the report of a Committee of the colonists, contradicting the false

Do but let the avenues of emigration be kept open, both for the Free People of Colour that wish to go, and the slaves that the masters are free to send, but only with their own consent: let the plan of the American Colonization Society be brought into, and kept in full operation, by the united energies of the friends of humanity: let the common people contribute their units, and the competent their tens, and the wealthy their hundreds and thousands, and the State Legislatures their tens of thousands and hundreds of thousands, as some of them have already done;—these aids, independent of Congressional or National aid, will enable the society to push forward 30 their designs, to enlarge the Colony at Liberia, and to establish other colonies by the citizens of that, along the coasts of Africa; and to enable them to promote the internal improvement of the colonies —to erect public edifices, to construct roads and bridges, to establish schools, and to provide for the general comfort and happiness of the colonists. Then we shall in a few years see there will be in Africa a well-ordered, prosperous, and intelligent Republic, stretching along the coast, and penetrating the continent; the forests vanishing before the citizens, and the wilderness becoming a fruitful field;—then, tens of thousands of willing emigrants may be safely received and comfortably

The want of extension and capacity of the colony to receive emigrants, as soon and as many as are ready to go, are my main fears. But could the community at large of the United States feel a firm confidence that the African race could be all removed from amongst us, and comfortably settled in Africa within the present century, there would be no lack of funds to carry on the work: millions might be raised, without law, and without the least fear of any pecuniary loss to ourselves or our posterity, from a prospect of the great increase of internal improvement, and the enhancement of the value of property that would naturally follow such an event. I have no doubt but that there are thousands, who, independently of humane motives (did they feel such a confidence), would be induced, from pecuniary interest, to give one-tenth of their estates in support of such a measure, as I have heard several men of respectability say; some that were only possessed of a competency, and others, that were wealthy; some slave-holders, and some non slave-holders; some indifferent, and some alive to the cause of Christian humanity.

And furthermore, when the colony shall have attained to such an extent and ability as to receive any number of emigrants that might come—say from ten to fifty thousand annually—it may be fairly inferred, that between this African Republic and the United States there would be a great commercial intercourse, very advantageous to both nations; which might, in time, so increase the revenue of this Government, as to reimburse it for all its expenditures in the benevolent work. It may also be fairly inferred, 31 that the expense of emigration at this stage of the business will be greatly

The Yearly Meeting of Friends of North Carolina has sent several hundreds, of those they have had under their care, to Liberia; for whose emancipation in this State they could never obtain a law, though they petitioned for it oftentimes for the space of fifty years; always finding the chief objection of the Legislature to be, that of the great number and degraded and low character of the Free Persons of Colour already in the State. We prefer sending them to Africa, rather than to any of the Free States or to Canada; because we believe that is their proper home. We have sent some to the State of Ohio; and, since then, hundreds of Blacks have been, in a manner, compelled by the laws of that State, or the prejudices of some of its citizens, to leave it and go to Canada. We have sent some to Indiana; but that State has passed laws, we hear, to forbid any more coming. We have sent some to Pennsylvania; but about two years ago we shipped near one hundred, from Newbern and Beaufort, to Chester: they were not suffered to land, either there or in Philadelphia, or yet on the Jersey shore, opposite; but had to float on the Delaware river until the Colonization Society took them into possession: then they were landed in Jersey, ten miles below Philadelphia, and re- shipped for Africa. The North Carolina Yearly Meeting has contributed thousands of dollars to the Colonization Society: it has probably done more for it than any other religious community has in America; not merely because it has provided us an asylum for the People of Colour under our care, but upon the ground of our belief, that it is a great, humane, and benevolent Institution. I am not informed of a single member of the Society of Friends in this country, not even in any of the Slave States, who is not in favour of colonizing them in Africa. We believe, generally, that colonizing them there gradually is the most likely way to put a peaceful end to slavery, and place them in the great scale of equality with the rest of the civilized world. Some Northern philanthropists say, “Do them justice, and leave consequences;” that is, free them immediately and universally, and let them abide here. We believe this would not be doing justice. We conceive, that if our offspring were in Africa, and had been there the same length of time, in the same situation every way that they have been and now are here, that we should not think that any thing short of sending them back to this, the country of their fathers, would be doing them justice, if it could be done. So we feel bound, by the immutable principles of justice and the commandments of our Great Saviour and Redeemer, to do unto them as we would they should do unto us, as much as we can, and as far as is practicable.

I have reflected much upon this subject, in years past, and of late; and the more I reflect upon it, the more I am confirmed in the opinion of its being a great and good work; and that it is not only practicable, but very probable, that there will be a separation generally of the two colours or castes

Now, any one of these five objects, independent of any of the others, is sufficient to justify the work and cost that it would require to remove all the People of Colour in the United States, and settle them comfortably in Africa—enough to induce the sympathy and pecuniary aid of every friend to the human family. But when we take all these important objects into view; and see that they must inevitably follow, or be effected in the transpiration of such an event, it ought to induce every man in the world, that is acquainted with the subject, and capable of affording any aid, not only to sympathy, but to use his best exertions to promote and encourage and pray for the support of this great and benevolent plan.

The roots of the tree of slavery are too deep and too widely extended here to be torn up by the strong wind of Northern satire and eloquence; and perhaps too deep and broad to be torn up at all. But, support and aid the Colonization scheme, and the tree of slavery, large as it is, may be gradually cut down, and every chip and sprig of it be removed from this continent:—and then the stump and roots thereof will die in the ground, without any band of iron or brass in the tender grass to preserve them.

And now, my dear friend, I think it is time, high time, for me to begin to think of a conclusion; having extended my letter to an uncommon length;—and yet too short, in some parts, to be clearly understood; and I fear much too short, in the whole, to do ample justice to the subject, both in extent and capacity, or fully to relieve my own mind.

I will now conclude with some extracts from some of the writings of two members of the Colonization Society, as being in accordance with my own views and feelings. “There is not, we believe, another benevolent enterprise on earth, so well calculated to secure the favourable opinion, and enlist the hearty good will of ALL MEN, as this, when its objects and bearings are fully understood. In relation to this society, it is eminently the fact, that opposition and indifference have their origin in prejudice or want of information. Ignorance may raise an objection which it requires knowledge to remove; and to rest one's refusal to co-operate in what he is told is a good work, on his own ignorance, is both weak and wicked;—especially in relation to a benevolent enterprise of

Farewell!—I am thy friend, Jeremiah Hubbard.

* * * The “African Repository,” and various other Tracts and Pamphlets, containing much interesting information on the subject alluded to in the preceding pages, may be had of J. Miller, American Bookseller, Henrietta Street, Covent Garden.

R. Watts, Printer, Crown Court, Temple Bar.