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The Attlee Governments
Vic07 10/15/03 2:11 PM Page 159 Chapter 7 The Attlee governments The election of a majority Labour government in 1945 generated great excitement on the left. Hugh Dalton described how ‘That first sensa- tion, tingling and triumphant, was of a new society to be built. There was exhilaration among us, joy and hope, determination and confi- dence. We felt exalted, dedication, walking on air, walking with destiny.’1 Dalton followed this by aiding Herbert Morrison in an attempt to replace Attlee as leader of the PLP.2 This was foiled by the bulky protection of Bevin, outraged at their plotting and disloyalty. Bevin apparently hated Morrison, and thought of him as ‘a scheming little bastard’.3 Certainly he thought Morrison’s conduct in the past had been ‘devious and unreliable’.4 It was to be particularly irksome for Bevin that it was Morrison who eventually replaced him as Foreign Secretary in 1951. The Attlee government not only generated great excitement on the left at the time, but since has also attracted more attention from academics than any other period of Labour history. Foreign policy is a case in point. The foreign policy of the Attlee government is attractive to study because it spans so many politically and historically significant issues. To start with, this period was unique in that it was the first time that there was a majority Labour government in British political history, with a clear mandate and programme of reform. Whereas the two minority Labour governments of the inter-war period had had to rely on support from the Liberals to pass legislation, this time Labour had power as well as office. -
39 Mcnally Radice Friends and Rivals Review
REVIEWS the result is a refreshing mix Dr Tim Benson is Director of the that makes fascinating reading Political Cartoon Society, an organi- for anyone interested in cur- sation for those interested in history rent affairs, one which will also and politics through the medium of be appreciated by students of cartoons. politics, history, journalism and Visit www.politicalcartoon.co.uk cartoon art. When personal ambitions collide, mutual co-operation is precluded Giles Radice: Friends and Rivals: Crosland, Jenkins and Healey (Little, Brown & Co., 2002), 382 pp. Reviewed by Tom McNally et us start with the con- narrative parallels Dangerfield’s clusion. Giles Radice has The Strange Death of Liberal Eng- Lwritten an important land in seeking to explain how book, a very readable book and both a political establishment and one that entirely justifies the a political philosophy lost its way. many favourable reviews it has I watched this story unfold received since its publication in first of all as a Labour Party re- September 2002. By the device searcher in the mid- and late them. In that respect Tony Blair of interweaving the careers and sixties, then as International Sec- and Gordon Brown did learn the ambitions of Anthony Crosland, retary of the Labour Party from lessons of history by cementing Roy Jenkins and Denis Healey, 1969–74 (the youngest since their own non-aggression pact, Radice is able to tell the tale of Denis Healey, who served in the and reaped their full reward for the rise and fall of social democ- post from 1945–52), followed by so doing. -
The Rise and Fall of the Labour League of Youth
University of Huddersfield Repository Webb, Michelle The rise and fall of the Labour league of youth Original Citation Webb, Michelle (2007) The rise and fall of the Labour league of youth. Doctoral thesis, University of Huddersfield. This version is available at http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/761/ The University Repository is a digital collection of the research output of the University, available on Open Access. Copyright and Moral Rights for the items on this site are retained by the individual author and/or other copyright owners. Users may access full items free of charge; copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided: • The authors, title and full bibliographic details is credited in any copy; • A hyperlink and/or URL is included for the original metadata page; and • The content is not changed in any way. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/ THE RISE AND FALL OF THE LABOUR LEAGUE OF YOUTH Michelle Webb A thesis submitted to the University of Huddersfield in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Huddersfield July 2007 The Rise and Fall of the Labour League of Youth Abstract This thesis charts the rise and fall of the Labour Party’s first and most enduring youth organisation, the Labour League of Youth. -
A Century of Premiers: Salisbury to Blair
A Century of Premiers Salisbury to Blair Dick Leonard A Century of Premiers Also by Dick Leonard THE BACKBENCHER AND PARLIAMENT (ed. with Val Herman) CROSLAND AND NEW LABOUR (ed.) THE ECONOMIST GUIDE TO THE EUROPEAN UNION ELECTIONS IN BRITAIN: A Voter’s Guide (with Roger Mortimore) GUIDE TO THE GENERAL ELECTION PAYING FOR PARTY POLITICS THE PRO-EUROPEAN READER (ed. with Mark Leonard) THE SOCIALIST AGENDA: Crosland’s Legacy (ed. with David Lipsey) WORLD ATLAS OF ELECTIONS (with Richard Natkiel) A Century of Premiers Salisbury to Blair Dick Leonard © Dick Leonard 2005 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2005 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world. PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin’s Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries. -
Labour Party Roots Post
Labour Party Roots It would be a mistake to directly compare the "alleged" pacifist Corbyn, who openly supports selected terrorist groups and admires Marxist states, with failed economies around the world, with the "alleged" warmonger Blair. Because Blair was only half of a double act - with Brown. Some, “New” Labour politicians, like Blair, were more than just Champagne Socialists, and others were part of an extreme Left wing Cabal, all Fabians, and all intent on the same programme (that Corbyn would also adopt) with only one objective, to bring the UK to heel within the EU; as part of a larger programme to bring about a single government in the EU. While Blair was living the rock star lifestyle on the one hand, he was also systematically dismantling the UK through Devolution, wrecking our state education with "dumbed-down" programmes; thereby producing a lost generation of our youngsters, who were unable to compete with even basic overseas education systems - let alone on the world stage. Thus, leaving Britain with a major loss of skilled workers, barely able to carry out basic reading, writing or elementary mathematical tasks. Blair and Straw interfered in our legal system, to make it compatible with the EU Corpus Juris system. They also began the privatisation of our NHS, cut the number of beds in our hospitals, gave GP's a pay increase and cut their requirement for after-hours provision; whilst simultaneously opening up the UK to mass migration from the EU. Meanwhile, Brown developed a benefit system designed to distribute our NHS provision, and other public services to all those who enter the UK from the EU. -
Notable Burials
NOTABLE BURIALS at ST ANDREW'S CHURCH ALFRISTON BARON DENIS HEALEY - grand old man of British politics Denis Winston Healey, Baron Healey CH, MBE, PC, FRSL (1917-2015) was a British Labour Party politician who served as Secretary of State for Defence from 1964 to 1970, Chancellor of the Exchequer from 1974 to 1979, and Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from 1980 to 1983. He was a MP (Member of Parliament) for 40 years (from 1952 until his retirement in 1992) and was the last surviving member of the cabinet formed by Harold Wilson after the Labour Party's victory in the 1964 general election. A major figure in the party, he was twice defeated in bids for the party leadership. Denis was born in Mottingham, Kent but moved to Yorkshire aged five. His middle name was in honour of Winston Churchill, which was prophetic because he was to become one of the best-known and important political figures of the post-War period. One of two siblings, his father was an engineer who worked his way up from humble origins. However, Denis, possessing a powerful intellect won an exhibition to Balliol College, Oxford, in 1936. Here he became involved in Labour politics, and for three years joined the Communist Party (as many young men did in the 1930s). It was also here that he met Edward Heath, who became a lifelong friend and political rival. In the Second World War he served as a gunner with the Royal Artillery, seeing action in the North Africa and Italian campaigns, and most notably was the Beachmaster during the Anzio landings. -
1 the Diary of Michael Stewart As British Foreign Secretary, April-May
The Diary of Michael Stewart as British Foreign Secretary, April-May 1968 Edited and introduced by John W. Young, University of Nottingham. The Labour governments of 1964-70 are probably the best served of all post-war British administrations in terms of diaries being kept by ministers.1 In the mid-1970s a very detailed, three volume diary of the period was published by Richard Crossman, after a lengthy court battle over the legality of such revelations, and this was followed in 1984 by a substantial single volume of diaries from Barbara Castle. Both were members of Harold Wilson’s Cabinet throughout the period. Then Tony Benn, a Cabinet member from 1966 to 1970, published two volumes of diaries on these years in the late 1980s.2 However, these were all on the left-wing of the party giving, perhaps, a skewed view of the debates at the centre of government. To achieve a balanced perspective more diary evidence from the centre and right of the Cabinet would be welcome. At least one right-wing minister, Denis Healey, kept a diary quite regularly and this has been used to help write both a memoir and a biography. But the diary itself remains unpublished and the entries in it evidently tend to be short and cryptic.3 Patrick Gordon Walker, an intermittent Cabinet member and a right-winger, kept a diary only fitfully during the government.4 But the diary of Michael Stewart, a party moderate has now been opened to researchers at Churchill College Archive Centre in Cambridge. This too is restricted in its time frame but it casts fresh light on a short, significant period in the Spring of 1968 when the government seemed on the brink of collapse and Stewart was faced with several difficult challenges as Foreign Secretary. -
Roy Jenkins and the Importance of Top- Level Politics
N. Piers Ludlow Roy Jenkins and the importance of top- level politics Book section Original citation: Originally published in Ludlow, N. Piers (2016) Roy Jenkins and the importance of top-level politics. In: Dyson, Kenneth and Maes, Ivo, (eds.) Architects of the Euro: Intellectuals in the Making of European Monetary Union. Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK, pp. 117-137. ISBN 9780198735915 © 2016 Oxford University Press This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/68380/ Available in LSE Research Online: November 2016 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s submitted version of the book section. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. Roy Jenkins and the Importance of Top Level Politics N. Piers Ludlow Roy Jenkins’ direct involvement with the process of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) in Europe was remarkably short, lasting little more than 18 months. Indeed, the period when he was, arguably, the key figure in kick-starting the revival of interest in the issue that would culminate in the launch of the European Monetary System (EMS) in 1979 was shorter still, being only the seven months from his own decision in July 1977 that EMU should be the Commission’s number one goal, to Helmut Schmidt’s surprise revelation in February 1978 that the Germany Chancellor intended to make the issue his own priority. -
Hugh Gaitskell, the Labour Party and Foreign Affairs 1955-63
HUGH GAITSKELL, THE LABOUR PARTY AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS 1955-63 by SIMON RIPPINGALE A thesis submitted to the University of Plymouth in partial fulfilment for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY School of Humanities & Cultural Interpretation Faculty of Arts & Education July 1996 Univer0: .)-· ~ u th Li ~;·:. .~ - Item No Cf OOliQ202-) - --1 ~~-~k"l+2. · 6gs RJP Simon Rippingale Hugh Gaitskell. the Labour Party and Foreign Affairs 1955-63 Abstract Hugh Gaitskell was leader of the Labour Party between 1955-63. The Cold War was at a critical level and bi-partisanship in international affairs was expected. With Gaitskell's accession this appeared to end, marked in particular by the disputes over Suez, the independent nuclear deterrent and Britain's 11rr lication to join the European Economic Community. Simultaneously, he was challenged by the Left over nearly every aspect of Labour's foreign and defence policy. Despite these major controversies, Gaitskell's influence over international affairs remains a neglected area of research, and he is remembered more for the domestic controversies over nationalisation, his ill-fated attempt to revise Clause Nand defeat at the 1960 Scarborough conference. This thesis addresses that imbalance by examining Gaitskell's contribution to foreign affairs and the following inter-related areas: bi-partisanship; policy formulation; internal divisions and the power struggle between Left and Right. In addition, it also considers how the structure of the Labour Party benefited the leadership during this turbulent period. The conclusions revise Gaitskell's reputation as a figure of unyielding principle, and demonstrates that his leadership was marked by a mixture of finesse and blunder. -
Prime Minister James Callaghan” of the National Security Adviser’S Presidential Correspondence with Foreign Leaders Collection at the Gerald R
The original documents are located in Box 4, folder “United Kingdom - Prime Minister James Callaghan” of the National Security Adviser’s Presidential Correspondence with Foreign Leaders Collection at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald Ford donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. DEPARTMENT OF STATE S/S 7607106 Washington, D.C. 20520 April 5, 1976 MEMORANDUM FOR MR. BRENT SCOWCROFT THE WHITE HOUSE Subject: Message from the President to Prime Minister Callaghan Foreign Secretary James Callaghan is expected to be elected leader of the British Labor Party by a ballot (the third) of Labor members of Parliament to be counted at about noon, Monday, April 5. The announcement of the results will follow almost immed iately and will be available to us at about 12:30 pm (6:30 pm London time) that day. As leader of the majority Labor Party, Callaghan will automatically become Prime Minister. We assume the President will wish to convey his congratulations and best wishes. Attached are suggested talking points, should the President wish to telephone the Prime Minister, and a suggested message should he prefer the written channel. -
In Brief... Blair's Economic Legacy
CentrePiece Summer 2007 in brief... Blair’s economic legacy Blair leaves behind an economy in better shape than any previous Labour leader The economy is probably the most successful legacy of exactly what socialist governments are supposed to do, the Blair years. Ironically, New Labour’s economic policies of course, but unlike previous Labour governments, have been set by his heir, Chancellor Gordon Brown. neither Blair nor Brown have boasted about it. Nor have they overspent in the early years of power only to be Britain has enjoyed 15 years of continuous growth forced by circumstances to cut back and increase taxes in combined with low inflation. The labour market has later years (as happened most notoriously in 1976 when absorbed a large number of new entrants, especially from the then Labour Chancellor, Denis Healey, had to turn to the wave of migration from Eastern Europe, yet the International Monetary Fund). unemployment has remained at historically low levels. Even on the Achilles’ heel of productivity, Britain has The government’s problem is that the public expects narrowed the gap with her major competitors and kept greater improvements in hospitals, schools and policing up with the American productivity miracle. from their tax pounds than they have seen. It also remains to be seen if the increased complexity of the tax So why does Labour have trouble converting these system – coupled with more labour market regulation – economic gains into the political currency of popularity? could undermine long-term growth. Leaving Iraq aside, forgetfulness, fiscal policy and fairness are the main reasons. Third, unlike the 1980s, the long growth period has not been accompanied by rapidly growing inequality. -
The IMF Crisis, 1976 Transcript
The IMF Crisis, 1976 Transcript Date: Tuesday, 19 January 2016 - 6:00PM Location: Museum of London 19 January 2016 The IMF Crisis of 1976 Professor Vernon Bogdanor Ladies and gentlemen, this is the third lecture in a series on post-War political crises, and this lecture is on the 1976 crisis when Britain was forced to borrow money from the IMF, the International Monetary Fund, and in return, to allow IMF supervision of its economic policies. The then-Labour Government was divided on its response to the IMF terms and there was a long Cabinet battle before they were accepted, so the crisis was both an economic one and a political one. It has seemed for many to be a watershed, both in economics and in politics. In economic policy, it seemed there was a shift away from Keynesian methods of economic management, that is, the fine-tuning of the economy to control instability, inflation and unemployment, towards monetarism, which involved accepting a higher level of unemployment. But it was also a political, and in a sense an ideological, crisis because it seemed to be a crisis for the British version of social democracy, which relied on high levels of public spending to sustain the welfare state, and it prefigured the rise of Thatcherism and the long period of Conservative dominance which began in 1979. The crisis ended the post-War consensus on economic policy and prefigured the growth of a new consensus based around the idea of a limited state, so I think the crisis casts a shaft of light on the whole evolution of post-War economic policy.