Thesis Abstract

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Thesis Abstract HUMANITARIAN WAR IN THEORY AND PRACTICE: A CASE STUDY OF THE NATO INTERVENTION IN KOSOVO Owen Michael Godfrey, MA Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2007 Thesis Abstract TITLE: Humanitarian War in Theory and Practice: A Case Study of the NATO Intervention in Kosovo This thesis aims to test and refine the theory of humanitarian war through the medium of a case study of the NATO intervention in Kosovo in 1999. Key research questions include: Is ‘humanitarian war’ a contradiction in terms? To what extent can military force be an appropriate and effective instrument for solving or averting humanitarian crises and ensuring respect for human rights? Is the concept, as some critics argue, too easily abused by powerful states seeking to justify wars fought for self-interested reasons? The thesis will look at the arguments of both proponents and critics of the concept of humanitarian war. The aim is to provide an immanent critique of the theory, judging it on its own terms; therefore when the arguments of critics are considered, the main emphasis will be on critics who come from within the liberal spectrum, rather than on realists or communitarians. It will examine the theory in terms of its three aspects- the jus ad bellum, jus in bello and jus post bellum- with the aim of taking a ‘longer view’ of intervention than is often the case in the existing literature, viewing it not as a discrete event but as part of a complex long- term process. The case of Kosovo was chosen as a recent intervention that has often been cited as a good example of a humanitarian war, and one which most proponents of the concept supported, at least in principle. Table of Contents Page Introduction 1 Chapter One: The Theory of Humanitarian War 9 Chapter Two: Methodology and Case Selection 65 Chapter Three: The Kosovo Conflict: Case History 102 Chapter Four: Kosovo: The Jus ad Bellum 129 Chapter Five: Kosovo: The Jus in Bello 175 Chapter Six: Kosovo: The Jus post Bellum: The Aftermath 223 Conclusion 273 Bibliography 282 Introduction The idea of ‘Humanitarian War’- of the use of military force to defend the human rights of oppressed groups, to force an oppressive regime to change its policies or to avert a humanitarian catastrophe- has gained considerable currency in the study of international relations in the period since the end of the Cold War. The concept is, however, an extremely controversial one- indeed, it may be regarded as being doubly contested. Firstly, it is contested from outside the liberal tradition of international relations theory, by communitarians who argue that ‘human rights’ are culturally specific to the West and by realists who argue that state sovereignty should not be violated on grounds of humanitarianism- because moral action is only truly possible within the state, not in the anarchical global society, and because a right to humanitarian intervention would be abused by unscrupulous governments acting in their own interest. More intriguing, however, is the debate that is occurring within the liberal and progressive spectrum. Some scholars have argued that the rise of the idea of ‘humanitarian war’ marks a positive development- even the creation of a new system of international relations, in which “power is used to do justice” (Michael Glennon)1- replacing the old system, under which justice was always trumped by order. Others, however, remain sceptical. They argue that military force is too destructive and undiscriminating an instrument to be used for humanitarian ends; 1 M. Glennon, ‘The New Interventionism: The Search for a Just International Law’, Foreign Affairs Vol.78/3 (May/Jun 1999), p.6 - 1 - that the idea of humanitarian war merely serves to legitimise war; that forcible intervention by outsiders is only likely to exacerbate internal conflicts rather than solve them; and that the concept is far too easily abused by powerful states to serve their own ends. Fundamentally, they argue that ‘humanitarian war’ is a contradiction in terms. The intention of this thesis is to provide a contribution to these debates within the liberal and progressive spectrum by analysing and evaluating the theory of humanitarian war though the medium of a case study. The case chosen is the NATO intervention in Kosovo of March-June 1999. The intention of this thesis is to provide an immanent critique of the theory of humanitarian war, judging it largely on its own terms, to see whether it lives up to its own claims. Therefore, when the various schools of criticism of the idea of humanitarian war are considered, the main emphasis will be on those critics who accept the basic liberal principles of human rights, rather than on those critics who come from outside the liberal tradition (for example, communitarians, who reject the universality of human rights, and classical realists who reject even the possibility of morality playing a role in international relations). A single case study approach has been adopted in part because most existing studies of humanitarian war consist of fairly brief examinations of multiple cases, and it was felt that, despite the potential drawbacks of studying only one case (these matters will be explored in more detail in Chapter Two), the gain in depth would enable a greater contribution. The reasons why the Kosovo intervention was chosen as the case to will, again, be looked at more fully in Chapter Two. - 2 - However, it may be worth making some preliminary remarks here on the special peculiarities of this war which make it particularly appropriate for use as a case study in a thesis such as this. When the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation launched air strikes against Serbia in March 1999, justifying this as an action to avert a humanitarian catastrophe in the province of Kosovo, many hailed this as the first true humanitarian war. The debate over the Kosovo conflict mirrored the broader debate over humanitarian war, with supporters praising NATO for implementing its noble values by force, while opponents argued that the intervention was making the situation worse or that humanitarian rhetoric was being used as a cover for state interests. A prominent supporter described the conflict as “the first war that has not been waged in the name of ‘national interests’ but rather in the name of principles and values” (Vaclav Havel)2, while an opponent called it “an epilogue to another ‘Low and Dishonest Decade’” (Ken Booth).3 The NATO intervention in Kosovo marked an important milestone in the history of humanitarian intervention as it was the first time that a full-scale military intervention against a functioning sovereign state had won a significant degree of international support specifically as a humanitarian war. Though the intervention was neither authorised nor officially endorsed by the UN Security Council, when Russia and China introduced a resolution condemning the bombing it was defeated by 12 votes to 3. In all of the main previous cases that have been 2 V. Havel, cit. in R. Falk, ‘Kosovo, World Order and the Future of International Law’, American Journal of International Law Vol.93/4 (1999), p.848 3 From title of article in K. Booth ed. The Kosovo Tragedy: the Human Rights Dimensions, London, Frank Cass, 2001 - 3 - widely cited in international relations literature as examples of humanitarian war, either the intervening power officially justified its actions on the grounds of self- defence rather than humanitarian concern (as with India’s invasion of Pakistan in 1971, Vietnam’s invasion of Cambodia in 1978-9 and Tanzania’s invasion of Uganda at the same time), or else intervention took place in a ‘failed state’ where there was no legitimate governing authority, so questions of sovereignty did not arise (as with the US intervention in Somalia in 1992-3). In contrast, in the case of the Kosovo intervention spokesmen for the NATO powers consistently cited the humanitarian aims and motives for their actions. British Prime Minister Tony Blair said of NATO’s intervention that “we are fighting for a world where dictators are no longer able to visit horrific punishments on their own peoples.... We are fighting not for territory but for values. For a new internationalism where the brutal repression of whole ethnic groups will no longer be tolerated.”4 Therefore, the war in Kosovo provides the best single piece of evidence for those who argue that a right to humanitarian intervention may now be said to have become accepted in international customary law. This debate is a long-standing one, and the answer is still by no means clear-cut, but with the war in Kosovo, the momentum of the debate did seem to shift in favour of those arguing that the right to humanitarian intervention did exist (although that momentum may since have been reversed by the Iraq war). This thesis will not attempt to touch on the very involved- and, at the time of writing, probably unanswerable- legal question of whether the right to 4 T. Blair, ‘A New Generation Draws the Line’, Newsweek 19 April 1999 - 4 - humanitarian intervention exists. Rather, it has a normative focus; it deals with the question of whether a right to forcible humanitarian intervention should exist, and what the consequences of the use of such a right are likely to be. Another major aim of this thesis is to examine a case of humanitarian war from a long-term perspective (or at least, longer than is the case in much of the existing literature), taking into account not only the military intervention itself, but its aftermath and events preceding it- in both cases, over a timescale of several years.
Recommended publications
  • Downloads/Reports/2016/Pdf/BTI 2016 Kosova.Pdf
    Tourism governance in post-war transition: The case of Kosova REKA, Shqiperim Available from the Sheffield Hallam University Research Archive (SHURA) at: http://shura.shu.ac.uk/24197/ A Sheffield Hallam University thesis This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. Please visit http://shura.shu.ac.uk/24197/ and http://shura.shu.ac.uk/information.html for further details about copyright and re-use permissions. "Tourism governance in post-war transition: the case of Kosova" Shqiperim Reka A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of Sheffield Hallam University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy February 2017 Abstract The aim of this research study was to examine tourism governance in post-war transition with specific reference to the influence of political, economic and social factors, institutional arrangements, collaboration and power relations. Within this context, a crucial objective was to assess the role of mindset. Reviewing the literature in relation to the key concepts, it was discovered that research tends to focus on political and economic transition, whereas the social dimension, despite its importance, is largely neglected. Similarly, tourism governance has been overlooked in studies of tourism in post-war transition. Furthermore, the literature on tourism governance rarely takes the issue of mindset into account. To address these gaps in knowledge, a qualitative research approach was applied to study tourism governance in post-war transitional Kosova.
    [Show full text]
  • Jus Post Bellum
    The Unjustness of the Current Incantation of Jus Post Bellum by Dan G. Cox us post bellum was originally conceived as an extension of modern just war theory. Specifically, it was aimed at examining the justness and morality of actions during war, jus in bello, in relationship to negotiations for peace in the post-war setting. Under the initial conception of Jjus post bellum, considerations of distinction of enemies from civilians, for example, takes on a more pointed meaning, as one has to calculate how much collateral damage is appropriate given the longer-term end-goal of successful and beneficial peace negotiations. Unfortunately, jus post bellum has recently been expanded to mean that the victor in the war is now responsible for the long-term well-being of the people it has defeated. This has led to a concerted outcry for post-war nation-building, which neither leads necessarily to successful negotiations, nor ensures a better or lasting peace. In fact, current conceptions of jus post bellum remove national interest from the equation altogether, replacing all military endeavors with one monolithic national interest—liberal imperialism.1 Further, current incantations of jus post bellum obviate the possibility of a punitive strike or punitive expedition, even though this might be exactly what is needed in certain cases to create a better peace than existed prior to conflict. This article is an exploration of the current incantation of jus post bellum. The concept of an incantation was chosen purposively, as proponents of jus post bellum are engaging in a dogmatic approach to war termination oblivious to the complexities and realities of conflict and, in fact, in violation of just war theory itself.
    [Show full text]
  • Europe Report, Nr. 153: Pan-Albanianism
    PAN-ALBANIANISM: HOW BIG A THREAT TO BALKAN STABILITY? 25 February 2004 Europe Report N°153 Tirana/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 A. THE BURDENS OF HISTORY...................................................................................................2 B. AFTER THE FALL: CHAOS AND NEW ASPIRATIONS................................................................4 II. THE RISE AND FALL OF THE ANA......................................................................... 7 III. ALBANIA: THE VIEW FROM TIRANA.................................................................. 11 IV. KOSOVO: INTERNAL DIVISIONS ......................................................................... 14 V. MACEDONIA: SHOULD WE STAY OR SHOULD WE GO? ............................... 17 VI. MONTENEGRO, SOUTHERN SERBIA AND GREECE....................................... 20 A. ALL QUIET ON THE WESTERN FRONT?................................................................................20 B. THE PRESEVO VALLEY IN SOUTHERN SERBIA....................................................................22 C. THE GREEK QUESTION........................................................................................................24 VII. EMIGRES, IDENTITY AND THE POWER OF DEMOGRAPHICS ................... 25 A. THE DIASPORA: POLITICS AND CRIME.................................................................................25
    [Show full text]
  • The Continuing Challenge of Refugee Return in Bosnia & Herzegovina
    THE CONTINUING CHALLENGE OF REFUGEE RETURN IN BOSNIA & HERZEGOVINA 13 December 2002 Balkans Report N°137 Sarajevo/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...................................................i I. INTRODUCTION ...............................................................................................................1 II. RETURN AND DISPLACEMENT IN 2002...................................................................4 III. NATIONALIST STEREOTYPES AND THE POLITICAL IMPACT OF RETURN...............................................................................................................................5 IV. CREATING SPACE FOR RETURN OR RELOCATION?........................................7 A. RECONSTRUCTION ASSISTANCE........................................................................................ 7 B. PROPERTY REPOSSESSION ................................................................................................ 9 C. RETURNING TO SELL? .....................................................................................................11 D. ILLEGAL LAND ALLOCATION TO REFUGEES: DEMOGRAPHIC ENGINEERING CONTINUES .....11 V. REASONS NOT TO RETURN.......................................................................................14 A. DISCRIMINATION IN A DEPRESSED ECONOMY...................................................................14 B. MONO-ETHNIC INSTITUTIONS..........................................................................................16 C. SECURITY.......................................................................................................................18
    [Show full text]
  • Cox, Abstract, the Injustice of the Current Incantation of Jus Post Bellum
    The Injustice of the Current Incantation of Jus Post Bellum Dan G. Cox, Ph. D., School of Advanced Military Studies, US Army, [email protected] 9137583319 Abstract: Jus post bellum was originally conceived as an extension of modern just war theory. Specifically, it was aimed at examining the justness and morality of actions during war, jus in bello, in relationship to negotiations for peace in the post-war setting. Under the initial conception of jus post bellum, considerations of distinction of enemies from civilians, for example, takes on a more pointed meaning as one has to calculate how much collateral damage, even if allowed for in just in bello, is appropriate given the longer-term end-goal of successful and beneficial peace negotiations. Unfortunately, jus post bellum has been expanded to mean that the victor in the war is now responsible for the well-being of the people and/or nation it has defeated. This has led to a concerted cry for post-war nation-building which neither leads necessarily to successful negotiations nor ensures a better or lasting peace. In fact, current conceptions of jus post bellum remove national interest from the equation altogether replacing all military endeavors with one monolithic national interest; liberal imperialism1. Further, current incantations of jus post bellum obviate the possibility of a punitive strike or punitive expedition even though this might be exactly what is needed in certain cases to create a better peace than existed prior to conflict. This paper will explore the genesis and evolution of the jus post bellum concept.
    [Show full text]
  • Studia Orientalia 111 Studia Orientalia Volume 111 Published by the Finnish Oriental Society Studia Orientalia Volume 111 Published by the Finnish Oriental Society
    STUDIA ORIENTALIA 111 Studia Orientalia Volume 111 Published by the Finnish Oriental Society Studia Orientalia Volume 111 Published by the Finnish Oriental Society Helsinki 2011 Studia Orientalia, vol. 111, 2011 Copyright © 2011 by the Finnish Oriental Society Societas Orientalis Fennica c/o Department of World Cultures P.O. Box 59 (Unioninkatu 38 B) FI-00014 University of Helsinki FINLAND Editor Lotta Aunio Advisory Editorial Board Axel Fleisch (African Studies) Jaakko Hämeen-Anttila (Arabic and Islamic Studies) Tapani Harviainen (Semitic Studies) Arvi Hurskainen (African Studies) Juha Janhunen (Altaic and East Asian Studies) Hannu Juusola (Semitic Studies) Klaus Karttunen (South Asian Studies) Kaj Öhrnberg (Librarian of the Society) Heikki Palva (Arabic Linguistics) Asko Parpola (South Asian Studies) Simo Parpola (Assyriology) Rein Raud (Japanese Studies) Riikka Tuori (Secretary of the Society) Typesetting Lotta Aunio ISSN 0039-3282 ISBN 978-951-9380-79-7 WS Bookwell Oy Jyväskylä 2011 CONTENTS Ordenanzas jerezanas sobre la guarda de la frontera frente a Ronda y su serranía a comienzos de la guerra de Granada (1482–1484) ......................................................1 JUAN ABELLÁN PÉREZ Categories of Proper Language in Classical Arabic Literature ................................23 LALE BEHZADI Algerische Literatur im achtzehnten Jahrhundert ....................................................39 MAREK M. DZIEKAN Economía de los Centros de Culto del Reino de Granada: Los bienes habices de la mezquita y rábitas del Padúl (Valle de
    [Show full text]
  • The Differential Impact of War and Trauma on Kosovar Albanian Women Living in Post-War Kosova
    The Differential Impact of War and Trauma on Kosovar Albanian Women Living in Post-War Kosova Hanna Kienzler Department of Anthropology McGill University, Montreal June 2010 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy © 2010 Hanna Kienzler Abstract The war in Kosova had a profound impact on the lives of the civilian population and was a major cause of material destruction, disintegration of social fabrics and ill health. Throughout 1998 and 1999, the number of killings is estimated to be 10,000 with the majority of the victims being Kosovar Albanian killed by Serbian forces. An additional 863,000 civilians sought or were forced into refuge outside Kosova and 590,000 were internally displaced. Moreover, rape and torture, looting, pillaging and extortion were committed. The aim of my dissertation is to rewrite aspects of the recent belligerent history of Kosova with a focus on how history is created and transformed through bodily expressions of distress. The ethnographic study was conducted in two Kosovar villages that were hit especially hard during the war. In both villages, my research was based on participant observation which allowed me to immerse myself in Kosovar culture and the daily activities of the people under study. The dissertation is divided into four interrelated parts.The first part is based on published accounts describing how various external power regimes affected local Kosovar culture, and how the latter was continuously transformed by the local population throughout history. The second part focuses on collective memories and explores how villagers construct their community‟s past in order to give meaning to their everyday lives in a time of political and economic upheaval.
    [Show full text]
  • Coercive Diplomacy of NATO in Kosovo
    Coercive Diplomacy of NATO in Kosovo Coercive Diplomacy of NATO in Kosovo By Enver Bytyçi Coercive Diplomacy of NATO in Kosovo By Enver Bytyçi Editor: Dr. Arian Starova Reviewers: Prof. Dr. Beqir Meta - Academic Prof. Dr. Jusuf Bajraktari – Academic Prof. Dr. Muharrem Dezhgiu – Historian Prof. Dr. Hamit Kaba – Historian Proof reader: Lloyd Barton Translated from Albanian into English: Iris Gjymshana This book first published 2015 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2015 by Enver Bytyçi All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-7272-5 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-7272-0 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 Chapter I ...................................................................................................... 3 Kosovo Crisis: A Historical Overview 1. The roots of the Serbian-Albanian conflict 2. Kosovo after Albania’s declaration of independence 3. Exploiting freedom in autonomy 4. Removal of autonomy in 1989 5. Construction and operation of self-governing institutions Chapter II ................................................................................................... 33 International Law and the Legitimacy of NATO Intervention in Kosovo 1. The historical development of international law 2. The development of human rights 3. The right to self-determination and the right to state sovereignty Chapter III ................................................................................................. 71 NATO and the Diplomacy to Avoid War 1. Military intervention as part of conflict prevention 2.
    [Show full text]
  • State Sovereignty Discourse and the Just War Tradition: Assessing Colombia’S 2008 Cross-Border Raid Into Ecuador and Its Foreign Policy Implications
    i State sovereignty discourse and the Just War Tradition: Assessing Colombia’s 2008 cross-border raid into Ecuador and its foreign policy implications Kim Refshauge Master of Arts (Research) in International Studies, School of International Studies, University of Technology Sydney 2017 ii CERTIFICATE OF ORIGINAL AUTHORSHIP This thesis is the result of a research candidature at the University of Technology, Sydney as in fulfilment of the requirements for a Master’s degree. I certify that the work in this thesis has not previously been submitted for a different degree. I also certify that the thesis has been written by me. Any help that I have received in my research work and the preparation of the thesis itself has been acknowledged. In addition, I certify that all information sources and literature used are indicated in the thesis. Signature of Student: Date: 27-July-2017 iii iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I am grateful to my supervisor, Associate Professor Jeff Browitt, for his unwavering support and dedicated supervision over the last two years. I would also like to extend my deepest gratitude to my parents for their encouragement. This thesis would not have been possible without them. v vi TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ....................................................................................... vii INTRODUCTION: ............................................................................... 1 Military interventions similar to Operation Phoenix: ........................... 2 Typology of justifications for military interventions .........................
    [Show full text]
  • Attaining Post-Conflict Peace Using the Jus Post Bellum Concept
    religions Article Attaining Post-Conflict Peace Using the jus post bellum Concept Albert W. Klein 1,2,3 1 Department of Political Science, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, OH 45208, USA; [email protected] 2 Fellow, The Center for Cyber Strategy and Policy, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, OH 45221, USA 3 Faculty Fellow, Ohio Cyber Range Institute, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, OH 45208, USA Received: 27 January 2020; Accepted: 1 April 2020; Published: 8 April 2020 Abstract: To attain peace after state-on-state war, there must be a belligerent occupation to establish control and security of a defeated state—but that is not enough. There is the concept of jus post bellum concerning the vanquished, which is critically necessary in practice, yet insufficiently developed and understood. Providing the history and tentatively trying to determine the elements that are contained in this concept are the present article’s purpose. Tracing the concept from the earliest Christian writers to the more secular present-day authors will aid in the prospective application of jus post bellum. Scholars, military officers, statesmen, religious leaders, and humanitarians need to understand and accept the basic elements of the concept. A clear understanding of the largely religious history behind these elements should assist in their acceptance and future practical application, once these are agreed upon. Keywords: Just war; jus post bellum; Laws of War; Laws of Peace; Just War Theory 1. Introduction In my view, attaining a just peace after state-on-state wars requires a belligerent occupation and the application of the concept of jus post bellum.
    [Show full text]
  • Waging War: Filling the Gap in Just War Theory
    Waging War: Filling the Gap in Just War Theory by James M. Dubik Lieutenant General, U.S. Army, Retired A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Baltimore, Maryland June 18, 2014 © 2014 James M. Dubik All Rights Reserved Abstract 1. Statement of the Problem. Just war theory’s account of jus in bello is deficient. Michael Walzer, the prime representative of the prevailing view in the United States, restricts jus in bello to combat, war-fighting, then constructs a theory of responsibility and presents a set of principles that guide action when fighting: the principles of combatant/noncombatant distinction, proportionality, double effect and double intent, as well as the principle of due care/due risk—all of which arise amid the tension between winning and fighting well. 2. Procedures and methods. This study establishes and describes the gap in the prevailing view’s treatment of jus in bello, then investigates alternative ways to fill that gap. Throughout, the study combines elements of moral philosophy, political philosophy, and strategic studies with historical and contemporary case illustrations of war. 3. Results. This study finds that the prevailing view is necessary but insufficient; it omits jus in bello’s strategic, war-waging dimension which involves a tri-partite tension: (a) setting war aims and making strategy, policy, and campaign decisions that increase the probability of being right, or at least less wrong than those one is fighting; (b) translating those decisions into action to achieve war aims at the least cost, in lives and resources, and least risk to one’s political community and adapting aims, strategies, policies, and campaigns to the changing realities of war as they unfold; and (c) doing all of the foregoing while observing the war convention, sustaining the war’s legitimacy in the eyes of the political community, and maintaining proper subordination of the military to civilian ii leadership.
    [Show full text]
  • Jus Post Bellum Proportionality and the Fog of War
    The European Journal of International Law Vol. 24 no. 1 © The Author, 2013. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of EJIL Ltd. All rights reserved. For Permissions, please email: [email protected] Jus Post Bellum Proportionality and the Fog of War Larry May* Downloaded from Abstract http://ejil.oxfordjournals.org/ This article begins by briefly discussing the general idea of jus post bellum norms before turning to discuss some of Michael Walzer’s ideas about jus post bellum, particularly what he says, or could be construed to infer, about post-war proportionality. It also re-examines Walzer’s discussion of the problems of post-war retribution and reconciliation. The article seeks to formulate and defend a post-war principle of proportionality, discussing how it relates to other proportionality principles, as well as to other jus post bellum principles. This leads to an examination of the fog of war, especially concerning Robert McNamara’s at New York University School of Law on April 30, 2013 calculations about the application of the principle of proportionality to the firebombing of Tokyo. I outline a general account of contingent pacifism that seems to me to follow from careful consideration of the jus post bellum principle of proportionality. The article closes by initiating a discussion of the prospects for the end of war in light of considerations about the justice of how particular wars should end. For the last 2,000 years, a philosophical and theological tradition has dominated dis- cussions about war, the Just War tradition. Augustine of Hippo is often credited with starting that tradition as he argued against the early Church Fathers who were largely pacifists.
    [Show full text]