The Precipitants of the Tehran Hostage Crisis Roham Alvandi
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Iran Hostage Crisis National Security Council, 1979 !
CRISIS COMMITTEES | 2014e IRAN HOSTAGE CRISIS NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL, 1979 ! Dear Delegates, We are in the midst of the Iran Hostage Crisis, and there is no time to spare. Our situation is grave and desperate, and together we will find a solution into dealing with the recent events regarding the kidnapping of 52 Americans from the United States embassy in Tehran on November 4, 1979. Indeed there are many sides to this issue, and debates will be tense. The dichotomy between the many people being represented in this committee will surely lead to many disputes and tough agreements. Can the situation remain diplomatic? Or will it lead to something else? It shall remain up to you. It is with great pleasure, as director of this committee, to welcome you to our 2014 UTMUN conference. My name is Stanley Treivus, and alongside our Crisis manager Meerah Haq, we look forward to this thrilling weekend of debate that awaits us. We are both first year students studying Political Science and International relations and this will be our first time being involved in UTMUN. This conference will appeal to all delegates, experienced or novice. And our hope is that you will leave this committee with not only profound knowledge on the subject, but with a better sense of communication and improved debating skills than you had before. The issues we will be discussing will surround the many topics that relate directly to the Iran Hostage Crisis. We will look at foreign relations between the United States and Iran shortly before and during the crisis. -
Triumphs and Tragedies of the Iranian Revolution
The Road to Isolation: Triumphs and Tragedies of the Iranian Revolution Salma Schwartzman Senior Division Historical Paper Word Count: 2, 499 !1 Born of conflicting interests and influences — those ancient tensions deeply rooted in its own society — the Iranian revolution generated numerous and alternating cycles of triumph and tragedy, the one always inextricably resulting from and offsetting the other. This series of vast political shifts saw the nation shudder from a near feudal monarchy to a democratized state, before finally relapsing into an oppressive, religiously based conservatism. The Prelude: The White Revolution Dating from 1960 to 1963, the White Revolution was a period of time in Iran in which modernization, westernization, and industrialization were ambitiously promoted by the the country’s governing royalty: the Pahlavi regime. Yet although many of these changes brought material and social benefit, the country was not ready to embrace such a rapid transition from its traditional structure; thus the White Revolution sowed the seeds that would later blossom into the Iranian Revolution1. Under the reign of Reza Shah Pahlavi, the State of Iran underwent serious industrial expansion. After seizing almost complete political power for himself, the Shah set in motion the land reform law of 1962.2 This law forced landed minorities to surrender vast tracts of lands to the government so that it could be redistributed to small scale agriculturalists. The landowners who experienced losses were compensated through shares of state owned Iranian industries. Cultivators and laborers also received share holdings of Iranian industries and agricultural profits.3 This reform not only helped the agrarian community, but encouraged and supported 1 Britannica, The Editors of Encyclopaedia. -
Iran Pada Masa Pemerintahan Khatami 1997-2001
IRAN PADA MASA PEMERINTAHAN KHATAMI 1997-2001 SKRIPSI Diajukan kepada Fakultas Adab dan Humaniora untuk memenuhi Syarat mendapat Gelar Sarjana (S1) Humaniora OLEH: Rahmawati NIM: 107022002201 JURUSAN SEJARAH DAN PERADABAN ISLAM FAKULTAS ADAB DAN HUMANIORA UIN SYARIF HIDAYATULLAH JAKARTA 2011 M/1432 H i Abstrak Rahmawati Iran Pada Masa Pemerintahan Khatami 1997-2001 Republik Islam Iran, Negara dikawasan Timur Tengah yang pernah melahirkan dua Revolusi besar modern. Yaitu Revolusi konstitusional 1905- 1911 dan Revolusi Islam Iran 1979. Akan tetapi sejarah bangsa Iran tercatat bahwa, kemajuan politik terus berjalan dengan munculnya seorang tokoh karismatik yang mencoba menghadirkan sebuah revolusi bagi bangsa Iran. ialah Ayatollah Khomeini telah membawa bangsa Iran kepada arah revolusi panjang, ia mencoba menghadirkan suatu sistem pemerintahan yang tak lepas dari nlai-nilai keislaman. Ternyata semangat revolusi yang ayatollah Khomeini tinggalkan, telah tertanam pada setiap jiwa rakyat Iran. salah satunya Mohammad Khatami. Di bawah kepemimpinan Khatami, Negara Iran tampil denga pemikiran dan kebijakan yang lebih baik. Kemenangan mutlak pada pemilu 1997, telah membawa Mohammad Khatami sebagai seorang presiden dengan dialog peradaban dan demokrasi yang ia tawarkan. Membawa Iran kepada kemajuan dalam dunia politik, ekonomi dan hubungan dengan dunia internasional. KATA PENGANTAR Segala puja dan puji syukur kita haturkan kehadirat Allah SWT semata. Salawat serta salam senantiasa tercurahkan pada muara ilham, lautan ilmu yang tidak pernah larut yakni keharibaan baginda Nabi Muhammad SAW, serta keluarga, sahabat dan seluruh pengikutnya.Amin Tentunya dalam menyelesaikan skripsi ini saya tidak semata berhasil dengan tenaga dan upaya sendiri namun banyak pihak yang telah berpartisipasi dalam terselesaikannya penulisan skripsi ini baik yang bersifat moril maupun materil, maka dengan ini sepatutnya penulis menyampaikan banyak terima kasih atas kerjasamanya dan dorongannya. -
The 1979 United States-Iran Hostage Crisis Reviewed from an Islamic International Law Perspective
Denver Journal of International Law & Policy Volume 42 Number 1 Fall Article 3 April 2020 The 1979 United States-Iran Hostage Crisis Reviewed from an Islamic International Law Perspective Muhammad-Basheer .A. Ismail Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/djilp Recommended Citation Muhammad-Basheer .A. Ismail, The 1979 United States-Iran Hostage Crisis Reviewed from an Islamic International Law Perspective, 42 Denv. J. Int'l L. & Pol'y 19 (2013). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Denver Journal of International Law & Policy by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. THE 1979 UNITED STATES-IRAN HOSTAGE CRISIS REVIEWED FROM AN ISLAMIC INTERNATIONAL LAW PERSPECTIVE MUHAMMAD-BASHEER .A. ISMAIL* I. INTRODUCTION Almost all Muslim states' signed and ratified the two international diplomatic and consular legal frameworks: the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations ("VCDR") 2 and the 1963 Vienna Convention on Consular Relations ("VCCR").3 The Islamic Republic of Iran, a party to the VCDR and the VCCR, is expected to uphold these conventional principles of diplomatic immunities and international law in all its diplomatic interactions with other states. Three decades ago, the Islamic Republic of Iran seized the United States of America's embassy and its staff. The United States brought a case against Iran in the International Court of Justice ("I.C.J") for violating diplomatic immunity and international obligations. Although the Iranian government was not represented throughout the proceedings before the I.C.J., it sent, through the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, two letters dated December 9, 1979, and March 16, 1980, to the I.C.J.4 These letters summarized the reasons why the Iranian government felt that the case brought by the United States should not be recognized and considered by the *Muhammad-Basheer A. -
Iran's Nuclear Ambitions From
IDENTITY AND LEGITIMACY: IRAN’S NUCLEAR AMBITIONS FROM NON- TRADITIONAL PERSPECTIVES Pupak Mohebali Doctor of Philosophy University of York Politics June 2017 Abstract This thesis examines the impact of Iranian elites’ conceptions of national identity on decisions affecting Iran's nuclear programme and the P5+1 nuclear negotiations. “Why has the development of an indigenous nuclear fuel cycle been portrayed as a unifying symbol of national identity in Iran, especially since 2002 following the revelation of clandestine nuclear activities”? This is the key research question that explores the Iranian political elites’ perspectives on nuclear policy actions. My main empirical data is elite interviews. Another valuable source of empirical data is a discourse analysis of Iranian leaders’ statements on various aspects of the nuclear programme. The major focus of the thesis is how the discourses of Iranian national identity have been influential in nuclear decision-making among the national elites. In this thesis, I examine Iranian national identity components, including Persian nationalism, Shia Islamic identity, Islamic Revolutionary ideology, and modernity and technological advancement. Traditional rationalist IR approaches, such as realism fail to explain how effective national identity is in the context of foreign policy decision-making. I thus discuss the connection between national identity, prestige and bargaining leverage using a social constructivist approach. According to constructivism, states’ cultures and identities are not established realities, but the outcomes of historical and social processes. The Iranian nuclear programme has a symbolic nature that mingles with socially constructed values. There is the need to look at Iran’s nuclear intentions not necessarily through the lens of a nuclear weapons programme, but rather through the regime’s overall nuclear aspirations. -
Reimagining US Strategy in the Middle East
REIMAGININGR I A I I G U.S.S STRATEGYT A E Y IIN THET E MMIDDLED L EEASTS Sustainable Partnerships, Strategic Investments Dalia Dassa Kaye, Linda Robinson, Jeffrey Martini, Nathan Vest, Ashley L. Rhoades C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RRA958-1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0662-0 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. 2021 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover composite design: Jessica Arana Image: wael alreweie / Getty Images Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface U.S. -
Sheikh Qassim, the Bahraini Shi'a, and Iran
k o No. 4 • July 2012 o l Between Reform and Revolution: Sheikh Qassim, t the Bahraini Shi’a, and Iran u O By Ali Alfoneh The political stability of the small island state of Bahrain—home to the US Navy’s Fifth Fleet—matters to the n United States. And Sheikh Qassim, who simultaneously leads the Bahraini Shi’a majority’s just struggle for a more r democratic society and acts as an agent of the Islamic Republic of Iran, matters to the future of Bahrain. A survey e of the history of Shi’a activism in Bahrain, including Sheikh Qassim’s political life, shows two tendencies: reform and t revolution. Regardless of Sheikh Qassim’s dual roles and the Shi’a protest movement’s periodic ties to the regime in Tehran, the United States should do its utmost to reconcile the rulers and the ruled in Bahrain by defending the s civil rights of the Bahraini Shi’a. This action would not only conform to the United States’ principle of promoting a democracy and human rights abroad, but also help stabilize Bahrain and the broader Persian Gulf region and under- mine the ability of the regime in Tehran to continue to exploit the sectarian conflict in Bahrain in a way that broadens E its sphere of influence and foments anti-Americanism. e Every Friday, the elderly Ayatollah Isa Ahmad The Sunni ruling elites of Bahrain, however, l Qassim al-Dirazi al-Bahrani, more commonly see Sheikh Qassim not as a reformer but as d known as Sheikh Qassim, climbs the stairs to the a zealous revolutionary serving the Islamic pulpit at the Imam al-Sadiq mosque in Diraz, d Bahrain, to deliver his sermon. -
Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: the Rise of the Revolutionary Guards
Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: The Rise of the Revolutionary Guards Ali Alfoneh Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: The Rise of the Revolutionary Guards Ali Alfoneh February 5, 2018 Issue Paper #1 2019 The Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington (AGSIW), launched in 2015, is an independent, nonprofit institution dedicated to providing expert research and analysis of the social, economic, and political dimensions of the Gulf Arab states and how they impact domestic and foreign policy. AGSIW focuses on issues ranging from politics and security to economics, trade, and business; from social dynamics to civil society and culture. Through programs, publications, and scholarly exchanges the institute seeks to encourage thoughtful debate and inform the U.S. policy community regarding this critical geostrategic region. © 2019 Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. All rights reserved. AGSIW does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the views of AGSIW, its staff, or its board of directors. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from AGSIW. Please direct inquiries to: [email protected] This publication can be downloaded at no cost at www.agsiw.org. Cover Photo Credits: Khamenei.ir/Wikimedia Commons About the Author Ali Alfoneh is a senior fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. He is the author of Iran Unveiled: How the Revolutionary Guards are Transforming Iran from Theocracy into Military Dictatorship, published by AEI Press in April 2013. -
Tightening the Reins How Khamenei Makes Decisions
MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS POLICY FOCUS 126 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 126 | March 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including pho- tocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei holds a weapon as he speaks at the University of Tehran. (Reuters/Raheb Homavandi). Design: 1000 Colors CONTENTS Executive Summary | V 1. Introduction | 1 2. Life and Thought of the Leader | 7 3. Khamenei’s Values | 15 4. Khamenei’s Advisors | 20 5. Khamenei vs the Clergy | 27 6. Khamenei vs the President | 34 7. Khamenei vs Political Institutions | 44 8. Khamenei’s Relationship with the IRGC | 52 9. Conclusion | 61 Appendix: Profile of Hassan Rouhani | 65 About the Author | 72 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EVEN UNDER ITS MOST DESPOTIC REGIMES , modern Iran has long been governed with some degree of consensus among elite factions. Leaders have conceded to or co-opted rivals when necessary to maintain their grip on power, and the current regime is no excep- tion. -
Iran Hostage Crisis
Iran Hostage Crisis Presentation by Robert Martinez Images as cited. http://www.conservapedia.com/images/7/7d/US_Iran.gif In February 1979, less than a year before the hostage crisis, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the Shah of Iran, had been overthrown in an Islamist, nationalist revolution. http://img.timeinc.net/time/magazine/archive/covers/1978/1101780918_400.jpg For decades following WWII, the U.S. had been an ally and backer of the Shah. http://content.answers.com/main/content/img/webpics/mohammadrezashahpahlavi.jpg In the early 1950s, America helped the Shah regain power in a struggle against the democratically elected Prime Minister, Mohammed Mosaddeq. Mosaddeq had nationalized (took back) Iran’s foreign-owned oil fields. http://www.mideastweb.org/iran-mosaddeq.jpg In 1953, the CIA and British intelligence organized a coup to overthrow the elected prime minister with the Shah. These actions would cause bitterness among Iranians. http://www.thememoryhole.org/espionage_den/pic_45_0001.html After WWII and during the Cold War, Iran allied itself with the U.S. against the Soviet Union, Iran’s neighbor, and America provided the Shah with military and economic aid. http://www.nepalnews.com/archive/2007/pic/Shah-Reza-Pahlavi-Last-Shah-Iran.JPG Shortly before the Islamic revolution in 1978, President Jimmy Carter angered anti- Shah Iranians with a televised toast to the Shah, declaring how beloved the Shah was by his people. http://www.iranian.com/History/Feb98/Revolution/Images/shah-carter2.jpg Next, on October 22, 1979, the U.S. permitted the exiled Shah, who was ill with cancer, to attend the Mayo Clinic for medical treatment, which angered the anti-Shah Iranians. -
The Ongoing Political Crisis with Iran
2020 Model Senate Foreign Relations Committee Briefing Paper – The Ongoing Political Tensions with Iran Subcommittee on Near East, South Asia, Central Asia and Counterterrorism Topic Background Tensions between Iran and the United States are at their greatest point in decades. How did we get here? What decisions, events, and actions have occurred that have led to such tensions? And, most importantly, what kind of future relationship can we imagine between the United States and Iran, and how do we get there? The history of government relations between the United States and Iran is long and complicated and can be viewed through a number of perspectives. At times, the two nations have been both allies and adversaries, each seeking to use the relationship for their own calculated purposes. Iran’s strategic location in the Middle East, its status as the largest Shi’a Islamic state in the world, its ongoing geopolitical tensions with Saudi Arabia, and the United States ongoing and complicated relationship with the region further confounds the U.S./Iranian relationship. Key to understanding the relationship of these two nations is to look beyond the political nature of the relationship and observe the cultural similarities and differences between the two nations. Understanding key historical events over the last 100 years is also critical to understanding the complicated tensions and opportunities in this relationship. Iran’s History and Culture Modern day Iran, once named Persia, has a rich cultural history dating back thousands of years and encompassing some of the oldest civilizations in human history. At times, Persia was a part of some of the ancient world’s largest empires, including the Sassanid Empire and the Greek Empire. -
Tehran Stands Atop the Syria-Iran Alliance
Atlantic Council BRENT SCOWCROFT CENTER ON INTERNATIONAL SECURITY ISSUE BRIEF Tehran Stands Atop the Syria-Iran Alliance OCTOBER 2017 DANIELLE PLETKA The state that was once known as Syria has ceased to exist. The nominal central government of President Bashar al-Assad controls only sections of the country, with other portions in the hands, variously, of the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS), al-Qaeda tied to Fatah al- Sham (otherwise known as Jabhat al-Nusra), People’s Protection Units, the Democratic Union Party, and the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces. In addition, that which is in Assad’s hands remains so thanks only to the combined intervention of Iranian conventional and Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and IRGC-Quds Forces, Hezbollah fighters, and the military support of the Russian Federation. If Assad is ever again to sit atop his nation, whole and entirely under his heel as it once was, it will be only because of these outside forces. Despite the Kremlin’s efforts to ensure a tactically advantageous military presence in Syria for the foreseeable future, Russia’s role in controlling Syria’s leadership going forward may be at least partly in question. Iran’s role, however, is clear. Assad, or indeed any Alawite ruler that succeeds him, will serve solely at the pleasure of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI). Beginning at the Beginning Pushback: Exposing and After the ouster of the shah of Iran during the Islamic Revolution in 1979, Countering Iran is a project the new regime in Tehran took a straightforward approach to its foreign of the Middle East Peace and Security Initiative in the Atlantic relations: Everything the shah did was wrong, and the regime would do Council’s Brent Scowcroft the opposite.