Politics of Pibul: the National Leader
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INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6” x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor MI 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 76-8306 KRAIRIKSH* Vlnlta* 1936- THE POLITICS OF PIBUL: THE NATIONAL LEADER. 1932-1944. The American University* Ph.D.* 1975 Political Science. International law and relations Xerox University MicrofilmsAnn Arbor, Michigan 46106 I PLEASE NOTE Page(s) not included with original material and unavailable from author or university . Filmed as received. 281 UMI THE POLITICS OF PIBUL i THE NATIONAL LEADER 1932- 19^ Vinita Krairiksh Submitted to the Faculty of the School of International Service of The American University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Studies Signature of Committeej Chairman 1 1 Dean the School -7 S ' Date 1 1975 The American University Washington,D.C. 20016 THE AMEBICAIT UJTIVEHSITY LIBRAHY 5- 115- "The constitution does not grow in a day, nor does the flower of the constitution bloom overnight. The government say the flower is there. The press says: It is not. The truth is half way between the two. The flower is there but it is not yet a natural flower with its charms of freshness and fragrance, but an artificial flower with its beauty only of form and color. The plant has still to grow." H.S.H. Prince Wanwaitayakorn Worwan "The Future of Siam," Bangkok Times Weekly Mail, February 27, 1934. ii INTRODUCTION The period between 1938-1944 or the time of the first government of Pibul was considered by the West to be the most aggressive and expansive period of Thai irredentism. It was because during this time Thailand had made major foreign policies and decisions which affected her relationships with western powers namely France, Britain and the United States. First of all it was the decision to ask for the return of parts of Cambodian and Laotian territories from France as a condition for the ratification of the Mutual Non-Aggression Pact. Secondly, it was the decision to join the Japanese, the enemy of the West in declaring war on her allies— Britain and the United States. Any judgements on the decisions without considering the complex internal and external political situations which gave the policies their rationale tend to be unfair and inaccurate. In order to understand the policies and politics of Pibul's government it will be necessary to remind the reader that only in 1932 had Thailand overthrown a system of absolute monarchy which had dominated the country for 150 years. This abrupt change brought forth a transitional period which was filled with political struggles and instabilities. This period coincides with a world wide atmosphere of political and economic crises in the late 1930's and early forty's. These two factors heavily influenced Pibul's policies and the future of Thailand. This dissertation proposes to study the interactions between iii foreign policies and domestic politics of Thailand during the first government of Pibul by briefly comparing them to the policies in the transitional period (1932-1938). In particular the author wants to explore the following interactions: 1. The interaction between domestic politics and foreign policies. Two hypotheses are involved: A. If there is no dominant leader in an unstable do mestic situation then foreign policies tend to be less aggressive because none of the leaders can afford to have external conflict. B. If there is a dominant leader but the country lacks unity then aggressive foreign policies are needed. 2. The effect of an external environment especially the rise of Japan as a dominant power in Asia, on a small nation like Thailand. The hypothesis is that when the external situation is polarized then there is a tendency for the country to ally with a power which would sustain the power of the ruling elites. This dissertation will focus on the key political figure and perhaps the sole national decision maker in his period— Pibul. It will deal with his methods of gaining power, his personal charac teristics and ambitions, the national and international environments which enhanced his leadership and led to his initial fall from power. This study will consider the related questions of Thailand's embarkation upon irredentism, how and why the country allied itself with Japan during World Wat II and the adjustment towards Japan Co-Prosperity Sphere. The reader should also note that despite Pibul's methods, he brought Thailand through a turbulent period in world history and the country remained uncolonized and physically intact. Leading national figures who succeeded him have continued to follow his policies of military support and strong expansionist hope. On the other hand, some historians would argue that Pibul's extreme methods to arouse support did not justify the gains to the country. It therefore is a worthwhile venture to analyze the hypotheses. This presentation will be an analytical study and will be supported by documents and research materials from the British Public Records Office, the U.S. National Archives, Thai sources some of which were not published and the documents from the Tokyo Trial. The dissertation will be divided into five chapters. The first chapter will deal with the study of the leaders of the Coup d'etat of 1932, political factions and instabilities owing to the lack of a legitimate leader. Chapter two will deal with the rise of Luang Pibul to the position of the Prime Minister. Chapter three will look at the foreign policies of the period between 1932-1938 when the country was unstable and the period under Pibul's government (1938- 1944) when the country needed consolidation. This was an attempt to see the interactions between internal situations and foreign policies. Irredentism which was a negative kind of nationalism was encouraged to satisfy the military and to unite the people. In chapter four the author will deal with the allignment with Japan. The decision to give the Japanese the right of passage might be made from the lack of choice but the decision to declare war on the allies was opportunistic. Pibul had an inclination toward Fascism though outwardly he kept paying lip services to democracy. In Thailand where the people were used to authority, authoritarian method was the most workable method of control. In the process of cooperation with Japan, it is likely that the country tries to maintain their own identity by introducing certain cultural programs to counter Nipponization so that the country would not be completely dominated by the Japanese. Chapter five will touch briefly on the fall of Pibul. To commit the country to one ally instead of maintaining the balance between two countries which had been the traditional Thai policies for centuries make Pibul's fall related to the fall of Japan. TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTIONS............................................. ii Chapter I THE COUP D'ETAT OF 1932: POLITICAL FACTIONS AND PROBLEMS OF LEGITIMACY ..... 1 Chapter II THE RISE TO POWER OF LUANG PIBUL .......... 68 Chapter III THE INTERACTIONS BETWEEN FOREIGN POLICIES AND INTERNAL POLITICS (Part One 1932-1941) .................. 105 Chapter IV THE INTERACTIONS BETWEEN FOREIGN POLICIES AND INTERNAL POLITICS (Part Two 1941-1944) 172 Chapter V THE FALL OF PIBUL .......................... 226 Chapter VI CONCLUSION.................................. 236 APPENDICES ............................. 241 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........ 277 vii LIST OF APPENDICES page 1. King Prajadhipok's Abdication Announcement........... 241 2. Military Expenditure of Thailand 1932-1950 ... 244 3. Government Expenditures by Ministries 1910-1950 ..... 246 4. Pibul's Letter to "Siam News" Newspaper........... 248 5. Notification Concerning the Name of the Country ...... 251 6. First State Convention............... 253 7. State Convention No. 2 .......... 254 8. State Convention No. 3 ............... 256 9. State Convention No. 4 257 10. State Convention No. 5 ......... 259 11. State Convention No. 6 ...... 261 12. State Convention No. 7 ...... 262 13. State Convention No. 8 ............................... , 263 14. State Convention No. 9 ................................. 264 15. State Convention No. 10 ..................... 266 16. State Convention No. 11 ................................ 267 17. State Convention No. 12 ................................ 268 18. Thai Nation Honor Its Premier for Services to State .. 270 19. Samples of the Newspapers' Headlines during "Follow the Leader" Period ............................... 273 20. Text of the Treaty of Offensive/Defensive Agreement.. 275 viii CHAPTER I THE COUP D'ETAT OF 1932 Political Factions and Problems of Legitimacy The July 24, 1932 Coup d'etat in Siam'*' was widely acclaimed because of its peaceful nature. The institution of absolute monarchy which had ruled Siam since the thirteenth century was overthrown within three hours without any bloodshed.